Activity Matters: Investigating the Influence of Facebook on Life Satisfaction of Teenage Users

Abstract

As Facebook has become an integral part of a daily routine for many, the impact of its participation
on users’ lives is of growing interest. Nonetheless, extant research does not offer a clear answer on
the directionality of the link between Facebook use and markers of subjective well-being. These issues
are particularly critical for the vulnerable segment of teenage users. Suggesting both negative and
positive outcomes, existing studies are plagued by recall bias, with available findings often
undermined by the reliance on aggregated measures of Facebook use. To close these gaps and
address unique dynamics of the teen segment, in this study we adopt a diary approach to reliably
capture different indicators of FB participation by young adolescents. This method allows us to arrive
at more concrete conclusions regarding the counter-acting forces at work when it comes to the
influence of Facebook. Based on our analysis, we show that the type of activity matters. Specifically,
while such active uses of FB as posting and chatting are positively associated with life satisfaction in
young adolescents, passive following has an adverse effect. Theoretically, our findings help getting a
more holistic picture of the consequences of SNS use by teens.

Full text

Twenty Second European Conference on Information Systems, Tel Aviv 2014
1
ACTIVITY MATTERS: INVESTIGATING THE INFLUENCE
OF FACEBOOK ON LIFE SATISFACTION OF TEENAGE
USERS
Complete Research
Wenninger, Helena, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany,
wenninger@is.tu-darmstadt.de
Krasnova, Hanna, University of Bern, Switzerland, krasnovh@wiwi.hu-berlin.de
Buxmann, Peter, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany, buxmann@is.tu-darmstadt.de
Abstract
As Facebook has become an integral part of a daily routine for many, the impact of its participation
on users’ lives is of growing interest. Nonetheless, extant research does not offer a clear answer on
the directionality of the link between Facebook use and markers of subjective well-being. These issues
are particularly critical for the vulnerable segment of teenage users. Suggesting both negative and
positive outcomes, existing studies are plagued by recall bias, with available findings often
undermined by the reliance on aggregated measures of Facebook use. To close these gaps and
address unique dynamics of the teen segment, in this study we adopt a diary approach to reliably
capture different indicators of FB participation by young adolescents. This method allows us to arrive
at more concrete conclusions regarding the counter-acting forces at work when it comes to the
influence of Facebook. Based on our analysis, we show that the type of activity matters. Specifically,
while such active uses of FB as posting and chatting are positively associated with life satisfaction in
young adolescents, passive following has an adverse effect. Theoretically, our findings help getting a
more holistic picture of the consequences of SNS use by teens.
Keywords: Facebook, Life Satisfaction, Subjective Well-Being, Usage Patterns.
Motivation
Since the emergence of Social Networking Sites (SNSs), like Facebook (FB) and MySpace, the use of
these platforms by young adolescents has been in the focus of scholarly attention. This is not
surprising, since teenagers are among the busy users of Social Media applications and the “always on”
aspect of these technologies is very distinctive for them (e.g. Davies, 2012). Indeed, a whopping 93%
of teens in the age of 12-17 have an account on FB, with 64% of 12-13 year olds using FB in the U.S.
(Lenhart et al., 2011).
The fact that using SNSs is an integral part of most young adolescents’ lives is a valuable reason on its
own to investigate the outcomes of this technology use. Teenagers are also a group in society in need
of protection due to their state of being underage and their lack of experience. As a result, an array of
stakeholders, including parents, educators and politicians, call for better understanding of the
consequences of SNS use. In addition, providers themselves exhibit an unprecedented level of concern

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directed at supporting the interest of this audience – and this despite a rather low share of this user
segment in the overall demographic structure of the FB audience: Only 13% of FB users are under 18
in Germany (statista.com, 2013). The reason for this is rooted in the trendsetting potential of the
growing “iPhone” generation, whose key relevance has been recently demonstrated by the media
frenzy around the newly reported findings that Twitter is replacing FB as the most important SNS for
young adolescents (Bosker, 2013). As a result of this dissatisfying outcome, FB has relaxed its privacy
regulations for its 13- to 17 year old user segment, allowing teens to have more freedom with regard to
the audience they would like to reach with their status updates, photos and comments.
In response to this ubiquitous interest, significant body of research has been accumulated studying
various aspects of SNS use by teenagers. On the positive side, studies underline the benefits of social
connectedness and social capital as teens seek for advice and emotional support from friends and
relatives on SNSs (Notley, 2008). Teens are also shown to enhance their relationships both at school
as well as online by using SNSs, which facilitates the creation of bridging social capital (Ahn, 2012).
In addition, SNSs have the potential to enhance the learning experience of adolescents, as they
facilitate knowledge sharing and building (Ahn, 2011; Itō et al., 2009; Notley, 2008) and also provide
basis for the development of transferable technical skills (Livingstone and Brake, 2010).
On the negative side, the link between SNS usage and privacy problems is well-documented (e.g. Ku
et al., 2013; Shin, 2010) including risks arising from extensive self-disclosure on a SNS (Krasnova et
al., 2010). However, despite the worrisome nature of these findings, a number of recent studies signal
that teen users have elaborated their privacy-protecting practices (Patchin and Hinduja, 2010)
exhibiting greater reliance on privacy settings and a more selective approach to friending - practices
that at times are even superior to those of adults (O'Brien et al., 2011). For example, a whopping
76.3% of teens have set their profiles to private (Taraszow et al., 2010). Other downsides include
cyberbullying (Schneider et al., 2013) and sexual solicitation (Ybarra and Mitchell, 2008), just to
name a few. These issues are no isolated cases, but apply to many teenagers using SNSs (Schneider et
al., 2013). Negative consequences regarding the offline live of the younger generation contain a
weaker school performance (Espinoza and Juvonen, 2011) and less time spent with parents (Lee,
2009). Moreover, frequent SNS use may also grow into a “bad habit” or even addiction, which can be
socially harmful and produce conflict with ongoing tasks (e.g. Floros et al., 2013; Turel and Serenko,
2012).
Taken together, extant research provides an array of findings concerning a multitude of different
aspects of SNS use, with studies generally showing significant agreement with regard to the above-
mentioned benefits and dangers for teens. Nonetheless, despite the unquestionable value of these
insights, the global picture on the consequences of SNS participation is still missing and is plagued by
considerable controversy. In particular, we still lack full understanding of the ultimate impact of SNSs
on younger users’ (as well as adults’) subjective well-being (SWB) – a “measure of the quality of life
of an individual and of societies” (Diener et al., 2003, p. 405) and a subject of significant public
interest. So far, some studies focussing on teens suggest that social capital can be one reason for
increased well-being in teenagers (Ahn, 2011), with SNSs helping to reduce loneliness in adolescents
and thereby enhance life satisfaction (Apaolaza et al., 2013). In contrast, a number of most recent
findings mainly using student samples provide evidence for the detrimental effects of SNS use, linking
it to depression (Pantic et al., 2012), increased anxiety (Farahani et al., 2011), reduction in life
satisfaction (Krasnova et al., 2013), and even possible substance abuse and self-destructive behaviours
(O'Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson, 2011). If, indeed, despite all the potential benefits, SNSs do endanger
well-being of the growing generation, interested stakeholders should be urged to reconsider its
ubiquitous promotion and use. Conversely, if young adolescents may sustainably enhance their quality
of life by participating on SNSs, its use should generally be encouraged.
In the light of these controversies and recognizing the significant social importance of a given issue,
the goal of this study is to investigate the impact of FB participation on users’ SWB. In contrast to the

