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Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media
Abstract
Public relations practitioners have long attempted to persuade publics through mass media campaigns. Social scientists, likewise, have searched for the most persuasive mix of messages and media. Most of this research, however, indicates that the media seldom change attitudes and behavior, and that persuasion is, therefore, an unrealistic objective for a media campaign. Led by Maxwell McCombs, the author of this article, communication researchers have discovered a logical and more realistic effect of media: While the media do not tell people what to think, they tell people what to think about. That is, the media determine which issues—and which organizations—will be put on the public agenda for discussion. In this article, McCombs summarizes research on agenda-setting and then discusses its implications for public relations.
... The findings of this study on the impact of disinformation on public perception and defense policy implementation in Indonesia align with established theories in communication and public policy. According to the Agenda-Setting Theory of McCombs (1977), the media has a powerful influence on public perception by emphasizing certain issues over others. In the context of Indonesian defense policies, disinformation campaigns capitalize on this by highlighting exaggerated or misleading narratives about defense threats and policy decisions, effectively setting a distorted agenda that shapes public opinion (Tenove, 2020). ...
... This study on the impact of disinformation on public perception and defense policy implementation in Indonesia has several theoretical implications for communication, public trust, and policy implementation. First, it builds on the agendasetting theory of McCombs (1977), which posits that media can shape public perception by emphasizing certain topics. Unlike traditional agenda setting, where established media outlets highlight key issues, the disinformation campaigns in this study illustrate how false narratives can set an agenda that manipulates public discourse, particularly in sensitive areas such as national defense. ...
Disinformation poses a growing and complex challenge to public perception and policy implementation, especially in sensitive sectors like national defense. In Indonesia, where defense policies are vital to national security, disinformation campaigns often exploit public fears, spreading misleading narratives that erode trust and disrupt effective implementation. This study aims to examine how disinformation impacts public perception and the effectiveness of defense policies in Indonesia, focusing on recurring narratives, public responses, and long-term implications for policy success. Using a qualitative approach, this research employs secondary data from government reports, academic studies, and social media analyses to understand disinformation’s impact on public trust and policy support. Findings reveal that disinformation, particularly through social media, significantly undermines confidence in defense policies by promoting skepticism toward government motives and amplifying perceived threats. Key themes include exaggerated foreign threats and criticisms of defense spending, both of which weaken public cooperation, an element essential for successful policy implementation. The study concludes that addressing and countering disinformation requires a comprehensive approach. Media literacy programs should be enhanced to equip the public with tools to identify false narratives. Proactive government communication is essential to preempt disinformation and build transparency. Furthermore, collaborative fact-checking initiatives involving both governmental and non-governmental organizations can help rebuild public trust. These measures are critical not only for restoring faith in defense policies but also for fostering a well-informed and resilient society. By tackling disinformation effectively, Indonesia can ensure its defense strategies are supported and trusted by its people. This research provides valuable insights for policymakers aiming to safeguard national security in an increasingly digital and polarized era.
... of media for instance, the newspapers, radio, and television were the primary sources of information for the audience, providing a window into global events, cultural happenings, and societal shifts. They participated in constructing the narratives, deciding what stories were told, how they were presented, and to whom (McCombs & Shaw, 1977), acting acts as a mirror that reflects societal values, norms, and narratives, while also influencing them in return. When we talk about the power of the media, it is easy to envision it as an autonomous entity, operating in isolation, molding minds, and dictating narratives. ...
Several studies have examined the concept of algorithmic gaze in the ways that algorithms are trained to ‘see’ the ‘other’ particularly nonwestern countries and demonstrating how these views projected by algorithms usually have roots in historical biases and colonial narratives. However, few research has discussed beyond this unidirectional gaze of algorithms, particularly in the African context. In extending the historical contexts of colonialism and neo-colonialism in algorithms, This study brings to the fore how TikTok’s algorithmic behavior in content portrayal, and user engagement patterns not only reinforces stereotypes about Africa but also demonstrates that a feedback loop exists, wherein users who create content are influenced by algorithmically curated content and further contribute to this cycle of othering by creating content and interacting in ways that further inform algorithmic processes. This thus reinforces these narratives deeply rooted in colonial perspectives. These findings emphasize the importance of promoting algorithmic transparency, digital literacy, and fair representation to challenge long-standing stereotypes and promote a more accurate understanding of Africa on digital platforms. Through recommendations aimed at diversifying data, and promoting cross-cultural digital literacy, this research contributes to the broader discourse on digital representation, algorithmic fairness, and the decolonization of digital spaces.
... One way of addressing violence against the LGBTIQ+ community is by generating supportive media exposure as well as evaluating how the media portrays these cases of brutality (Schifter, 2020). The influence of media is that they can guide how audiences think about an issue, determining how (and which) issues are discussed by framing, representing, and reflecting crimes based on sexuality and discussing which perspectives are omitted (Goffman, 1974;McCombs, 1977;Breen, 2004). For example, online community media could decide to report on a victim's profile but could also preface it with a focus on the perpetrator(s) and soft measures, such as gun control or the use of dating apps, depending on what motivates their philosophy about newsworthiness (Valcore and Buckler, 2023). ...
This study examines the phenomenon of violence towards gay men in South Africa, focusing on its portrayal and understanding within online media. Using a qualitative approach, it explores how online reports construct, interpret, and contest narratives surrounding these attacks. The investigation aims to highlight the portrayal of the victimology of gay men and the societal dynamics, including gender-based violence, abduction, victimisation, and queercide, in the South African context. The research analysed online reports, between 2022 and 2024, by a community organisation on cases of violence perpetrated against gay men. The research found that media frames about the circumstances of violence, the role of social media or hookup apps, and demographic details of gay men can provide insights into their victimhood. This contributes to the understanding of the challenges gay men face in navigating their identities and safety in South Africa. The findings show that Gauteng, Cape Town, and Durban remain the most affected by attacks against gay men and provide more insight into the strata of the age of victims, their movement, and the nature of attacks. By identifying how online community media frames these cases, the study offers insights into the emergence of gangsterism and the use of mobile technologies to target these men. It can inform strategies for social change and foster inclusive environments for marginalised communities. The findings have implications for advocacy, policy making, and community empowerment efforts addressing queercide and promoting LGBTIQ+ rights and safety.
... The agenda-setting theory postulates that the media agenda -shown by the emphasis on which the media cover each topic-determines which topics citizens and the political class perceive to be important (McCombs, 1977). According to the framing theory, the media coverage of each topic -consisting of its focus on certain aspects and concealment of othersdetermines how the public perceives it (Entman, 1993;Igartua et al., 2005). ...
