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Hirst, M., Cook, J. and Kahn, M. (1996). Shades, Witches and Somatisation in the Narratives of Illness and Disorder among the Cape Nguni in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Curare, 19,2, 255-282
Abstract
Cultural modes of expressing distress utilising the shades, witches and somatisation are described and analysed among the Cape Nguni in three main contexts : the diviner's practise in the townships, the psychiatric hospital and the primary health clinics. Conclusions are reached implicating the importance of interpersonal relations in physical, emotional and mental health ; as well as the need for greater sophistication in dealing with vernacular narratives of distress in conventional psychiatric and biomedical practice.
... inspired to perform a ritual divination called umhlahlo, and the dancing ceases temporarily while it takes place. In former times, diviners and their novices also apparently performed umxhentso prior to performing divination. The ecstatic dancing induces a mild altered state of consciousness in both the dancers and the members of the audience (cf. Hirst et al., 1996, pp. 268-269). Time dilates and attention becomes focussed on a phantasmagoria of sensory stimuli involving, inter alia, colour and form (Hirst, 1990, pp. 81ff.). The concept of gradual emergence is linked, pari passu, to the gradual emergence of various healing talents (ubugqirha) in the candidate diviner. The foregoing would include, ...
... 997, pp. 220-221). Somatization is the process whereby psychosocial and interpersonal problems are expressed in terms of somatic symptoms (cf. Kirmayer, 1984 Kirmayer, & 1989 Kleinman, 1980; Kleinman & Kleinman, 1985; see also Hirst et al., 1996, pp. 280-282 for more references). It is widespread among the Xhosa, particularly aspirant diviners (cf. Hirst et al., 1996, pp. 266ff.). Xhosa diviners have an established nosology of disorders, which are linked causally to witchcraft, the ancestors or both. The state or condition of the person undergoing ukuthwasa, which is sometimes described as 'mad' (ukuphambana) or 'crazy' (ukugeza), is referred to by the noun intwaso. ...
... the case of his deceased father. Nevertheless, the problems of clients vary a great deal, ranging from a host of minor ailments (cf. Hirst, 1990, pp. 74-76) or a swarm of bees entering a dwelling to witchcraft or lost or stolen property or livestock, and do not necessarily always centre on human afflictions linked to neglected ancestor rituals (cf. Hirst et al., 1996, pp. 268ff. for a few relevant cases). A successful divination is one in which the diviner de-negates the resistances and inhibitions of the participants who, as in the previously mentioned example, find themselves spontaneously agreeing with the diviner at the end of the divination, each contributing his or her part of the story (cf. H ...
Based on anthropological fieldwork conducted in the Eastern Cape, the paper explores the interconnections between dreams (amathongo, amaphupha) and medicines (amayeza, imithi, amachiza) as aspects of the Xhosa diviner's culture, knowledge and experience. Background information is provided in the introduction, inter alia, on the Xhosa patrilineal clan (isiduko), divination (imvumisa, evumiso) and religious and cultural change. The ability to dream, inter alia of the ancestors and medicines, is central to the diviner's intuition and professional stock-in-trade, which are part and parcel of a religious healing tradition. Examples of dreams involving the ancestors (iminyanya), diviners, clients and medicinal plants are presented and analysed in relation to relevant case material. The ritual significance of dreams is explored in some detail. The distinctions between diviner (igqirha lokuvumisa) and herbalist (ixhwele), and between medicines and charms (amakhubalo), receive attention in the section on medicines. The underlying purpose of traditional Xhosa religious ideology is discussed in the conclusion.
... The formative power of culture in influencing conceptions of real- ity may be so profound that individuals from one community may experience the same state of mind in radically different ways from those of another. For example, in South Africa, a white person hear- ing voices would commonly be deemed mad by their community, and be removed from society through admission to a psychiatric hospital, whereas a black person might in certain contexts be said to be receiving important messages from the ancestors and be admired and utilised as a shaman by his or her community (Hirst et al., 1996;Kahn & Kelly, 2001;Jones et al., 2003). This illustrates just how important appre- ciating and understanding social and cultural context can be. ...
