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Matlovič R., Matlovičová, K., Némethyová B. (2012):
Academic Institutionalisation and Social Relevance of Geography.
In Hana Svobodová. Proceedings of 19th International Conference Geography and Geoinformatics: Challenge
for Practise and Education. Brno: Muni press, Masarykova univerzita, 2012. pp. 50-60. ISBN 978-80-210-5799-9
http://www.unipo.sk/fakulta-humanitnych-prirodnych-vied/geografia/pracovnici/matlovicova/pp
ACADEMIC INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND SOCIAL RELEVANCE
OF GEOGRAPHY
René Matlovič, Kvetoslava Matlovičová, Barbora Némethyová
University of Presov
Department of Geography and Regional Development, Ul. 17. Novembra 1, 081 16 Prešov, Slovakia
rene.matlovic@unipo.sk, kveta.matlovicova@gmail.com, barbora.nemethyova@gmail.com
Abstract: The relevance of a scientific discipline determines its position in the context of other
scientific disciplines, which nowadays increasingly compete among themselves for limited
financial sources and try to increase the attractiveness of human resources. Therefore, the
question of relevance may become a question of its further development or even survival.
Academic institutional establishment of geography can be considered as an important signal
of confirmation of its social relevance. Institutional changes related to geography can
significantly influence its social position and its future. Throughout the history of geography
we can differentiate a number of events and turmoil that either significantly strengthened or,
on the contrary, weakened the prestige of geography. The first option included establishment
or renewal of academic geographic departments. The other involves attenuation and
abolishment of geographic departments. In our contribution we will briefly indicate how were
the changing circumstances of the institutionalization of geography related to its social
relevance.
Key words: academic institutionalization, branding, geography, social relevance,
INTRODUCTION
The relevance of a scientific discipline determines its position in the context of other scientific
disciplines, which nowadays increasingly compete among themselves for limited financial
resources. Therefore, the question of relevance may become a question of its further
development or even survival. Academic institutional establishment of geography can be
considered as an important signal of confirmation of its social relevance. Institutional changes
related to geography can significantly influence its social position and its future. Throughout
the history of geography we can differentiate a number of events and turmoil that either
significantly strengthened or, on the contrary, weakened the prestige of geography. The first
option included establishment or renewal of academic geographic departments. The other
involves attenuation and abolishment of geographic departments. In our contribution we will
briefly indicate how were the changing circumstances of the institutionalization of geography
related to its social relevance.
ETATISTIC FEATURES OF INITIAL ACADEMIC INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF
GEOGRAPHY
The question of social relevance of geography is not new. It emerged already in the initial
phase of institutionalization of geography as a modern discipline, which begun in the 19th
century. Several geographic societies and institutes were formed and geography was
continually established as a modern field of study at the university level. The academic
institutionalization of geography can be perceived as a means of confirming its relevance,
because it enables professionalization and consequent reproduction of human resources,
inevitable to ensure the professional geographic research and education. On the other side we
have to admit that the academic institutionalization does not have to be the only way for
confirmation of relevance of geography.
1
The beginnings of academic institutionalization of geography can be associated with German
universities
2
, (the first authentic professorship of geography was established in Berlin, in
1825). It was related to the then university sector changes, which were a reaction to social
discontent with their then conditions. Wilhelm von Humboldt developed a new model of
university, based on which a university in Berlin was established in 1810. Humboldt
principles were then applied also to other universities (Hejwosz 2010, p. 75). Regarding the
establishment of geography a key role was the academic freedom of research and lecturing,
which released strict academic curricula and enabled to choose the subjects, in which the
students were interested in. Humboldt`s principle of the unity of knowledge was based on the
philosophical assumption that the individual branches of science are complementary and
together they form general knowledge and are therefore equally important (Hejwosz 2010, p.
75). A very important factor in the academic institutionalization of geography was the
influence of a state. It resulted from the historical-political situation in the 70s of the 19th
century, when after the Franco-Prussian War and the unification of several German countries
in 1871 a new state needed geographic education for its stabilization, which would contribute
to the consolidation of a new territorial identity. It shows that the motives that lead to the
institutionalization of geography at German universities were not based on scientific
relevance or internal stimuli reflecting natural development of scientific knowledge.