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majority of studies in this area, in this study we take distance from traditional recall-based measures of
FB participation, as we adopt a diary approach to capture different indicators of FB use by teens. This
way, we build on more reliable and granular measures of FB use, which allow us to arrive at more
concrete conclusions regarding the counter-acting forces at work when it comes to the influence of FB
on users’ well-being. Our results promise to help parents, policy-makers and educators in their efforts
to single out and promote beneficial and limit harmful uses of SNSs. From the theoretical perspective,
we contribute to the emerging discourse regarding the global effect of Social Media applications on
the indices of users’ well-being.
1 Understanding the Impact of SNS Use on Subjective Well-Being
1.1 Overview of Past Research
Considering the role of SWB in the overall quality of life, determinants of SWB have long been in the
focus of various disciplines, including psychology, sociology and mental health studies. Reflecting
“how people evaluate their lives”, in these studies SWB has been operationalized in a variety of ways,
covering both affective as well as cognitive components of this multi-faceted construct (Diener et al.,
2003, p. 404). Specifically, dealing with the affective side of SWB, researchers measured respondents’
feelings and emotional reactions, level of happiness, affect, or moods, thereby typically capturing
frequencies of individual reactions to occurrences in one’s life as they take place. In the cognitive
domain, SWB has been usually derived using global measures of life satisfaction, with some authors
taking a more granular look at the “fulfillment in various life domains such as marriage, work, and
leisure” (Diener, 1994; Diener et al., 2003, p. 405). Defined as a “a global summary of one's life as a
whole” (Diener, 1994, p. p. 107, p. 107) and rooted in "the perceived discrepancy between aspiration
and achievement” (Campbell et al., 1976, p. 8), life satisfaction occupies a prominent place in these
discussions, being in some contrast to the fleeting nature of affective experiences.
With the spread and ubiquitous use of technologies, including Social Media applications, Information
Systems researchers have also started to make advancements in the critical area of SWB (e.g.
Krasnova et al., 2013). Indeed, with the overwhelming majority of teens (and adults) visiting SNSs
daily or at least several times a week (Schneider et al., 2013), it will not be a surprise that the
affordances provided by these emerging technologies are likely to bear an effect on the indices of life
satisfaction and its affective counterparts. Summarized in Tables 1 (indices of affective SWB) and
Table 2 (life satisfaction as a measure of cognitive SWB), however, state-of-the-art research has not
yet arrived at the definitive conclusion regarding the directionality of the link between the use of SNSs
and indices of SWB, with studies reporting both negative (e.g. Krasnova et al., 2013), positive
(Apaolaza et al., 2013) and non-existing (Jelenchick et al., 2013) relationships.
Remarkably, most of these studies have been performed on the data collected from students, who
might have different emotional and cognitive responses than teenagers, as they approach or undergo
their puberty (see column “Mean Age” in Tables 1 and 2). A notable exception is the study by
Apaolaza et al. (2013) who find that daily time spent on Tuenti may have a favorable impact on teens’
life satisfaction, as it helps to boost self-esteem and reduces loneliness. Furthermore, Valkenburg et al.
(2006) find that teens’ life satisfaction can be enhanced as a result of a chain of causal reactions,
involving CU2 use, subsequent tone of reactions and subsequent enhancement in social self-esteem.
Nonetheless, while these studies may instill hope in the ultimate positive outcomes of SNS use among
younger adolescents, a large number of studies with students question these findings. For example,
Krasnova et al. (2013) find that FB use threatens one’s self-esteem as it breeds envy, thereby
undermining one’s life satisfaction. Moreover, reliance on local Tuenti (Apaolaza et al., 2013) and
CU2 (Valkenburg et al., 2006) networks as a basis for data collection put limits of the generalizability
of these findings, when compared to such populated networks as FB or Twitter.