El nombre d’adolescents amb trastorns de salut mental i d’ingressos hospitalaris per aquesta causa ha incrementat significativament els darrers anys, i Espanya se situa entre els països europeus amb el nombre més elevat de diagnòstics. Gran part de la investigació realitzada fins ara s’ha centrat en els efectes del discurs dels mitjans de comunicació sobre la salut mental dels menors d’edat; no obstant això, són escassos els estudis sobre la representació del benestar mental dels adolescents en aquests mitjans. Aquest treball aprofundeix, mitjançant una anàlisi de la literatura existent, en la imatge de la salut mental adolescent en la ficció audiovisual, els mitjans informatius i les xarxes socials. L’anàlisi també aprofundeix en la importància de la perspectiva de gènere en aquesta representació, i reflexiona sobre la necessitat de treballar l’educació mediàtica, amb l’aportació d’eines per abordar la
prevenció de l’estigma a les aules.
... Ensuring that voting machines are tamper-proof and backed by paper trails can enhance confidence in the electoral process. Cybersecurity measures, such as regular audits and penetration testing, should also be prioritized to counter digital threats [76]. ...
Electoral violence poses significant challenges to democratic processes, and in recent years, the United States has witnessed a concerning increase in politically motivated acts of aggression. This phenomenon, often exacerbated by the pervasive influence of social media, threatens the integrity of elections, the rule of law, and public trust in democratic institutions. Social media platforms serve as double-edged swords: they provide opportunities for political engagement and voter mobilization while simultaneously facilitating the spread of misinformation, hate speech, and extremist narratives that can incite violence. This study examines the multifaceted role of social media in influencing electoral violence in the United States, exploring its potential as a driver, amplifier, and mitigator of conflict. The analysis begins with a broader examination of electoral violence globally, contextualizing its manifestations in the U.S. political landscape. It highlights the structural vulnerabilities within the U.S. electoral system, such as political polarization, misinformation, and inadequate digital governance. Using case studies of recent elections, the study delves into how social media has been weaponized to propagate divisive content, target specific demographic groups, and mobilize extremist actions. In narrowing its focus, the research identifies strategies for mitigating electoral violence through improved digital regulation, media literacy campaigns, and enhanced interagency collaboration. These measures are critical for safeguarding electoral integrity and fostering public trust. This paper underscores the urgency of addressing the nexus between social media and electoral violence to protect the democratic fabric of the United States.
... • Broadcasting. One-to-many distributors of information can influence consensus both on a specific opinion or by 'setting the agenda' on a set of acceptable or urgent problems [23,24]. ...
The origin of population-scale coordination has puzzled philosophers and scientists for centuries. Recently, game theory, evolutionary approaches and complex systems science have provided quantitative insights on the mechanisms of social consensus. However, the literature is vast and widely scattered across fields, making it hard for the single researcher to navigate it. This short review aims to provide a compact overview of the main dimensions over which the debate has unfolded and to discuss some representative examples. It focuses on those situations in which consensus emerges 'spontaneously' in absence of centralised institutions and covers topic that include the macroscopic consequences of the different microscopic rules of behavioural contagion, the role of social networks, and the mechanisms that prevent the formation of a consensus or alter it after it has emerged. Special attention is devoted to the recent wave of experiments on the emergence of consensus in social systems.
... Research on agenda setting theory revealed that while the mass media places topics as central in the minds and attention of people; they do not tell people what to think about these central topics. In other words, media do not necessarily change attitudes and behaviors, but they give people a list of topics to think about as important (McCombs, 1978). The agenda, therefore, refers to the relative perceived salience and importance of an issue, rather than its relative approval by the audience (Erbring, Goldenberg & Miller, 1980). ...
The COVID-19 experience is considered a fertile ground for lessons learned regarding media use, communication strategies, and consumption of media content during pandemics. This study seeks to learn from such experience in Egypt and investigates the role which the media played in affecting the behavior of the Public in Egypt towards the COVID-19 pandemic, from their own perspective. The study seeks to explore the level of dependence of the Public on the different media of communication and how they made decisions regarding their behavior to mitigate the pandemic in response to these media messages. Through focus group discussions (FGDs) with communities in Cairo, this research gained insight into the role that the media played in providing information during the crisis situation, and how the media helped to frame perceptions of COVID-19. While identifying the main means of communication they used to get information, FGD participants discussed which ones were most effective in terms of convincing them of a certain perception of the pandemic and the vaccine, as well as influencing their behavior including their adoption of, and adherence to protective measures, as well as their acceptance of the vaccine. The research is guided by the media system dependency (MSD) theory (Ball-Rokeach & DeFleur, 1976) and its updated perspective on technologically mediated means of communication.
... В результате сложилась ситуация, когда отдельные социально значимые проблемы могли оказываться невидимыми для тех, кому они неинтересны или неприятны. В соответствии с классическими теориями медиа, в частности, теорией повестки дня (agenda-setting), сообщения СМИ оказывают влияние на представления людей о тех или иных вопросах [McCombs 1977[McCombs , 2014. Следовательно, множественность отражений реальности, которую наблюдали разные социальные группы, способствовала фрагментации и поляризации общества [Iyengar, Hahn 2009], а предпочтение идеологически близких источников и нежелание потреблять чуждый контент усилило этот разрыв. ...
This article examines two opposing media consumption trends—news avoidance and doomscrolling—through the lens of media environment and societal fragmentation. News avoidance refers to the conscious limitation of economic or socio-political content consumption to maintain emotional well-being, while doomscrolling is defined as compulsive and excessive attention to negative news. The study is based on 91 semi-structured interviews with individuals exhibiting these media consumption styles. News avoiders and doomscrollers demonstrate the ability to understand each other's logic through reflection on their own experiences and interactions with their social environment. However, both groups criticize the opposing media consumption style. Doomscrollers view news avoiders as passive and under-informed, whereas news avoiders accuse doomscrollers of addictive behavior. The interviews frequently reveal normative judgments about the necessity of consuming or avoiding news. Additionally, both groups perceive each other as more vulnerable to misinformation: news avoiders are associated with ignorance, while doomscrollers are seen as prone to believing false or biased media reports. A commonality between the two groups is anxiety about the future. The differences in news consumption volumes are explained by varied approaches to managing anxiety and assessing the usefulness of information. Thus, doomscrolling and news avoidance can be considered two sides of the same coin. However, these opposing media consumption styles contribute to further societal fragmentation, widening the gap in awareness of current events.
... Since the birth of the agenda setting, researchers focused on the question of time lag. How long does it take for the media to influence the public to start and produce effects (McCombs, 1977), and how long the impact of the media agenda on the public agenda lasts (Wanta & Hu, 1994), are the focus of research. Time-lag analysis aims to examine the relationship between agenda-setters from the time dimension. ...