It was proved also by the fact that even the scientific boards of universities protested against
1
An example may be a geography of Catalonia, which showed quite good vitality, quality and modern
approaches and even though it did not have a position of a university discipline. Geographer Paul Vila,
influenced by vidalian regional-geographic tradition, under the authority of the Catalan autonomous government
in 1932 prepared with his team an innovative project of regional division of Catalonia. At the University of
Barcelona the study programme of geography was prepared in the academic year 1936-37, but its
implementation was delayed due to the civil war (Albet, Zusman, 2009, p. 296).
2
Geography was lectured at the universities also before its official institutionalization. It is evident that at the
University of Königsberg (today Kaliningrad) physical geography was lectured by Immanuel Kant in 1784. At
the Sorbonne in Paris they established the professorship of geography already in 1809, however it was occupied
by historians. The first authentic professorship of geography was established in 1825 at the university in Berlin
and the first professor became Karl Ritter (Hess 2009, p. 481). Another professors were G.B. Mendelssohn
in Bonn (1847, died in 1857), Eduard Wapäus in Göttingen (1854), Karl J.L. Neumann in Vratislav (1856) and
Robert von Schlagintweit in Giessene (1864). After Ritter`s death in 1859 the professorship in Berlin remained
unoccupied and the lectures were carried out by a historian, associate professor Heinrich Kiepert. It created a
hiatus, because in the period of 1859-1871 there was not any new professor appointed. Later in 1871 Oscar
Peschel in Leipzig was appointed a professor (James, Martin 1981, p. 164). A major breakthrough occurred in
1874, when Prussian government decided to establish the professorships of geography at all Prussian
universities. (James, Martin 1981, p. 165). Under the German influence another geographic departments were
created in Central Europe relatively very soon – e.g. in Krakow (1849), where a poet Wincenty Pol became a
professor and in Vienna (1851), where the first professor of geography was Friedrich Simony.
state authorities, because geography as a field of study was established largely against their
will. It was typical that several newly established departments employed scientists with non-
geographic education
3
(Filipp 1992, p. 10).
As Filipp (1992, p. 11) reminds, this development caused that geography had become a
scientific discipline dependent on state power. Social-political and war events and expansion
of nation states in the second half of the 19th century stimulated geographic research and
education in other European countries. Prussian victory in the war with France was the result
of better geographic knowledge of Prussian military forces. The failure and the loss of Alsace-
Lorraine triggered a growing wave of patriotism in France that increased the demand for
geographical knowledge about the French territory and inhabitants. State therefore supported
the development of geographic curriculum very actively (Benko, Desbiens, 2009, p. 271). As
a result, geography was established throughout the number of French universities
4
, even it had
to face the resistance of the other sciences as well as left-oriented wings that promoted
internationalist ideas (Maddrell, 2009, p. 421). Similarly, the Japan`s geographical knowledge
was strategically useful in the China-Japanese and the Russian-Chinese war at the end of the
19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. In the military fields, geography was largely
represented in the Latin-American countries, which continually established their own military
geographic institutes – in Argentina (1904), Chile (1992), Columbia (1935) and Bolivia
(1936) (Albet, Zusman, 2009, p. 299). In the USA, the development of geography also ties to
the national interests in the expansion and consolidation of territory and national identity. The
development of modern geography was closely related to the terrain research of western
regions, which was a part of geological research and had the support of federal government.
New earth sciences departments at the U.S. universities were therefore mainly common
geological-geographical departments or institutes
5
. (Maddrell, 2009, p. 420-421). In a similar
socio-political context the primary academic institutionalization of Czech geography took
place. The first associate professor of geography at the University of Prague had become Jan
Palacký in 1856, who was later in 1891 appointed a professor of geography. In the 90s of the
19th century a national emancipation struggle of the Czech nation culminated. In this period
the Geographical Association of Bohemia was established and a new geographic scientific
journal was released (Jeleček 2004, p. 13). In Slovakia the first academic department was
formed at the Comenius University in Bratislava in the 20s of the 20th century. Geography
was already lectured in the academic year 1921-1922. The existence of a separate workplace
(Geographic seminar) dates back to 1923 (Lauko 2006, p. 45). It was a period when after the
formation of Czechoslovakia in 1918, Slovak institutions of higher education were freely
formed, which was not possible in the previous period.