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Source Mean
Age Activity
on SNS Measured Activity on SNS Outcome
(Depend. Variable)
Direction
of the
Effect
Muise et al. (2009) 18.7
General
Time spent SNS Jealousy unfavorable
Utz and Beukeboom
(2011) 22 Login frequency SNS Jealousy n.s.
SNS Rel-p Happiness mixed
Jelenchick et al.
(2013) 18.9 Time spent Depression n.s.
Farahani et al. (2011) 21 Use Anxiety unfavorable
Stress unfavorable
Kross et al. (2013) 19.5 Time spent Affect unfavorable
Lee et al. (2011) 21.3 Time spent Affective Balance n.s.
Pantic et al. (2012) 18.0 Time spent Depression unfavorable
Rosen et al. (2013) 30.7 FB general use Major Depression n.s.
Davila et al. (2012)
20.2 Login frequency Depressive Sympt-s n.s.
Time spent Depressive Sympt-s n.s.
19.4 Tone Positivity in interactions Depressive Sympt-s favorable
Negativity of interactions Depressive Sympt-s unfavorable
Haferkamp and
Kraemer (2011) 22.5 Passive
Exposure to attractive
profile pictures Less positive
emotions unfavorable
Exposure to successful
profile vitae Less positive
emotions unfavorable
Utz and Beukeboom
(2011) 22 SNS grooming SNS Jealousy mixed
Active
SNS Rel-p Happiness mixed
Self-presentation SNS Jealousy n.s.
SNS Rel-p Happiness n.s.
Kim and Lee (2011) 19.6 Positive self-presentation Subj.Happiness favorable
Honest self-presentation Subj. Happiness (via
Social Support) n.s.
(favorable)
Kim et al. (2013) < 30 Self-disclosure Happiness and
Satisfaction favorable
Davila et al. (2012) 19.4 Time interacting Depressive Sympt-s n.s.
Lee et al. (2011) 21.3 Self-disclosure. Affective Balance favorable
Locatelli et al. (2012) 18.7 Frequency of neg. posts Depression unfavorable
Frequency of pos. posts Depression n.s.
Table 1. Linking SNS measures to affective well-being: Overview of past research.
Overall, significant discrepancies in the conflicting outcomes reported by studies linking SNS use to
indices of affective and cognitive well-being (as summarized in Table 1 and 2) can be possibly traced
back to the measurement problems to correctly capture different markers of SNS use. First, a dominant
majority of studies in this area involve recall-based self-report measures of SNS participation that can
be significantly threatened by memory distortions, with respondents often being asked about the
“average daily time spent on social networking sites” (Pantic et al., 2012, p. 91) or “weekly SNSs
usage time” (Lee et al., 2011, p. 152). While the bias of recalling events and experiences over longer
time periods can be healed through the use of the diary method (Almeida, 2005), this procedure is
hardly used in SNS research, with the study by Kross et al. (2013) being a notable exception.

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Source Mean
Age Activity
on SNS Measured Activity on SNS Outcome
(Depend.Variable) Direction of
the Effect
Valenzuela et al.
(2009) 20.7
General
Intensity of Use Life Satisfaction favorable
Kross et al. (2013) 19.5 Time spent Life Satisfaction unfavorable
Lee et al. (2011) 21.3 Time spent Life Satisfaction n.s.
Apaolaza et al. (2013) 12-17 Daily time spent Life Satisfaction (via
↑Self-Esteem and ↓
Loneliness) favorable
Wang (2013) ca. 24
Active
Sharing Life Satisfaction favorable
Lee et al. (2011) 21.3 Self-disclosure Life Satisfaction favorable
Locatelli et al. (2012) 18.7 Frequency of neg. posts Life Satisfaction unfavorable
Frequency of pos. posts Life Satisfaction n.s.
Lee et al. (2013) 26.8 Self-disclosure Life Satisfaction
(via Social Support) n.s.
(favorable)
Valkenburg et al.
(2006) 14.8 Tone Tone of feedback Life Satisfaction
(via Social Self-
Esteem ) favorable
Krasnova et al. (2013) 24.3 Passive Passive Following Life Satisfaction unfavorable
Table 2. Linking SNS measures to life satisfaction: Overview of past research.
Second, as can be derived from Tables 1 and 2, a large share of studies look at the general indices of
SNS participation (Jelenchick et al., 2013; Pantic et al., 2012) – thereby possibly “mixing apples with
oranges”: It is not unusual to measure SNS participation by asking respondents about their overall
time spent using a SNS (e. g. Kross et al., 2013; Muise et al., 2009; Pantic et al., 2012), login
frequency (e.g. Davila et al., 2012) or rely on general scale-based measures of intensity of FB use
borrowed from Ellison et al. (2007) (e.g. Utz and Beukeboom, 2011; Valenzuela et al., 2009).
Recognizing problematic consequences of aggregated measures, an array of studies attempt to cure the
problem of confounded measures by singling out and testing the impact of more specific usage
patterns, with studies concentrating on markers of active (e.g. sharing content and communicating) and
passive participation (e.g. following information on SNS), as well as tonality of the feedback received
on a SNS (see column “Activity on SNS” from Tables 1 and 2). While these attempts do shed light on
the intricate web of links between different SNS uses and resulting consequences, most of these
studies do not make an exhaustive differentiation between specific usage patterns (e.g. chatting vs.
gaming on FB, reading News Feed, sharing, or commenting), but rather concentrate on a subset of
these activities (e.g. Lee et al., 2011). Hence, measures for the whole range of possible FB uses do not
get accounted for. Possibly as a result of these shortcomings, reported relationships and outcomes are
contradictory, preventing an interested readership from building a complete picture of the influence of
SNS use on indices of SWB. For example, while Kross et al. (2013) show a negative link between
overall time spent on FB and users’ life satisfaction, Lee et al. (2011) find this link to be insignificant.
Against this background, this study aims to close the gaps identified in previous research. Specifically,
we aim to investigate the impact of the whole range of markers of FB participation on the global
measure of SWB - life satisfaction - for teen users. FB is chosen as a focal network to enhance
generalizability of our findings. Recall-based bias is minimized by relying on a diary method as an
approach to data collection.
1.2 Linking Facebook Use to Users’ Subjective Well-Being
While SNSs in general and FB in particular offer significant opportunities for users to engage with the
platform, the functional means to do so are still limited. Overall, recent statistics suggests that users
invest significant time looking at homepage / News Feed, photos and profiles of others, spending there