Plain Language Summary
This paper focuses on exploring whether social robots with strong algorithm-based support can also participate in agenda-setting. This paper studies the content of social media discussion of the presidential election in South Korea, determines the degree of participation of social robots, and explores the connection between the media agenda, robot agenda, and public agenda from the perspective of agenda setting. This study used the following data and methods. First, tweets related to the 2022 South Korean presidential elections were the material used for analysis. Second, we used Botometer to identify social bots and divided all accounts into media accounts, social bots, and human users. Third, cluster analysis was used to cluster the tweets and the agendas included in the discussion of the 2022 South Korean presidential elections would be determined. The manual and computer-aided topic coding was used to determine the distribution of the agenda in the media, bots, and public accounts. Fourth, we analyzed the correlation between media agenda, bot agenda, and public agenda using SPSS software. Fifth, we used Almon Polynomial Lag to identify the time lag effect. Through the result of time lag, whose agenda was ahead in time would be judged. The results show that while the main agendas of the media, social bots, and the public are not the same, their agendas are related. Moreover, the media agenda is not ahead of the robot agenda and the public agenda in time, and the chronological order only appears between social robots and the public.
... Following the 1968's study which tested the empirical relevance of the theory, several other studies have been done to establish a correlation between the issues media considers as important agenda and those issues which are key on the agenda of the public (McCcombs & Valenzuela, 2007;Nowak-Teter, 2018). McCombs (1977) outlined two core assumptions of the agendasetting theory. One, the media landscape does not mirror reality. ...
This study examined public perception on frequency and adequacy of media information on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Ghana, using the descriptive survey design. The study population was made up of Ghanaians who were 18 years or above. Convenient sampling method was used to select 431 Ghanaians. Data was gathered through questionnaire administration. Analytical techniques for the study included frequencies, percentages, means and standard deviations. The study found that social media was the most dominant source of information among Ghanaians, followed by television, with newspapers identified as the least dominant source of information. Generally, Ghanaians perceived the level of frequency of media information on SDG 1 (Ending poverty) as high. Again, the level of frequency of media information on SDG 2 (Ending hunger and achieving food security), SDG 3 (Healthy life) and SDG 5 (Gender equality) was moderate. However, the level of adequacy of media information on SDG 9 (Industry, and infrastructure), SDG 10 [Reduced inequality] and Goal 11 [Sustainable cities and communities] was very low. As a recommendation, Ghanaian media should pay increased attention to the use of the new media especially social media when covering and reporting issues related to the SDGs. Furthermore, media organizations in Ghana should consider the use of radio and television as critical sources of frequent and adequate information on the SDGs. Finally, media organizations should re-examine their daily and weekly programs to ensure that equal attention is given to all the 17 SDGs.
... Most of the existing agenda-setting research on social media tends to focus on short-term effects with time units of weeks or days (Ceron et al., 2016;Wang et al., 2023). However, McCombs contended that the study of longterm agenda-setting is feasible, especially when the researched topics retain their newsworthiness over prolonged periods (McCombs, 1977). In line with this, Tan and Weaver (2013) conducted a study on media-public agenda-setting from 1956 to 2004 in the context of mass media communication, with a time unit set to one year. ...
... Sob essa ótica, os aspectos de um tema privilegiado pela imprensa se tornariam frequentemente proeminentes entre o público e os policy-makers. Estudos apontam que há realmente um alto grau de correspondência entre os tópicos priorizados em veículos midiáticos de grande circulação ou audiência e a agenda discutida pela opinião pública (McCombs, 2005). Isso significa que os meios de comunicação definem o que é notícia e, portanto, o que merece consideração e análise. ...
A Tríplice Fronteira entre Brasil, Argentina e Paraguai é muitas vezes associada a uma terra sem lei, o que desconsidera suas características de polo energético, comercial e turístico. O foco deste artigo é observar quais são as representações sobre a região nos jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo e se elas tendem a reforçar essa imagem. Para tanto, são usados os pressupostos teóricos de framing e agenda-setting. Também optou-se por uma análise qualitativa, complementada pelo software NVivo, que detectou o léxico que mais frequentemente é associado à região. Os resultados demonstram uma prevalência de assuntos ligados a ilegalidades, com ênfase em terrorismo. Do total de textos sobre a Tríplice Fronteira publicados entre 2011 e 2019, 55,5% deles, em O Globo, e 47%, na Folha de S.Paulo, referem-se a ilegalidades. O radical terror-esteve presente, respectivamente, em 39% e 40% dos textos. Este artigo sugere que a cobertura jornalística feita pelos dois veículos de comunicação não segue acontecimentos pontuais e carece de vozes dissonantes das forças de segurança. Isso tende a reforçar a imagem de região insegura e, que, por isso, demandaria soluções de vigilância e controle. Introdução A importância da região que compreende o encontro dos limites entre Brasil, Paraguai e Argentina, conhecida como Tríplice Fronteira, abrange várias dimensões. A primeira delas é a estratégica. Entre os lados brasileiro e paraguaio está Itaipu Binacional, a maior usina geradora e em produção acumulada de energia do mundo. Cerca de 10% do total energético consumido no Brasil e 88% no Paraguai, em média, são fornecidos por suas turbinas (Itaipu Binacional, s.d.). O potencial hídrico da região se estende em seu 1 Uma versão anterior deste texto foi publicada como preprint na plataforma SciELO em: <https://doi.
... Especially in the study of the older adults, why there are some positive and significant effects, while others are not. Many previous studies have shown that Network media will depict social facts through symbols such as words, pictures, sounds, and images, which directly affect people's construction of subjective social facts (29). In addition, its specific reports shape people's cognition and understanding of economic, political, health, technology, and social risks (30,31). ...
Objective
This study is designed to investigate the relationship between Internet use and subjective well-being of the older adults in China, and to analyze the mediating role of subjective social fairness in the above relationship.
Methods
Based on the five-wave mixed interface survey data of China General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2012, 2013, 2015, 2017, and 2018, we select a total of 18,458 older adults aged 60 and above, and comprehensively used ordered probit regression, propensity score matching (PSM), and Karlson-Holm-Breen (KHB) mediating effect test methods.
Results
The analysis results show that (1) Internet use is significantly positively correlated with the subjective well-being of the older adults, and the higher the frequency of use, the stronger the subjective well-being. (2) Place of residence, education, and regional factors moderated the effect of Internet use on subjective well-being. The subjective well-being effect of Internet use is significant among male older adults, as well as on urban, educated, or eastern older adults. (3) Subjective social fairness plays a negative mediating role in the relationship between Internet use and subjective well-being of older adults.