A different situation was in the Great Britain. If we do not take into consideration a short
existence of professorship at the University of London in 1830, the first permanent
3
For example botanist and historian Kirchhoff in Halle (1871), philologist and historian Gerland in Strasbourg
(1873), geologist von Richthofen in Bonn (1873), philologist, historian and geographer Partsch in Vratislav
(1876), mathematician Wagner in Königsberg (1876), botanist and historian Fischer in Kiel (1878) (Filipp, 1992,
p. 10).
4
The first geographer who was appointed a professor of geography at the Sorbonne in Paris, established in 1809,
was Paul Vidal de la Blache in 1898 (James, Martin 1981, p. 190). In 1921 geography departments were
established at almost every out of 16 French universities (James, Martin 1981, p. 192).
5
Geography as a modern discipline was introduced due to the geologist Wiliam Morris Davis at Harvard in
1878, where he began to act as an instructor of physical geography. Consequently new departments providing
geographic courses were established also at The Columia Teachers College (1899), The Cornell University
(1902), The University of California (1903), The University of Chicago (1903), The University of Nebraska
(1905), The Miami University (1906) and continually at other universities (James, Martin, 1981, p. 280).
professorship was established in 1887 at the University of Oxford
6
, and one year later in
Cambridge. Several British universities were rather reluctant to introduce geography as an
academic discipline, because they had an aversion to its ties with the empire. It was also
criticized for the lack of scientific rigorosity (Maddrell, 2009, p. 421). Introducing of
geography at British universities was mostly the result of The Royal Geographical Society
efforts (James, Martin 1981, p. 201). However, less importance of state in the establishment
of British geography did not mean that the questions of social relevance of the discipline were
forgotten. H. Mackinder had mentioned in his inauguration speech that new geography could
serve for the needs of statesmen, businessmen, scientists, historians and teachers (Maddrell
2009, p. 421). British geography in its further development had supported the application line,
mainly in the field of urban and regional development (Unwin 2006). This was primarily due
to D. Stamp and his followers (Unwin 2006).
CONSEQUENCES OF ETATISTIC INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF GEOGRAPHY
Etatistic institutionalization of geography to some extent influenced the further development
of the discipline. A contradictory situation was created inside the geographic community,
where on one hand the etatized geography should have been obedient to the state which
ensured the support and resources for its survival. On the other hand, the scientific
requirements could find themselves contradictory to the requirements of state (Filipp, 1992, p.
11). It resulted in still persisting doubts of several geographers about the role of the discipline
and frequent discussions of geographers about the relevance, identity, external position of
geography as a scientific discipline and the search for a unifying platform for increasingly
fragmented system of geographic disciplines and paradigms (more in Matlovič 2006, 2007,
2009, Matlovič, Matlovičová 2007).
These concerns about the scientism cyclically occur during the development of geography.
Already in the late pre-modern era in the 18th century, geography faced a notable criticism. M
Bowen (1981 in Wilczyński 2010, p. 87) noticed that the quantitative increase in the number
of publications was not accompanied by a qualitative increase in its substantive level. This
was probably one of the reasons why geography in the 18th century lagged behind the prestige
of physics, astronomy and biology. Criticism had been directed mainly to its descriptive
character, stuffiness, excessive popularity and the lack of theoretical foundations based on a
consistent philosophy. Insufficient scientism, however, at this time did not endangered social
relevance and appreciation of geography. It was proved, for example, by costly expeditions
organized from England to Oceania. The importance of geography in the then society was
anchored in its practical benefits in expanding of spheres of influence of individual European
countries. However, the scientific reputation of geography was not high, which was evident in
the negative reactions of university scientific boards on the establishment of geographic
professorships in the 19th century. Even more unpleasant consequences in relation to
geography were brought after the World War II in the U.S.A. A numerous group of
geographers during the war were called into the army and intelligence services. Though, it
turned out that their knowledge and skills are inadequate. Geographers had wide, but still
shallow knowledge. The solution of problems required rather precise and deep analyses of
information. E. Ackerman (1945, p. 124) in his critical contribution suggested that the war
revealed the truth about geographers as “more or less amateurs in the subject in which they
publish”. Geography reputation had somewhat suffered also from discredited geopolitics
6
Halford J. Mackinder was appointed a professor at the Oxford University in 1887. Besides the scientific
activities he carried out a number of functions in practice – among other things, he was a member of Parliament
in 1910-1922.
(collaboration with Nazis) and criticism of geographic determinism
7
and exceptionalism (e.g.