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27%, 17% and 21% of their overall SNS time respectively. 10% of time is spent on apps and other
tools offered on FB (Keath, 2012). Contributing to this data, 49% of surveyed U.S. adults have
indicated “posting on the walls” as the FB activity they spent most time on, with 45% choosing News
Feed and only 17% referring to games (statista.com, 2011). Furthermore, “liking” is particularly
popular on FB, with a third of users using this function at least once a week according to (Barash et
al., 2010).
Insights on adult use of SNSs are further complemented by teen-specific data on usage collected by
(Lenhart et al., 2011), which suggests that chatting represents a major activity for teens on FB, with
88% engaging in it. Posting comments, status updates and photos / videos are next in importance, as
over 80% of teen users engage in any of these behaviors. Contrary to the stereotypical notion that all
teens are addicted to FB games, 50% of teens indicated to play games on Social Media Sites according
to (Lenhart et al., 2011).
Building on the available data, in this study we concentrate on the dominant uses of FB by teens, as
these activities have the potential to impact users’ subjective well-being. On the active side, posting,
commenting and “liking” content are chosen as markers of public active participation; and chatting as
a measure of private active communication. We refrain from measuring engagement with private
messages, since FB has recently merged this functionality into one “chatting” function. On the passive
side, we measure time spent on following News Feed and information of others - passive following,
separately capturing tonality of feedback users receive. Finally, time spent on gaming is also integrated
into our study to account for this common use of SNSs by teenagers.
1.2.1 Posting and commenting
Public status updates (in the form of text or photos) and comments represent salient ways of active
participation on FB, as they imply interaction to or with other community members. Extant studies
suggest a positive (or at least a non-negative) relationship between indices of active participation and
SWB. For example, self-disclosure was found to have a positive impact on one’s level of happiness
(Kim and Lee, 2011; Kim et al., 2013), affective balance (Lee et al., 2011), and life satisfaction (Lee et
al., 2011; Wang, 2013). This relationship is supported by a large body of related research linking
active sharing and communication with increases in emotional support, social connectedness and
social capital (e.g. Kalpidou et al., 2011; Koroleva et al., 2011), which may act as mediators in the
relationship between active SNS use and SWB. Beneficial effects of sharing have been confirmed also
in clinical research that has demonstrated that talking about oneself results in the activation of certain
brain regions that respond to intrinsically rewarding experiences (Tamir and Mitchell, 2012). This is in
line with Kim and Lee (2011) who find that positive self-presentation on FB enhances perceptions of
subjective happiness.Taken together, these insights hint at a positive link between SWB and such
markers of active participation as posting and commenting. Hence, the following hypotheses (H) are
proposed: Higher levels of sharing (posting status updates, photos etc.) and commenting are
associated with a greater level of SWB (H1 | H2).
1.2.2 “Liking”
In contrast to public status updates and comments, “likes” represent a mixture of active participation
and passive following. Indeed, even though “liking” requires an active action, giving “likes” demands
significantly less involvement on behalf of the user (Koroleva et al., 2011, p., p. 9). Originally
intended as a “sign of appreciation” of the content itself (Spiliotopoulos et al., 2013), “likes” steadily
transform themselves into confirmations of “I have read it” (Bosch, 2013). For example, Barash et al.
(2010) found that while FB users differentiate between entertaining and boring posts when they
engage in commenting, “likes” do not depend on the type of posts. Nonetheless, despite their effortless
nature, “likes” are a scarce resource, with users more likely to be “liked” than to “like” themselves
(Hampton et al., 2012). “Likes” appear to be selective, with users “liking” content to support
relationships with a receiver as he or she is likely to interpret them as a sign of personal predisposition