Conclusion
The findings suggest that Internet use contributes to the improvement of subjective well-being in older adults, but attenuates this effect by reducing the subjective social fairness. Future research should further consider other factors such as the purpose, specific function, intensity of Internet use, etc., to gain a deeper understanding of how the Internet can help promote well-being.
... Traditionally, mainstream media drive the news agenda, dictating what information the public consumes (McCombs, 2005). Selecting what information makes the news agenda incorporates the function of gatekeeping, defined by which events and aspects of them journalists will cover (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009). ...
Declining democracy in Central America, from oppressive policies in El Salvador and detaining journalists in Guatemala to emerging anti-press rhetoric in Costa Rica, reinforces a history of violent censorship for Latin American media, complicating journalists’ abilities to influence communication. Through interviews with journalists in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, this study analyzes the role of social media in Central American journalism. The interviews reveal that while the dominance of algorithms and information monopolies may assist financially controlled mainstream journalists, social media provide opportunities for alternative journalists in Central America to circumvent economic constraints and become more prominent gatekeeping actors in political communication. These findings indicate a shift in the news agenda, facilitated by social media but hindered by the lingering darkness of constrained media systems.
... Ancak geçmişten bu yana tekel pozisyonunda bulunan medya şirketleri, vatandaşların doğru bilgiye erişim hakkını suiistimal edebilmektedir. Öyle ki bu gerçeklik, gündem belirleme [2][3][4], eşik bekçiliği [5][6][7], çerçeveleme [8][9][10] gibi çeşitli düşünsel medya ve habercilik terimlerinin ortaya çıkmasına etki etmiştir. ...
Günümüzde artan veri dolaşımı nedeniyle dijital habercilikte bilgi kirliliği ve dezenformasyon daha önce hiç olmadığı kadar yaygın hale gelmiştir. Eski tarihlerde bilgiye erişim bir hak olarak vurgulanırken, günümüzde bilgi kirliliğinden korunma hakkı ortaya çıkmıştır. Bunun en temel nedeni, dijital ortamda dolaşıma giren çok sayıda haberin takibinin yapılamaması ve dijital haber paylaşımının gerektirdiği sorumlulukları düzenleyecek bir yapının bulunmamasıdır. Bu gibi problemlerin çözümüne yönelik çalışmamızda dijital habercilik veri modeli geliştirilmiştir. Dijital habercilik için önerdiğimiz veri modeli, FAIR prensiplerini sağlamasının yanı sıra, haberlerin birbiriyle mantıksal ilişkiye sahip olmasını ve haberlerin tüm süreçleriyle takip edilebilir olmasını mümkün kılarak, güvenilir bir sosyal medya ağı oluşturur. Herhangi bir veri modelinin gözlemlenebilen ve izlenebilen bir sosyal medya ortamını destekleyebilmesi için, büyük verileri barındıran çizge yapılarıyla çalışabilmesi gerekmektedir. Mevcut blokzinciri teknolojileri, gözlemleyebilme ve izleyebilme özelliklerini sağlasa da bu teknolojiler sosyal medya ağının gerektirdiği çizge veri yapısını desteklememektedir. Bu problemleri çözmek için, önerdiğimiz yapıda model ile veri birbirinden ayrılmış ve indeksleme mekanizmalarının desteklenmesi sağlanmıştır. Önerilen veri modeli, blokzinciri teknolojisinin veri modeli ile karşılaştırılmış ve sonuçta, dijital habercilik için geliştirdiğimiz modelin zaman ve alan karmaşıklığının yanı sıra, sürdürülebilirlik ve bakım maliyetleri açısından blokzinciri teknolojisinin veri modeline göre daha uygun olduğu tespit edilmiştir.
... En cuanto al desarrollo específico de los contenidos, el desarrollo de temas de carácter político provoca un menor uso de fuentes. La política, como eje de la agenda de los medios (Gallego-Ayala y Luengo-Cruz, McCombs & Shaw, 1972;Randall, 2016), cuenta con menos dificultades para acceder a las páginas de los periódicos, aun sin apoyarse en fuentes que refuercen la importancia del tema, 29,5 %. ...
La llegada de internet ha supuesto un cambio en el ecosistema mediático. Las empresas periodísticas, denominadas legacy media, han perdido el monopolio en los procesos de comunicación de masas teniendo que convivir con nuevos actores mediáticos. En este contexto, las viejas y las nuevas lógicas de producción conviven e interactúan de tal manera que los medios tradicionales y los nuevos se adaptan y evolucionan. El objetivo de esta investigación es mostrar el efecto de estos cambios en los contenidos periodísticos en relación al uso de fuentes de información y la identidad de las mismas. Para ello, se realiza un análisis de contenido sobre una muestra de 958 relatos periodísticos producidos por seis cibermedios españoles durante el primer año de la pandemia. Tales textos abordan el incremento de la desigualdad como consecuencia de la crisis derivada de la COVID-19. Los resultados muestran que dinámicas vinculadas al nuevo ecosistema mediático pueden limitar el uso de fuentes de información reduciendo la calidad periodística. Pero, por otro lado, también constatan cómo la mayor importancia concedida a actores sociales, que tradicionalmente no han centrado el interés mediático, contribuyen a la mejora de los productos periodísticos.
... Along with the freedom from torture and other inhumane treatment, it also covers the right to privacy and the freedom of speech. Another fundamental right that a person must exercise in order to develop and succeed is the right to engage in economic, social, and cultural activities, such as working for a living and pursuing education (McCombs, 2005). Several groups and states, in particular, make huge and selfless contributions to maintain these rights (Fenwick & Phillipson, 2006). ...
A country’s integration, peace, and stability is significantly determined by fact of its respect towards human rights. Every individual should have access to human rights (HR) without discrimination of race, religion, or other factors. States have a responsibility to defend their population against all dangers. Every country in world needs to establish certain characteristics and values of HR that are essential important for the welfare of the populace and democratic principles. These human rights are necessary for the peace and stability of the world. It has been observed some people in the world cannot avail or get some HR easily as compared to other people. Migrants, refugees and asylum seekers are among those people who cannot avail some fundamental HR. This article will hence find what the human rights are and why these rights are necessary for human beings. It will also find what are the specific rights for the migrants and why these laws are necessary for the protection of migrants.
... La teoría de la fijación de la agenda pública sostiene que los medios de comunicación tienen éxito en la construcción de agendas públicas, especialmente como resultado de la selección, jerarquización y repetición permanente de ciertos asuntos que generan interés en las audiencias (McCombs 2005(McCombs , 2006. Los medios, sin embargo, no tienen un impacto definitivo en la opinión que la gente se forma sobre los temas de agenda, aunque son una de las fuentes principales para crear corrientes de opinión. ...