This book offers an approach to business and executive coaching that properly aligns the practice in the culture of business through the use of a relational "coaching axis" that helps to manage the complexity of the organisation and the individual as dual clients. Business and executive coaching occurs within an organisational context with the goal of promoting success at all levels of the organisation by affecting the actions of those being coached. This form of coaching is distinct from other types in two ways, firstly it is focused on achieving business outcomes, and secondly, both the individual being coached and the sponsoring organization are simultaneously the client. This book explains how a coach manages the complexity of helping these two clients by acting as a narrative bridge between their stories. It offers a relational approach which resists remedial or curative notions born from coaching’s human science roots and instead aligns to workplace realities. Chapters 1 -3 explore three interlocking paradigms for coaching that culturally align to the context of business. Firstly, in working with the complexity of client, systems theory is explored. Secondly, in working with the complexity of organisational culture, the notion of culture is unpacked. Thirdly, in exploring the complexity of theory, an eclectic and integrative theoretical approach is unpacked and the notion of the scientist-practitioner is explored. The remainder of the book explains the "Coaching on the Axis" approach. This approach captures the way coaching interfaces with business across three systemic dimensions situated on a hypothetical "axis." It further outlines a method to track themes, elicit insights and test actions systemically along this axis using a narrative methodology. Finally, a case study is provided. Ultimately, the book aims to assist coaches in properly aligning their practice with business, honouring the culture from which this work derives its legitimacy and sanction, and significantly increasing its likelihood of success.
... Authors that reported on the interface of formal or western " scientific " mental health care services and traditional or " indigenous " alternatives in South Africa [Figure 2.] included: -1950's (n=1): Lee (1958); -1960's (n=5): Abrahamson et al (1961), Sundkler (1961), Berglund (1967), Fisher & Hurst (1968) and Lee (1969); -1970's (n=26): Crouch (1971), Conco (1972), Le Roux (1973) 3 , Stott & Brown (1973) 4 , Kiernan (1974 Kiernan ( ,1977), Kruger (1974), Manganyi (1974) 5 , Cheetham (1975), Hammond- Tooke (1975), Hurst (1975), Pauw (1975), West (1975a, 1975b), Robbertze (1976), Setiloane (1976), Berglund (1976), Bührmann (1977a, 6 1977b), Ngubane (1977) 7 , Schweitzer (1977), Schweitzer & Bührmann (1978), Gumede (1978) 8 , Daynes & Mesengi (1978) 9 , Editoral South African Medical Journal (1979) 10 and Holdstock (1979); -1980's (n=54): Bührmann (1980a 11 , 1980b,1981a 12 , 1982 13 , 1983,1984,1985a,1987), Watts (1980)1981), Mkhize HB (1981), Editorial South African Medical Journal (1982), Edwards SD, Borsten et al (1983), Edwards SD, Cheetham et al (1982), Edwards SD, Jainarain et al (1982) 24 , Pearce (1982), Thorpe (1982), Edwards SD, Grobbelaar et al (1983a Grobbelaar et al ( 25 , 1983b); Benjamin (1983) 26 , Edwards FS (1983) 27 , Farrand (1980 Farrand ( ,1984 Farrand ( 28 , 1986), Edwards (1985), Bührmann (1985b) 29 , Swartz (1985 Swartz ( 30 , 1987 Swartz ( ,1989), Swartz et al (1983 Swartz et al ( ,1986), Sokhela et al (1984), Snyders (1985), Wessels (1985) 31 , Bhana (1984 Bhana ( ,1986) 32 , Edwards SD (1986) 33 , Uys (1986), Bodibe (1988), Straker (1988), Choto (1989), Gillis et al (1989) 34 , Hammond-Tooke (1989); -1990's (n=39): Freeman (1990 Freeman ( ,1993), Gobodo (1990), Hickson et al (1990), Kottler (1990), Swartz (1991), Theron (1991), Wittstock et al (1991) 35 , Freeman & Motsei (1992), Straker (1992), Hirst (1993), Mathabe (1993), Pillay (1993), Robertson & Kottler (1993) 36 , Sinha (1993), Stein (1993), Thom et al (1993) 37 , Abdool Karim et al (1994, Green (1994), Straker (1994) 38 , Crawford (1995) 39 , Patel (1995), Pretorius (1995) 40 , Dawes (1996), Ensink & Robertson (1996), Hirst et al (1996), Shai-Mohoko (1996) 41 , Tshotsho & Strumpher (1996) 42 , Beuster (1997), Bodibe C & Sodi T (1997) 43 , Levett et al (1997), Mkize DL (1998) 44 , Peltzer et al (1998) 45 , Swartz (1996 Swartz ( , 1998 ...
Traditional health practice was recently mainstreamed in South Africa by the promulgation of the Traditional Health Practitioners Act, No. 35 of 2004. Due to the extent of integration of mental health in the legal definition of traditional health practice, promulgation of this Act also has significant implications for mental health care delivery. This paper explored the documented interface of traditional health practice with mental health care in South Africa over the past almost 50 years.
A preliminary overview of health literature was done on formal mental health care and traditional alternatives in South Africa since the 1950's. Important themes were identified as first step in a qualitative approach to identify concepts.