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and attention. As a result, “likes” are likely to induce positive feelings in the recipient, and hence help
to reinforce a positive relationship between both parties involved - an outcome which is often seen as a
foundation for personal life satisfaction and happiness (Cotten, 2008). Considering these effects, we
hypothesize that: Higher level of liking is associated with a greater level of SWB (H3).
1.2.3 Chatting
Chatting is another salient component of active participation, even though a non-public one. Motivated
to kill boredom and follow the latest trend (Lenhart et al., 2013), teens readily use a chatting function,
which has been recently merged with private messages functionality on FB. Considering significant
time investments this activity requires, it comes as no surprise that chatting on FB was found to be a
negative predictor of preparation for class for university students (Junco, 2012).
While evidence from the FB context is scarce, research on instant messaging (IM) offers a large
plethora of insights, which, however, remain mixed. On the negative side, IM has been linked to social
anxiety and loneliness in school (Gross et al., 2002), as well as cause addiction and decrement in
academic performance (Huang and Leung, 2009). On the positive side, chatting was found to help
distressed teenagers to release emotionally (Dolev-Cohen and Barak, 2012), lead to better quality of
adolescents’ friendships (Valkenburg and Peter, 2009), enhance mattering (Cotten, 2008) and
facilitating relationship maintenance and development (Quan-Haase and Young (2010) - factors that
may work to enhance one’s sense of well-being (Dolev-Cohen and Barak, 2012). Overall, recognizing
a mixed nature of existing research, we tentatively hypothesize that: Higher level of chatting is
associated with a greater level of SWB (H4).
1.2.4 Passive Following
In contrast to active participation, research provides a mixed picture on the outcomes of passive
following, reflected in the time users spend reading their News Feed or browsing profiles of others. On
the one hand, studies single out passive following as a source of pleasurable experiences (Wise et al.,
2010), informational and networking benefits with users having an opportunity to broaden their
horizons (Koroleva et al., 2011), build a desired sense of connectedness and social trust (Valenzuela et
al., 2009). On the other hand, research directly linking passive following with markers of SWB tells a
different story. Haferkamp and Kraemer (2011) find that exposure to attractive profile pictures and
successful profile vitae of others produce negative reactions, as unfavourable social comparison may
cause feelings of inferiority and envy, which have been shown to have a strong negative effect on
users’ life satisfaction on FB (Krasnova et al., 2013). Further, jealousy feelings resulting from being
able to monitor one’s romantic partner on a continuous basis have been reported (Muise et al., 2009;
Utz and Beukeboom, 2011). Recognizing the mixed nature of existing findings, in this study we lean
towards the second stream of research and tentatively hypothesize that: Higher level of passive
following is associated with a lower level of SWB (H5).
1.2.5 Tone of Feedback
In addition to investigating the impact of objective measures of passive following, some studies have
concentrated on the tonality of feedback SNS users receive, which typically takes the form of friends’
comments, wall posts, or direct chatting. This factor may be particularly salient in teenagers’
environment, with a recent study revealing SNSs as a central crime scene for cyberbullying, with
16.6% of adolescents having been threatened, blackmailed, offended, teased, or humiliated online
(Schneider et al., 2013). As a result of this negative feedback, episodes of depression may be triggered
(Davila et al., 2012). Conversely, positive feedback appears to lead to better outcomes in terms of life
satisfaction and social self-esteem, particularly for younger adolescents (Valkenburg et al., 2006).
Moreover, positive attention may predispose a user to develop a stronger sense of social
connectedness, which was found to be associated with lower depression and anxiety (Grieve et al.,

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2013). Taken together, we hypothesize that: Greater positivity of feedback is associated with a greater
level of SWB (H6).
1.2.6 Gaming
Finally, SNS gaming represents a separate domain of SNS participation, with scarce research reporting
mixed results. Building on the affordances to leverage one’s social network, many games involve a
social component, which may ultimately have a positive impact on SWB. For example, research on
Farmville – one of the most successful FB apps – reveals that experience of self-efficacy may follow
its participation. Further, social relationships can be maintained as users group around common
activities (Kinder, 2012). Nonetheless, traditional research on online gaming attributes this activity to
problematic Internet use, linking it with social anxiety, decreased interpersonal relationships (Lo et al.,
2005), aggression (Ko et al., 2009), depressive tendencies, lower self-esteem (Stetina et al., 2011) and
decreased mattering (Cotten, 2008). In the FB context, (Junco, 2012) finds that playing games has a
negative impact on engagement for students. Relying on the latter stream of research, we tentatively
hypothesize that: Greater engagement in SNS gaming is associated with a lower level of SWB (H7).
1.2.7 Controls
Beyond control variables typical for FB studies, such as age, gender and number of FB friends, we
additionally control for users’ self-esteem. Indeed, numerous studies view self-esteem as one of the
strongest determinants of life satisfaction, with high self-esteem having a favorable influence on
individual perceptions of subjective well-being (Diener and Diener, 1995). Furthermore, the time users
spend on the Internet besides FB is also controlled for, to account for other uses of the Web, such as
information collection, surfing, and other activities.
2 Study Design and Analysis
2.1 Method
2.1.1 Study Design, Procedure and Sample
The study was conducted in two German schools in July 2013. Prior to the start of the study,
permissions from the principals and written consent from parents of participating teenagers were
obtained. To avoid bias, the study was titled in general terms: “Teenagers on Facebook”. The whole
study involved three stages. First, an initial survey was conducted in which demographic variables and
level of self-esteem were elicited. In the second step, teenagers participated in a 7-day diary study
(starting day: Monday), during which they had to report, among others, their FB and Internet usage
patterns on a daily basis. To accurately capture FB and other online activities on a given day,
respondents were instructed to take part in the online questionnaire shortly before going to bed.
Analysis of the field data has confirmed that teens have generally complied with this requirement, with
the earliest access across the study period taking place at 5:02 p.m., and the latest at 11:46 p.m. on the
weekday, and at 4:45 a.m. on the weekend (median access time throughout the week equaled 9 p.m.).
To link measurements of one person throughout the course of the study week while simultaneously
assuring confidentiality, every respondent was assigned a personal code in the beginning of the study.
At the end of the 7-day period, respondents were asked to take part in the concluding survey, where
measures of life satisfaction were captured. Teenagers who participated for at least six days received a
€15 gift coupon as a reward for their efforts. 94 teenagers initially took part in the study. In further
analyses, however, only 80 adolescents who used FB for at least three days during the period of
investigation were included. Teenagers in our net sample were aged between 13 and 16 years
(mean=14.9, median=15, SD=0.7). Female FB users were overrepresented with 62.5% of all
participants. FB use ranged from three to seven days (mean=6.0, median=6.5, SD=1.2) during a study
week. Number of FB friends was between 10 and 833 (mean=193.5, median=190, SD=131.0).