... However, media companies, which have been in a monopoly position since the past, can abuse the right of citizens to access accurate information. So much so that this reality has influenced the emergence of various intellectual media and journalism terms, such as agenda setting [2][3][4], gatekeeping [5][6][7], and framing [8][9][10]. ...
As digital data circulation increases, information pollution and manipulation in journalism have become more prevalent. In this study, a new digital journalism model is designed to contribute to the solution of the main current problems, such as information pollution, manipulation, and accountability in digital journalism. The model uses blockchain technology due to its transparency, immutability, and traceability. However, it is tough to provide the mechanisms necessary for journalism, such as updating one piece of information, instantly updating all other information affected by the updated information, establishing logical relationships between news, making quick comparisons, sorting and indexing news, and keeping the changing information about the news in the system, with the blockchain data structure. For this reason, in our study, we have developed a new data structure that provides both the immutability, transparency and traceability properties of the blockchain and can support the communication mechanisms necessary for journalism. The functionality of our proposed data structure is demonstrated in terms of communication mechanisms such as mutability, context, consistency, and reliability through example scenarios. Additionally, our data structure is compared with the data structure of blockchain technology in terms of time, space, and maintenance costs. Accordingly, while the model size increases linearly in blockchain, the model’s size remains approximately constant since the structure we developed is data-independent. In this way, maintenance costs are reduced. Since our model also has an indexing mechanism, it reduces the linear time search complexity to logarithmic time. As a result, the data structure we developed is found to have higher performance than blockchain in the journalism concept. In future studies, it is planned to test all aspects of the model with a pilot application, eliminate its shortcomings, and develop a holistic approach to the root causes of the problems in the journalism focus.
... Yet, they can only do so to a limited extent. The disclosure timing is closely tied to the stakeholders addressed and the reactions expected McCombs (1977) provided an illustrative example: "Once an issue is highly salient and opinions are largely shaped, public relations may be limited to a defensive posture or a redundant 'me too-ism'. Effective public relations require lead time, and opportunities to communicate before an issue is approaching its zenith" (p. ...
... Generally speaking, the more positive an individual's attitude toward a certain behavior, the more positive the subjective norm, and the stronger the perceived behavioral control, the greater the individual's behavioral willingness will be, thus affecting the individual's behavior. As a comprehensive economic system based on information technology, the internet is essentially a medium for information exchange and communication, which is hugely influential in shaping the public's value orientation on hot topics and mobilizing participation [36]. First, when farmers browse information on the internet, they often receive all kinds of ecological and environmental information. ...
Garbage classification is significant to alleviate the pressure of household waste management in rural areas and promote green development. Based on the micro survey data of 2228 households in rural areas of Jiangsu Province, this paper discusses the impact of internet use on the garbage classification’s willingness and behavior based on the planned behavior theory. The results show that: (1) There is a deviation between willingness and behavior. Ninety percent of the surveyed farmers were willing to do garbage classification, but the garbage classification rate was only 53%. (2) Internet use has a positive effect on the willingness and behavior of farmers to classify garbage, and it can promote the willingness to change behavior and reduce the deviation between willingness and behavior. Specifically, internet use increased by 1 unit, the probability of farmers having neither willingness nor behavior, having both willingness and behavior, and only having willingness but not having the behavior decreased by 5.4%, increased by 13%, and decreased by 7.5%, respectively. (3) Further analysis according to different internet access methods shows that mobile internet access and mixed internet access can have a positive impact on farmers’ willingness and behavior in relation to garbage classification, while computer internet access has no significant impact on farmers’ willingness and behavior in relation to garbage classification. (4) Internet use can enhance farmers’ willingness and behavior in relation to garbage classification by improving their knowledge, behavioral, and environmental cognition. Specifically, the mediating effects of knowledge, behavioral, and environmental cognition on willingness were 71.48%, 21.72%, and 40.49%, respectively, and the mediating effects on behavior were 89.47%, 8.89%, and 18.81%, respectively. Based on this, this paper puts forward the policy recommendations of strengthening the hardware and software construction of the internet, adopting diversified propaganda methods of garbage classification, and improving the social supervision and restraint mechanism.
... McCombs and Shaw were the first to propose the agenda-setting function of mass media, which describes how media is used to affect the political positions of the recipients of information [1]. As newspapers are the main source of information in people's daily lives, McCombs and Shaw propose that the press plays a key role in influencing citizens' attention and even shapes their views on news topics [2]. For decades, some scholars have suggested that Chinese authorities use governmentcontrolled media to maintain the status quo by shaping the public's opinions [3,4]. ...
This chapter examines the use of artificial intelligence (AI) techniques in natural language processing (NLP) for risk management, with a particular focus on applications in the field of political economics. The aim of this analysis is to identify and measure potential political risks by conducting a textual analysis of newspapers and social media, using sentiment scores as proxies for nationalism. The study uses the 2019 US-China Trade War as a natural experiment to evaluate the impact of international disputes on political risks. One significant finding is the positive effect of the trade war on sentiment in China’s media about the US, which is attributed to the Chinese government’s efforts to mitigate the negative impact of the trade war on international relations. The study also reveals a negative impact on bilateral imports due to the conflict. Furthermore, the study employs a Difference-in-Difference (DID) model to investigate the impact of news censorship on media during the trade war. It is found that China’s regulators attempted to soften domestic anti-US sentiment, while the US media reported more negatively about China during the conflict. Overall, this analysis demonstrates how NLP technology can be effectively used to identify changes in the management of political risks by analysing news and other media.
... Most researchers, using an interdisciplinary approach, focus on the technologies of mass media influence on society. Examples include the 'spiral of silence' model (Noelle-Neumann, 1984) and M. McCombs' agenda-setting theory (McCombs, 1972). Instead, insufficient attention is paid to the reverse process, namely the influence of government and society on the mass media in the post-communist context. ...
The article is devoted to transformations of technologies of political influence on mass media in Ukraine. The essence of the post-communist context of transformations of technologies influencing the mass media is determined. It consists in the transition from the Soviet heritage (state and party censorship, administrative pressure on journalists and editors) to the oligarchic model of mass media activity (the use of economic leverage, hidden political advertising, and dependence on the owner). The methodological approach of historical institutionalism is used to determine the transformations of technologies of influence of public power and oligarchic groups on the mass media in the post-communist context. It has been specified that the creation of a democratic model of mass media activity is an integral part of the democratization of the Ukrainian political process. The study of technologies of public power influence on the mass media allows reconstructing creatively some provisions of the theory of democratic transition, determining its essence and directions in Ukraine. Special emphasis is placed on the need to overcome the post-communist legacy and the importance of understanding the democratic transition of Ukraine as the achievement of its ultimate goal – full-fledged European and EuroAtlantic integration. Despite the long debates in Ukrainian political science regarding the use of such terms as "post-communism" and "democratic transition", the events of recent years, and especially the war of the russian federation against Ukraine (i.e. actions aimed directly against the democratic transition of Ukraine) have convincingly proven the scientific value and the importance of researching the post-communist context of mass media activity. The essence of certain technologies of influence on the mass media, which characterize the relations between the government, society, and the mass media in the post-communist context, is noted.