The search yielded 143 references, between 1958 and 2004, from articles, case reports, scientific letter, theses and chapters in books. A cross section of 56 references was selected for inclusion in this review of the material.
The documentation on the interface between the two parallel systems contribute to establish a context against which the promulgation of the legislation to formally integrate and regulate African traditional health practice in South Africa can be considered. South African policy makers may now have ensured that a multi-faceted, multi-cultural and multi-cosmological context for health and mental health care delivery has come to pass. To health administrators, though, the inclusion of traditional healers into the formal public health system and mental health may still prove to be too costly to implement.
... In summary, material for analysis was produced through individual interviews with three mental health practitioners – a psychiatrist and two clinical psychologists – and two indigenous healers, variously associated with a psychiatric hospital in a small city in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. The mental health practitioners were 'white' and English speaking; and indigenous healers (amagqira) were, in the Xhosa tradition, 'diviners' who mediated with ancestral shades, and used ritual and remedies in treatment (cf. Hirst, Cook, & Kahn, 1996). The interviews were guided by two vignettes that the participants read. ...
This discourse analytic study explores constructions of culture and illness in the talk of psychiatrists, psychologists and indigenous healers as they discuss possibilities for collaboration in South African mental health care. Disjunctive versions of what 'culture' is in relation to the illness of a person form an important site for the negotiation of power relations between mental health practitioners and indigenous healers. The results of this study are presented in two parts. Part I explores how a professionalist discourse structured western psychiatric and psychological practice as rational, pragmatic and effective. 'Cultural differences' were variously deployed to support and subvert western psychiatric power. Part II explores the various constructions of African culture'--as 'collectivist' and 'pathogenic'--and the 'African mind'--as 'primitive' and 'irrational'--and how these formulations work to disqualify egalitarian positioning for indigenous healers within formal mental health care settings in South Africa.
This entry explores some of the methods archaeologists use to study bone tools. Bone technology was an important component of many ancient societies, yet it is omitted from most models of archaeological change, which tend to concentrate on the more abundantly preserved stone tools and ceramics. Here we look not only at how this important raw material has been studied but also the unique insights that recent research has been able to shed on past lifeways, within both the technological and sociological domains.
A discussion on the conceptualization and treatment of psychosis from the perspective of shamanism and transpersonal psychology.
Animal symbolism is a prominent feature of many human societies globally. In some cases, these symbolic attributes manifest in the technological domain, influencing the decision to use the bones of certain animals and not others for tool manufacture. In southern Africa, animals feature prominently in the cosmogenic narratives of both hunter-gatherer and Bantu-speaking farmer groups. Whenever these two culturally distinct groups came into contact with each other there would be an assimilation of cosmogenic concepts of power and the adoption of certain symbolically important animals. In this paper, we report on which animals were selected to make bone tools during the first millennium AD contact period in KwaZulu-Natal Province, South Africa, and explore the extent to which this selection may have been influenced by the symbolic associations of specific animals. Our results show selective targeting of specific animals for tool manufacture at some sites, with a narrowing of the range of selected species during the first millennium AD contact period. Certain antelope tribes, such as Aepycerotini, Cephalophini and Antilopini, appear to have been deliberately avoided, thus arguing against opportunistic selection. Nor does the range of selected animals appear to show any obvious mechanical considerations, as has been noted in similar studies. We highlight the potential of ZooMS for understanding the dynamics of animal symbolism in the past.
The notion of clinical or psychological diagnosis in African psychology is used, at times, to refer to the redressive action that is taken to determine the source of a difficult/abnormal illness. The need for such an interventive action arises in the face of a sudden or ‘strange’ illness that befalls a family member and refuses to abate after all medicines (including Western psychiatric hospitalization) have been administered. Under such a situation, the tendency within the Africentric paradigm to mental health and illness is to see such a challenging illness as an extraordinary or abnormal illness that carries a hidden message that must first be decoded before a decisive solution to achieving a cure can be found. Consequently, recognizing certain illnesses as ‘symbolic illnesses’ or ones with a hidden meaning, indigenous African peoples routinely persuade themselves that they must go beyond the ‘information given’ (Bruner, 1986) to determine ‘who’ is speaking through such an illness and what they are expected to do to effect a cure. In this way, they try to set their eyes not only on what is happening to the sick one (the observable manifestations of the illness) but also on the question of identifying the agent behind its onset and escalation in their approach for questioning the misfortune. This article draws attention to the missing link in the Western paradigm to psychopathology and treatment that makes it unable to deal decisively with certain illness presentations of the Black African client.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.