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2.1.2 Measures
The study included three types of instruments assessing (1) overall and granular measures of FB use as
well as the overall Internet use (see Table 3), (2) psychological constructs of emotional evaluation of
one’s self-esteem and well-being as well as (3) demographic variables. All questions were initially
formulated in English and then carefully translated into German. When available, pre-tested
translation was used.
Specifically, to assess the passive component of FB use, participants were daily asked the following:
“On Facebook, how much time did you spend today on browsing the News Feed and looking through
the profiles of other users?” Answers had to be stated in hours and minutes. Time spent chatting on
FB, FB gaming as well as overall time spent on FB were assessed in the same way. As a control
variable overall time spent on the Internet apart from FB was also elicited. Evidently, participation
measurements gained in that way is far more reliable than the typical recall-based questions on how
much time was spend on a SNS in general or over the last weeks. Posting, commenting and “liking”
behavior was measured daily with one question for each activity: “How many posts ¦ comments ¦ likes
did you make today?” Further, respondents were daily asked whether they obtained any feedback from
others, and if so, tone of feedback was elicited with the following question: “Overall, the sentiment of
feedback I received was...” with answer options ranging from 1=very unfriendly; 2=unfriendly,
3=neither friendly nor unfriendly, 4=friendly and 5=very friendly.
Self-esteem was measured on the first day of the survey using a well-known measure from Rosenberg
(1965) with a 5-point Likert scale. An exemplary item was: “I feel that I have a number of good
qualities.” A revised German version from von Collani and Herzberg (2003) was used for translation.
Cronbach’s alpha was appropriate reaching .75 (Nunnally, 1978). Mean across construct items reached
3.1 (median=3.3; SD=0.7). To capture SWB, Satisfaction with Life was measured on the last day of
the study with the well-established scale from Diener et al. (1985) on a 5-point Likert scale. An
exemplary item is: “In most ways, my life is close to my ideal.” Satisfaction with Life as a dependent
variable was chosen above affect-based measures of SWB, since it reflects “a global summary of one's
life as a whole” (Diener, 1994, p. p. 107, p. 107), and hence represents a more comprehensive measure
of this construct. Cronbach’s alpha reached .86, which is above the required threshold of 0.7
recommended by Nunnally (1978). Mean across construct items reached 3.5 (median=3.5; SD=0.9).
2.2 Results
2.2.1 Descriptive Analysis
Descriptive analysis for variables measuring FB and Internet use is presented in Table 3. We find that
users rarely resort to such active uses of FB as posting and commenting. Thus, only 55% and 25% of
respondents commented or posted something in the course of the study respectively. Among those
who did, the frequency of these activities was not high with 50.2% and 60% leaving at most two
comments and posts respectively in the week of the study. In contrast, “liking” is common among
teenagers in our sample, with teens giving 2.3 “likes” per day on average. Overall, an overwhelming
majority of teens did “like” something in the course of the study, with only 9 teens not engaging in this
activity. Moreover, 45% of “likers” left 10 or more “likes” in the course of the week. This is in sharp
contrast to posts and comments, with only 20 and 44 users engaging in these activities at least once
respectively (see column “# of non-users / users” in Table 3). While public active participation was
relatively rare, private communication using the chat functionality was ubiquitous, with most time on
FB spent on it: Specifically, 42.7 minutes per day on average was invested into this activity. The
magnitude of time spent on chatting was followed by time spent on browsing the News Feed and
profiles of others – passive following, with an average time of 27.0 minutes per day. FB gaming was
extremely rare, and was subsequently excluded from the regression model, since a very low share of
respondents joined gaming applications in the course of the study (just 13.7%), in most cases investing
little time into this activity. Only 2 respondents were “heavy” gamers, each spending 120 and 340

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minutes on FB games during the whole week. This is in line with Nazir et al. (2008) and Lenhart et el.
(2011) who argue that a limited fraction of FB users account for this activity. In terms of tone of
feedback received, 35% of respondents described the feedback they obtained in the course of the study
as neither friendly nor unfriendly, friendly or very friendly, with only 6 respondents selecting a neither
friendly nor unfriendly category. Interestingly, none of the respondents indicated receiving unfriendly
comments or Wall posts, suggesting that feedback teens receive is overwhelmingly positive. Besides
FB, participating teens were using the Internet for 46.5 minutes per day on average.
Measure Variable Mean Median SD Min Max
# of
non-
users /
users
Variable
group
How many
posts/comments
/likes did you
make today?
Number of… per week (measured on a daily basis)
Posts 0.7
0.0 1.6 0
8
60 / 20
FB activity
(model 1)
Comments 3.6 1.0 7.8 0
45
36 / 44
“Likes” 15.8 7.0 32.9 0 254 9 / 71
How much time
did you spent
on … today (on
FB)?
Time spent per day: (in minutes ¦ 7 days as a basis) (measured on a daily basis)
… chatting on FB 42.7 17.1 82.6 0 570.0 3 / 77
… on the FB News Feed 27.0 16.1 30.9 0 177.9 3 / 77
… gaming on FB 1.1 0 5.9 0 48.6 69 / 11
…on the Internet 46.5 29.3 51.4 0 199.3 5 / 75 Control
How much time
did you spent
today on FB?
Time spent per day: (in minutes 7 days as a basis) (measured on a daily basis)
Time spent on FB 88.8 48.9 130.8 1.0 351.4 0 / 80 FB use (ad
hoc model 2)
Table 3. Descriptive statistics for FB and Internet use variables.
2.2.2 Hypothesis Testing
For the subsequent analysis, overall time in minutes for the whole week was calculated for every
participant for chatting, passive following and time spent on the Internet variables. Considering a low
number of posts and comments per person, these variables were entered as dummies into the
regression model (0=no posts/comments made throughout the week; 1=at least one post/comment
made). Since “likes” were more common, their absolute values per week (sum across all days) were
entered. Further, since respondents reported receiving only positive or neutral feedback, the scores for
the tone of feedback were recoded into a new variable positivity of feedback, with 0=no feedback;
1=neither unfriendly nor friendly, 2=friendly, 3=very friendly feedback. 11 times respondents
indicated to have received feedback (comments or Wall posts from others), but did not provide
assessment of its sentiment. Such responses were assigned into the “0” category. Finally, mean values
for items were calculated and aggregated at a construct level to derive scores for self-esteem and life
satisfaction.
A two-step hierarchical multiple regression model was used to test the hypotheses: H1-H6, with life
satisfaction (SWB) as a dependent variable. In the first step, control variables age, gender, number of
FB friends, self-esteem scores and average time spent on the Internet (besides FB) were entered into
the model for factoring out their effects. In the second step, the predictor variables were added
simultaneously including posting, commenting, liking, chatting, passive following and positive
feedback. Absence of multicollinearity among independent variables was assured, since the maximum
variance inflation factor (VIF) was 1.96, which is below the threshold of 2 (Miles and Shevlin, 2001).
Table 4 presents the regression results for hypotheses H1 to H6 (in column labeled model 1).
Significant beta weights are highlighted in bold and asterisked.