... In earlier agendasetting studies, it was argued that the media could not only influence what people think about, but also how they think about it. 21,22 This early work has spurred research investigating the impacts of the media on the public's perceptions with respect to politics, economics, and public health. [23][24][25][26] In the context of public health, several authors have noted the role of agenda setting played by the media in influencing healthpromoting change. ...
The recent COVID-19 pandemic has brought the debate around vaccinations to the forefront of public discussion. In this discussion , various social media platforms have a key role. While this has long been recognized, the way by which the public assigns attention to such topics remains largely unknown. Furthermore, the question of whether there is a discrepancy between people's opinions as expressed online and their actual decision to vaccinate remains open. To shed light on this issue, in this paper we examine the dynamics of online debates among four prominent vaccines (i.e., COVID-19, Influenza, MMR, and HPV) through the lens of public attention as captured on Twitter in the United States from 2015 to 2021. We then compare this to actual vaccination rates from governmental reports, which we argue serve as a proxy for real-world vaccination behaviors. Our results demonstrate that since the outbreak of COVID-19, it has come to dominate the vaccination discussion, which has led to a redistribution of attention from the other three vaccination themes. The results also show an apparent discrepancy between the online debates and the actual vaccination rates. These findings are in line with existing theories, that of agenda-setting and zero-sum theory. Furthermore, our approach could be extended to assess the public's attention toward other health-related issues, and provide a basis for quantifying the effectiveness of health promotion policies.
... Both traditions, rational choice, and prospective decision assume that information is transferred directly to audiences, but another specific perspective is that data is mediated and even biased by television, radio, press, or electrical networks [17]. Media theories maintain that the State disseminates information with the purpose of generating a public agenda which is replicated by audiences on electronic networks [18]. The process of framing the data lies in media bias; Communicators, Opinologists, Columnists, Reporters or Hosts emerge as experts on various topics, but ephemeral or permanent. ...
The purpose of the work was to specify a model for the study of social understanding. A documentary, cross-sectional and exploratory study was carried out with a non-probabilistic selection of sources indexed to international repositories, considering the indexation, year of publication and impact factor. Discussion axes were established to address the problem, although the research design limited the findings to the sample analyzed, suggesting the extension of other repositories, years and quality indicators.
... Especially in the study of the older adults, why there are some positive and signi cant effects, while others are not. Many previous studies have shown that Network media will depict social facts through symbols such as words, pictures, sounds, and images, which directly affect people's construction of subjective social facts, cognition of economic, political, health, technology, and social risks (McCombs, 1977;Dispensa & Brulle, 2003;Carter, 2013). People's comparisons, conformity, imitation and other psychology are greatly in uenced by network information (Grisold & Theine, 2017). ...
This study based on the five-wave mixed interface survey data of China General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2012, 2013, 2015, 2017, and 2018, we selected a total of 18,458 older adults aged 60 and above, comprehensively used ordered probit regression, propensity score matching (PSM), and Karlson–Holm–Breen (KHB) to investigate the relationship between Internet use and well-being of the older adults in China, and to analyze the mediating role of subjective social fairness in the above relationship. The analysis results show that Internet use contributes to the improvement of well-being in older adults, but attenuates this effect by reducing the sense of social fairness. In addition, place of residence, education, and regional factors moderated the effect of Internet use on well-being. The well-being effect of Internet use is significant for urban older adults, as does schooled or eastern-central older adults. The above results indicate that moderate use of the Internet is of great significance in promoting active aging, but further attention should be paid to the aging transformation of the Internet in the process of promoting the digital integration of the elderly.
... McCombs y Shaw utilizaron la siguiente lista de cuestiones principales, basada en los resultados de una encuesta: política exterior, seguridad ciudadana, política fiscal, seguridad social y derechos civiles . [19] McLeod, Becker y Byrnes aportaron también una lista de asuntos y preguntaron después a los encuestados si los conocían [20] . He aquí los temas: gastos de defensa, lucha contra el crimen, honradez en el gobierno, liderazgo mundial de Estados Unidos, guerra de Vietnam y cargas fiscales. ...
La contradicción observada entre las estadísticas del crimen y las encuestas públicas realizadas en Estados Unidos, proporcionan un magnífico caso de estudio para examinar el impacto de los medios sobre la opinión pública. Las estadísticas de los últimos años indican que el crimen se encuentra en una espiral descendente, a pesar de lo cual, el porcentaje de público que considera el crimen como el mayor problema del país, es ahora más alto. Esta reacción del público tiene que deberse a algo distinto a las tendencias actuales del crimen: quizá a algún tipo de pseudo-ambiente creado por los medios de comunicación de masas. Porque según Lippmann, la gente reacciona ante un pseudo-ambiente como si se tratara de un ambiente real. En Texas, donde la proporción de hechos delictivos se encuentra en descenso desde 1991, las encuestas realizadas entre el público reflejan la tendencia opuesta. Los informes del Texas Department of Public Safety (1992-1995) indican que el promedio de crímenes descendió un 9,7 por ciento de 1991 a 1992 y un 8,8 por ciento de 1992 a 1993 y de 1993 a 1994. Durante el primer semestre de 1995 el promedio bajó un 5,5 por ciento con respecto a los primeros seis meses de 1994. A pesar de estas cifras, el Texas Poll registró niveles extremos de preocupación del público por el crimen, que se elevó desde el Z por ciento en el verano de 1992 a un máximo del 37 por ciento en la prima * Traducción: Esteban Morán. vera de 1994. Los últimos datos de los sondeos utilizados en el presente estudio indican que aproximadamente un 15 por ciento de los habitantes de Texas encuestados siguen pensando que el crimen constituye el problema social más importante del país. Aun cuando es un hecho conocido que los medios tienen algo que ver con la gran preocupación del público por el crimen, se justifica una investigación que relacione empíricamente la inquietud del público ante el crimen y su actual cobertura por los medios.
... The media is the main information source for the public [44]. Wilson (2000) believes that climate change knowledge in the United States mainly depends on the media, especially television. ...