Schaefer 1953). These facts influenced the decision of the prestigious Harvard University to
cancel the Department of geography in 1948 (Castree 2005, p. 61). In the next years it was
followed by Yale, Stanford, University of Michigan, Columbia and The University of
Chicago. In the prestigious group of American universities which are united in the Ivy League
since 1954, only the geography at Dartmouth College was maintained. The leaders of
American geographic departments even the decades after these events, for example at the
AAG Annual Congress (The Association of American Geographers), worried about the
question of maintaining their existence (Cohen 1998). However, in the last decades, positive
signals for the improvement of social prestige of geography were recorded. AAG draws its
attention to the questions of social relevance since the 90s of the 20th century. This effort is
documented in the comprehensive publication from 1997 (Rediscovering…). One positive
signal is the renewal of geography at prestigious Harvard University in 2006 in the form of
center for geographic analyses, strictly oriented on spatial-analytical geography and geospatial
technologies (Nayak, Jeffrey 2011, p. 49).
In addition to the criticism of low scientism of geography, which could endanger the
relevance of a science, there appeared another kind of criticism, which is to some extent
related to the etatistic support of geography. It was a period of the late 60s and early 70s of
the 20th century. Particularly the young generation of geographers in the USA and later in The
Great Britain was frustrated by the then government policies, which led the war in Vietnam,
or were unable to cope with the growing economic disparities and social injustice. For this
reason they were not interested in the activities applying geographic knowledge in favor of
government power, because they saw in them the support of hatred capitalism (Unwin 2006).
Discontent was fully revealed at the AAG meeting in Boston in 1971. Geographers had
claimed there that they intend to be socially involved even outside the auditoriums and
libraries, which had led to the formation of politically radical wing directed to Marxism,
anarchism, and other critical movements (Unwin 2006, p. 115). As Unwin (2006, p. 116)
suggested, in further discussions there appear nontrivial semantic difference between “applied
geography” and “relevant geography”, which even could be perceived as binary oppositions.
While the applied geography was associated primarily with the saturation of the needs and
interests of official establishment, the relevant geography emphasized the solution of social
problems, particularly social injustice, poverty and marginalization (Unwin 2006, p. 116).
Some critics of the applied geography questioned its explanatory and prediction capabilities,
which must be perceived in the broader context of criticism of logical positivism and on its
basis developing spatial-analytical geography at the turn of 60s and 70s of the 20th century.
This criticism was focused mainly on unrealistic demands on the objectivity of research,
dehumanization, extreme reductionism, ignoring the ethical issues and remoteness from the
solutions of contemporary problems. A part of the critical wing members therefore avoided
applied research and focused rather on the questions of research quality and its framing
among the modern theoretical and intellectual discussions. The other group of critical
geographers offered an alternative to the existing applied geography. In this context, we could
mention the activities of D. Harvey, D. Mitchell in the field of so called People`s Geography,
which resulted in an initiative entitled “The People`s Geography Project”. They aimed at the
critical evaluation of everyday life in the context of changing power relations and social
relations and on the possibilities of transformation these relations in order to achieve social
7
German geopolitics which introduced the concept of “Lebensraum“, continually developed itself during the
interwar period into the doctrine based on geographic determinism and explaining territorial conquests. (Ištok
2003, p. 70). Some authors (e.g. Wojtanowicz, 2009, p. 30) point at the inadequacy of the complete rejection of
geographic determinism. They consider this approach as ideological and harmful, because it evokes a total
independence of a human on the geographic environment.
justice (http://www.peoplesgeographyproject.org/).
Along with the radical movement, based on the criticism of spatial-analytical geography, a
new humanistic wing was formed, which also did not neglect the question of relevance. The
question of relevance of geography is seen by the representatives of humanistic geography
according to Buttimer (1991, p. 111) in the context of a shift of interest by the representatives
of the other scientific disciplines (e.g. anthropology, land architecture, history, literature) and
applied fields (e.g. law, psychotherapy) – towards the traditional and fundamental geographic
concepts such as space and place, openness and closeness, home and country, territory and
distance, immobility and mobility. In this context, there are warnings that geographers can
become a minority in their own discipline, because other scientists significantly contribute to
the development of geography more than the geographers themselves.