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Table 4. Results of Hierarchical Regressions with Life Satisfaction (SWB) as Dependent
Variable.
*
p<0.05 ** p <0.01.
In line with past research (Diener and Diener, 1995), self-esteem turned out to be the only control
variable leading to a significant increase in life satisfaction (SWB) (ß = 0.48, p<0.01). This relationship
is confirmed in multiple studies for Western societies as feeling good about oneself is an integral
property in individualistic cultures (e.g. Campbell, 1981; Diener and Diener, 1995). With the only
significant predictor, the model in step 1 explains 20.2 % of variance (F (5,74) = 4.99, p<0.01) in life
satisfaction, confirming self-esteem as a salient determinant of SWB (Campbell, 1981).
Following results of step 2, we find that such active forms of SNS participation as posting (ß = 0.25,
p<0.05) and chatting (ß = 0.30, p <0.05) may work to enhance life satisfaction (SWB), which supports
hypotheses H1 and H4. However, activities such as commenting (ß = -0.03, p>0.05) and liking (ß =
0.14, p>0.05) exert no significant impact, leading us to reject hypotheses H2 and H3.
Our data confirm a negative impact of passive following on users’ life satisfaction (SWB) (H5: ß =
-0.27, p<0.05). This result is particularly intriguing in the absence of the significant effect of time
spent on the Internet (ß = -0.09, p>0.05) – an activity that is also often of passive nature (e.g. reading
news, searching for information). Together, these findings suggest that users do distinguish between
social and non-social information, as they have a differential impact on their well-being. In an attempt
to explain this phenomenon, past research has linked properties of social information to such
unfavorable outcomes as envy (Krasnova et al., 2013), social overload (Maier et al., 2012) or jealousy
(Muise et al., 2009), which may possibly provide rationale for these disparate effects.
1 Since FB gaming was dropped from the analysis, hypothesis 7 (H7) could not be tested within this study.
Model 1
1
Step Predictors ß t value VIF H Result
1 Age 0.03 0.27 1.12
Gender -0.04 -0.32 1.12
# FB friends -0.09 -0.86 1.11
Self-esteem 0.48 4.51** 1.11
Time spent on Internet -0.09 -0.88 1.11
F = 4.99**
adjusted R² = 20.2%
2 Age 0.08 0.70 1.32
Gender -0.05 -0.42 1.38
# FB friends -0.16 -1.50 1.29
Self-esteem 0.45 4.30** 1.20
Time spent on Internet -0.13 -1.12 1.46
Posting (dummy) 0.25 2.25* 1.30 H1
supported
Commenting (dummy) -0.03 -0.23 1.28 H2
rejected
Liking 0.14 1.21 1.38 H3
rejected
Chatting 0.30 2.25* 1.96 H4
supported
Passive Following -0.27 -2.21* 1.58 H5
supported
Positivity of Feedback -0.14 -1.16 1.68 H6
rejected
Time spent on FB - - 1.22
F = 3.77**
R² change = 7.6%
adj. R² = 27.8%
Ad Hoc Model 2
ß t value
0.03 0.24
-0.02 -0.16
-0.08 -0.29
0.48 4.48**
-0.12 -1.05
- -
- -
- -
- -
- -
- -
0.09 0.83
F = 4.25**
R² change = -0.4%
adj. R² = 19.8%