Climate change communication is a crucial strategy for addressing the major challenges of climate change, and the knowledge mapping analysis and overview of it helps to clarify research progress. Based on CiteSpace, 428 pieces of domestic and foreign literature are collected to clarify the basic status of climate change communication research and summarize research hotspots and prospects. The study found that: (1) The earliest traceable English literature on climate change communication appeared in 2000. The number of articles published has risen steadily since 2008, reaching its first peak in 2015. (2) In contrast, research into Chinese climate change communication began late and progressed slowly. The Chinese literature on climate change communication first appeared in 2009. Although domestic research generally continues to pay attention to this phenomenon, there is still room for development compared with international research. (3) The research hotspots for climate change communication are obtained through keyword co-occurrence analysis. Public perceptions of climate change are strongly influenced by political ideology. Since climate change has political attributes, people from different political parties or groups form their views on climate change through identity protection. (4) The research content on climate change communication can be summarized into the following six aspects: the development of climate change communication research; differences in public perceptions of climate change; factors influencing climate change communication; key elements of the climate change communication process; the important role of the media in climate change communication; and effective strategies for climate change communication. Finally, the shortcomings of this study are summarized and future research prospects on climate change communication are put forward from the perspectives of research methods, research contexts, and research paradigms.
This research paper investigates the critical role of social media in raising awareness and shaping public policy in India through a comparative analysis of two high-profile incidents: the Nirbhaya incident of 2012 and the Hathras incident of 2020. In the contemporary digital age, social media platforms have emerged as powerful tools for shaping public discourse, mobilizing civil society, and influencing policy policies. The ability of these platforms to connect individuals from diverse backgrounds and amplify their voices has transformed the construction and dissemination of public policy. Following the Nirbhaya incident, widespread social media activism played a pivotal role in the passage of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 2013, which introduced significant reforms to address sexual violence. This case exemplified how collective online outrage and coordinated digital campaigns can pressure authorities to enact substantial legislative changes. Similarly, the Hathras case in 2020 highlighted the ongoing influence of digital platforms in creating a groundswell of demand for justice and systemic reform. By examining the discourse on social media surrounding the Nirbhaya and Hathras incidents, this paper explores the dynamics of online activism and its impact on policy formulation and implementation.
Studies have shown that citizens’ engagement on social media drives politicians to adapt the issues they discuss online. However, for representative democracy to function effectively, politicians must not only discuss these issues but also act on them. This paper explores whether higher citizens’ engagement on social media shapes the issues politicians address online and leads to substantive agenda responsiveness, such as proposing legislation or raising issues in parliament. To do this, we examined over 370,000 Facebook posts by more than 350 politicians in Australia, Belgium, and the United States. Our results indicate that higher citizens’ engagement on politicians’ own social media regarding an issue increases the likelihood of politicians promoting concrete legislative or parliamentary actions related to that issue, regardless of the issue’s salience. These findings highlight social media’s role in informing and motivating politicians’ agenda responsiveness, with important implications for the current state of representative democracy.
The unending practice of open defecation (OD) in some developing countries is worrisome to both development and health communication scholars worldwide. It is on record that Nigerians defecate openly. This is at variance with Sustainable Development Goal 6.2 which focuses on achieving access to adequate and equitable sanitation and hygiene for all and ending open defecation by 2030. The study explores media advocacy against open defecation in Ekiti and Osun States in Southwest Nigeria. The study determines the contributions of media campaigns toward eradication of open defecation in the two states. It also seeks to ascertain public knowledge on media approaches to campaigns against open defecation and to find out the level of public awareness on the dangers posed by the dirty habit. Agenda Setting Theory, Development Communication Theory and the Health Belief Model constituted the theoretical frameworks. The study adopted cross-sectional research, using quantitative and qualitative research methods. The instruments employed were questionnaire and Focus Group Discussions. Three local government areas were selected from each of the senatorial districts ofEkiti and Osun States respectively with an estimated population of 3,338,998. The sample size of 400 was calculated using the Taro Yamane formula. Findings revealed that 95% of the respondents were aware that open defecation was rampant in the study areas and agreed that media advocacy was needed as part of the efforts to stop the practice. Findings also revealed that open defecation in the study areas was caused by lack of public toilets. Furthermore, the study revealed that lack of funds caused hindrance to effective use of mass media for effective advocacy against open defecation. The study concluded that to achieve an open defecation-free environment, the use of media advocacy should be intensified using the multimedia approach for effective communication with the public. The study recommends both traditional mass media and social media channels as tools for effective media advocacy to enhance behavioural change and to embrace the use of standard modern toilets to rid the society of open defecation.
Cet article analyse les pratiques d’information politique durant la campagne présidentielle française de 2022. À partir d’une enquête par questionnaire (n = 1 358), l’objectif est d’identifier dans quelle mesure la relation aux informations politiques et les supports médiatiques utilisés varient selon les caractéristiques sociales des personnes et suivant leur positionnement sur l’échiquier politique. En sus d’une segmentation sociale attendue, nos résultats tendent à montrer une segmentation « politique » des publics selon les types de médias. D’un côté, les sympathisants des candidats centristes, de droite et d’extrême droite ont des pratiques d’information politique où la consommation du média audiovisuel traditionnel à travers son produit phare, le journal télévisé, est restée primordiale. D’un autre côté, les sympathisants des gauches privilégient davantage les lignes éditoriales alternatives, voire contre-hégémoniques, de certains pure players, tout en partageant avec les centristes la référence à la presse quotidienne nationale.
Twitter is a highly politicized platform that offers the potential to open up digital
discussion spaces. Political debates held on this platform can quickly become emotionally charged – an example for this was seen in May 2021 when the Israel-Gaza-Conflict escalated once again. Eyewitnesses reported on the events on the ground and institutionalized, but also non-established actors, commented on the conflict via Twitter. Current research already suggests that Twitter plays a major role in the research and news production processes for journalism. Therefore, it is of scientific and also of social relevance to examine to what extent actors in journalism are influenced by statements and opinions on Twitter in their selection of topics and in their way of presentation. Since the influence of established actors on Twitter –
such as politicians and news portals – has already been researched, the aim of this
study is to investigate intermedia agenda setting (IAS) between online journalism
and non-established actors on Twitter. This leads to the following research question:
RQ1: To what extent do German-speaking non-established actors on Twitter influence German online news coverage of the Israel-Gaza conflict in May 2021?