CONCLUSIONS
In the paper we have tried to highlight the interdependencies between the academic
institutionalization and social relevance of geography. Institutional changes related to
geography have significantly influenced its social position and future. Initial academic
institutionalization, which we consider as a signal for confirmation of social relevance of
geography, had been realized in most countries based on the initiative or significant state
support. Besides the indisputable advantages, however, the etatistic institutionalization of
geography has also brought some negatives. It is mainly a contradictory situation, where on
one hand the etatized geography should have been obedient to the state which ensured the
support and resources for its survival. On the other hand, the scientific requirements could
find themselves contradictory to the requirements of a state (Filipp, 1992, p. 11). Another
consequence were several critical movements within the geographical thinking, which were
rather resistant towards the support of official establishment. The accompanying effect
involves still persisting doubts of several geographers about the role of the discipline and
frequent discussions of geographers about the relevance, identity, external position of
geography as a scientific discipline and the search for a unifying platform for increasingly
fragmented system of geographic disciplines and paradigms. This, of course, weakens the
geography, which must face the competitive struggle for recognition with other sciences. It is
a basic assumption for obtaining financial and human resources, which are inevitable for
further development or at least survival of a scientific discipline. Geographical community
should pay a constant attention to the issues of strengthening the institutional background and
social relevance. Based on the fact that the competitive struggle for financial and human
resources carries the attributes of market competition, the appropriate tools for the realization
of social relevance policy and institutional development of geography could be marketing
approaches (Matlovičová 2007, 2008). The most significant tool is branding of geography as a
strong, heuristically, educationally, and applicably relevant discipline.
Acknowledgement: The paper is a part of the research project VEGA no. 1/0611/09: Koncept miesta v regionálno-
geografickej analýze a syntéze a teritoriálnom marketingu: teoreticko-metodologický rámec a aplikácia na vybrané modelové
územia.
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Akademická inštitucionalizácia a sociálna relevancia geografie
Súhrn
V príspevku sme sa snažili poukázať na vzájomné súvislosti medzi akademickou
inštitucionalizáciou a spoločenskou relevanciou geografie. Inštitucionálne zmeny týkajúce sa
geografie významne ovplyvňovali jej spoločenskú pozíciu a budúcnosť. Prvotná akademická
inštitucionalizácia, ktorú považujeme za signál potvrdenia spoločenskej relevancie geografie,
bola vo väčšine krajín realizovaná z iniciatívy alebo výraznej podpory štátu. Okrem
nesporných výhod však etatistická inštitucionalizácia geografia priniesla aj negatíva. Ide
najmä o vznik rozpornej situácie, keď na jednej strane etatizovaná geografia mala byť
poslušnou voči štátu, ktorý jej zabezpečoval podporu a prísun zdrojov a tým aj prežitie. Na
druhej strane však požiadavky na vedeckosť sa mohli ocitnúť v kontradikcii vo vzťahu
k požiadavkám štátu (Filipp, 1992, s. 11). Iným dôsledkom boli viaceré kritické prúdy v rámci
geografického myslenia, ktoré sa dištancovali od podpory oficiálneho estabilšmentu.
Sprievodným efektom sú dodnes pretrvávajúce pochybnosti mnohých geografov o poslaní
vlastnej disciplíny a časté diskusie geografov o relevancii, identite, externej pozícii geografie
ako vednej disciplíny a hľadaní zjednocujúcej platformy pre čoraz viac fragmentizovanú
sústavu geografických disciplín a paradigiem. To samozrejme oslabuje geografiu, ktorá musí
zvádzať konkurenčný zápas s inými vedami o uznanie. To je základným predpokladom
získavania finančných a ľudských zdrojov, ktorú sú nevyhnutným predpokladom ďalšieho
rozvoja alebo aspoň prežitia vednej disciplíny. Otázkam posilňovania inštitucionálneho
zázemia a spoločenskej relevancie musí geografická komunita venovať sústavnú pozornosť.
Vzhľadom na to, že konkurenčný zápas o finančné a ľudské zdroje nesie atribúty trhovej
konkurencie, vhodnými nástrojmi realizácie politiky spoločenskej relevancie
a inštitucionálneho rozvoja geografie môžu byť marketingové prístupy (Matlovičová 2007,
2008). V rámci nich je to najmä budovanie značky geografie (branding) ako silnej,
heuristicky, edukačne a aplikačne relevantnej disciplíny.