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Interestingly, greater positivity of feedback was not associated with a greater level of life satisfaction
(SWB) (ß = -0.14, p>0.05). A possible explanation for this surprising result could be the low frequency
of comments respondents receive as well as the absence of negative comments. It seems that teen
users do not attribute such great relevancy to this type of feedback, as long as it stays positive.
Together, FB variables added 7.6% of unique variance to the model beyond the predictive power of
self-esteem leading to an overall adjusted R
2
of 27.8% (F (11,68) = 3.77, p<0.01).
2.2.3 Testing the Impact of General Facebook Use: Ad Hoc Model 2
To compare our model to more “traditional” measurement methods, we additionally evaluated an ad
hoc model 2 (see Table 4). Specifically, in the second step we added just one variable aggregating FB
use - the overall time spent on FB. Interestingly, the predictor variable did not show any significant
effect (ß = 0.09, p>0.05) on life satisfaction (SWB). Summarizing such different activities as posting
content on FB, chatting with friends as well as browsing the News Feed within one variable possibly
equilibrated the positive effects of active participation and negative impact of passive following found
in our study. This result provides explanation for the frequently non-significant link reported in
previous studies (Tables 1 and 2) and calls for caution when measuring Social Media use using general
measures. This call is supported by the study of Koroleva et al. (2011) who advocate the differential
treatment of participation variable to better understand the causal structure of the resulting outcomes.
3 Discussion
The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding into the impact of FB use on teenagers’
well-being. To obtain a more concrete picture and address weaknesses of prior research, different uses
of FB were considered and captured using a diary method to minimize the recall bias. This procedure
is hardly used in SNS research certainly forming an advantage of our study. Differentiating between
specific uses of FB has helped us to avoid the “aggregation” bias, while simultaneously disentangling
the crisscrossing effects of various activities on users’ life satisfaction.
Based on our analysis, we show that the type of FB activity does matter. Specifically, we confirm that
such active uses of FB as posting and chatting are positively associated with subjective well-being in
young adolescents. Thus, following the logic of our hypotheses we are able to show that just talking
about oneself to a large audience of FB friends can help users advance their life satisfaction (Tamir
and Mitchell, 2012). Simultaneously, easy access to instant communication via a chatting function
promotes teens’ well-being as it may help them release stress and obtain emotional support (Quan-
Haase and Young, 2010; Valkenburg and Peter, 2009).
To our surprise, commenting is not associated with increases in individual life satisfaction. In contrast
to posting, which is often self-promoting and narcissistic in nature (Hum et al., 2011; Peluchette and
Karl, 2009), commenting is typically less self-centered, with a commenter often expressing his or her
opinion on a given subject of discussion. As a result, the self-promoting element of communication -
often associated with a positive affect (Gonzales and Hancock, 2011) - is missing. Moreover,
commenting is in most cases asynchronous, with network participants rarely engaging in a
simultaneous dialogue with each other. Hence, possibilities for immediate emotional support and
problem-solving are limited. Just as commenting, “liking” was also found to exert no significant effect
on individual well-being. This outcome indirectly corroborates the view that “liking” is rather located
between a passive and an active uses of FB, increasingly signifying “I hear you” (Bosch, 2013), rather
than a sincere desire to initiate a meaningful dialogue.
Corroborating previous research efforts (e.g. Haferkamp and Kraemer, 2011; Krasnova et al., 2013),
we find that passive following of the News Feed as well as looking through the profiles of others
decreases teenagers’ life satisfaction. So far, extant research provides a number of competing
explanations for this outcome. Krasnova et al. (2013) suggest that particular qualities of the FB

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13
context promote narcissistic nature of sharing, which in turn triggers social comparison and envy.
Maier et al. (2012) demonstrate that continuous requests for help coming from FB “friends” may
promote the feelings of social overload leading to emotional exhaustion. An alternative explanation is
offered by Koroleva et al. (2010), who find that information overload on the News Feed may induce
irritation and frustration with SNSs. Further, jealousy feelings should not be disregarded in the SNS
context, as romantic partners are able to intentionally or unintentionally monitor each other on the
network (Muise et al., 2009; Utz and Beukeboom, 2011). Finally, since passive following is time-
consuming, users may later regret this activity as they possibly face worse performance in school
(Ahn, 2011). Overall, since browsing the News Feed and looking through the profiles of others is one
of the favorite pastime activities of teenage users on FB, capturing nearly half of the overall time spent
on FB in our sample, this result should be alarming for all stakeholders involved.
Astonishingly, positivity of feedback did not have any effect on the well-being of teens in our sample.
Generally, respondents received feedback from others relatively rarely (since posting and commenting
are by themselves rare activities among teens), which may provide an explanation for the absence of
the link between receiving a positive feedback and life satisfaction. Overall, however, the absence of
negative comments in teens’ communication is encouraging, suggesting that public efforts to fight
cyberbullying and prevent problematic social media use might bear their fruits – at least in our sample.
Taken together, our results shed light on the contentious findings of past research by showing the
effects of SNS usage patterns on participants’ well-being. We find that activity matters, with the
possibility of both, harmful and positive outcomes. Investigating diverse SNS activities within one
study and examining their influence on users’ life satisfaction contributes to a better understanding of
the “Facebook” phenomenon capturing the majority of the young population in the Western world.
Implications for SNS providers are complex. On the one hand, motivating their younger customers to
active participation not only enriches user-generated content, but also favorably affects their lives. On
the other hand, blindly advising adolescents, parents and policy-makers to encourage (particularly
public) active SNS use would truly be a grave faux pas considering manifold threats to users’ privacy
prevalent in an SNS environment. Indeed, in the current situation, users have to carefully weigh
benefits of active participation against the potential risks to their privacy. Considering the complex
nature of this calculus, it is no surprise that many teens are leaving FB to engage with alternative
platforms, such as Snapchat (Bosker 2013), that have a similar potential to promote their well-being,
while providing protection to their identity. In the view of these challenges, FB, as a major SNS, is
urged to lobby international laws protecting privacy of users’ information, assuring individual control
over personal data as well as clear rules for all stakeholders. These measures are desperately required
to stabilize the market share of SNSs among a survival-critical teen user segment in a crowded social
environment.
This study has several limitations, which, however, provide fruitful venues for future research
endeavors. First, our study has a limited sample size. However, by ruling out serious recall problems
using a diary method, data quality is reliable. Due to the low use of FB gaming in the sample, we were
not able to test our respective hypothesis leaving the answer for future investigation. Furthermore,
subjective well-being was operationalized using the life satisfaction scale by Diener et al. (1985). We
leave the assessment of the relationship between Facebook usage patterns and affective components of
SWB for future research. Additionally, follow-up research should also investigate the role of possible
mediators to enrich our basic model. Finally, qualitative approaches can be used to gain richer findings
into the underlying dynamics.

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