The concept of the public and the location of social media – as media that potentially open up spaces of mass communication – within this sphere form the theoretical starting point of the study. Non-established actors on Twitter are seen as potential opinion leaders of online news coverage within the framework of opinion leadership adapted to the online media environment. The focus of the study is on intermedia agenda setting (IAS). Building on its theoretical foundation, it can be argued that factors of a structuralist as well as constructivist nature can condition IAS effects. Since these assumptions are only theoretically based, with no research regarding the integration of Twitter into journalistic work practices – at least related to German journalism – being available so far, the second central research question of this study is: RQ2: Which conditions increase the likelihood of online journalism being influenced by online opinion leaders on Twitter?
A mixed-methods design was used to answer the research questions: Subject areas, possible disinformation, and identified miniframes in the tweets and articles of
the sample were first collected by using a qualitative content analysis. The Twitter
sample consists of tweets (N = 2585) published by non-established actors during
the study period from May 10 to May 21, 2021. The sample of online news providers includes all articles regarding the Israel-Gaza conflict published in the same
period (N = 475) from the following media offerings: BILD.de, n-tv.de, FAZ.NET,
DER SPIEGEL (online), tagesschau.de, ZEIT ONLINE and Thüringer Allgemeine
(online). In addition to examining direct adoption of individual miniframes on Twitter into online news platforms, potential indirect IAS effects between the agendas
were also statistically examined using Granger Causality. To answer the second
research question, qualitative, guided interviews with experts were conducted. The
interviews were conducted with journalists from five different editorial departments, with the sample covering both national and regional as well as private and
public news providers.
The results of the content analysis cannot confirm a one-sided influence of Twitter
on the selected German online news providers. Neither direct takeovers of miniframes nor a constant one-sided, significant, indirect influence of Twitter on the
coverage of the Israel-Gaza conflict can be statistically proven. Rather, the data
obtained indicates reciprocal co-orientation between non-established actors on
Twitter and journalists of the online news media. At the same time, it should be
noted that any observable influences vary depending on different subject areas as
well as different news providers. Statements from the interviews confirm the finding that non-established actors on Twitter play only a minor role in the production
of online news compared to established actors, especially the political elite. Tweets
published by non-established actors are considered in journalism only when they
represent exclusive material or when they are able to provide information about a
public mood.
The results of this study proposes follow-up research regarding the relevance of
social media in journalism. In particular, the expansion of the analyses of IAS in
relation to different – possibly also domestic – topics is of great interest. Furthermore, the reporting of a greater variety of news providers as well as different social media is a considerable approach for new research.
The 2017 presidential election had the effect of enshrining YouTube as the “new space for political communications”, allowing for a disintermediated, closer-to-the people form of expression. But before being populated by political professionals, YouTube was first the playground of YouTubers, with the most famous among them leveraging their millions of followers to become powerful influencers. It was not long before French politicians entered the YouTube universe and took an interest in these key players in connected society. In late May 2021, a comic YouTube video featuring President Emmanuel Macron caused quite a stir in the French media space. This article looks at what the head of state’s participation in an Internet-exclusive entertainment program can teach us about the staging of politics. The corpus, which includes the famous video, national daily press coverage of the event, and comments posted by Internet users on the digital platform, was subjected to a thematic categorical-content analysis that allowed us to categorize statements inductively. The event appears to be representative of the current changes in political communication in France and their impact on the French public space.
Günümüzde markalar adeta birbirleriyle yarış halindedir. Markalar arasında artan rekabet ortamı markaların reklam stratejilerine verdiği önemi artırmış, markaların reklam stratejilerine verdiği önem arttıkça markaların gündemde kalmasını da bir o kadar önemli kılmıştır. Bu noktada markalar araştırmanın ana hipotezi olan gündemden faydalanmışlardır. Gündem belirleme teorisi, medyanın toplumu etkileyebileceğini ve bireylerin belirli konulara verdiği önemi şekillendirebileceğini öne süren iletişim teorisidir. Kovid-19 salgınının pandemiye dönüşmesi ve yayılmasıyla birlikte, bu konu tüm dünyada bir numaralı gündem maddesi haline gelmiştir. Bu durum üzerine birçok marka, reklamlarında Kovid-19 gündemini kullanma yoluna gitmiştir. Araştırma bu noktada bu teoriyi reklamcılığa uygulayan markaların; değerlerini iletmek, empati göstermek ve tüketicilerde yankı uyandırmak ve Kovid-19 gündeminin reklamlardaki rolünü ne amaçla kullandıklarınıı ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu kapsamda ilk olarak seçilen 8 reklam filmine içerik analizi yapılmış ve ardından iletişim teorisine hakim olan iletişim fakültesi mezunu 8 katılımcıyla odak grup görüşmesi gerçekleştirilmiştir. Araştırma sonucunda ise Kovid-19 gündeminin reklamlardaki rolü markalar ve tüketiciler açısından ele alınmıştır. Kovid-19 gündeminin reklamcılıkta stratejik kullanımı, markaların zorlu bir dönemde izleyicilerle bağlantı kurmasını sağlamıştır. Reklamcılar, gündem belirleme teorisini kullanarak pandeminin öneminden yararlanmış ve mesajlarını halkın kaygılarıyla uyumlu hale getirmiştir. Sonuç olarak; markaların Kovid-19 gündemini pazarlama amaçlı kullandıkları ve tüketicileri duygusal açıdan etkiledikleri kanısına ulaşılmıştır.
Agenda cutting derives from a grand theorem of communication science, agenda setting. However, agenda cutting can also be related to several other theorems, such as news value theory (Galtung & Ruge), the theory of media mediatization (Colistra) or news geography (McBride; Kamps). All theoretical approaches suffer from the “epistemic dilemma” of having to prove non-existence. Nevertheless, there are quite a number of empirical studies that demonstrate agenda cutting (often without explicitly naming the term) at different times in different media channels under specific social, media, and geographic and conditions. In order to theoretically pin down agenda cutting, it is necessary to develop a scientifically tenable concept of topic and thematization. If communication science proves to be “topic research without topic theory” (Kuhlmann), neighboring disciplines such as structuralist-oriented (media) linguistics can come up with topic definitions that can be helpful. Similarly, the concept of relevance plays a role in all assumptions about news selection without being quite theoretically reflected. Here, recourse to sociology (Schütz) and action theory facilitate access. Agenda cutting as an editorial and media practice is something people do in a social context. Accordingly, the actors of agenda cutting must also be taken into account for theoretical reflection, both on the production and on the reception side. Then, recommendations for action can be made on how to counteract intentional agenda cutting in order to free the audience from a self-inflicted media immaturity.
The widespread use of social networks has given agenda-setting research new dimensions. The principle of the fourth estate, suggested by liberal-pluralist theories, is particularly being put to the test in the new communication environment. This study aims to understand the system used in setting the agenda by examining the claiming rights and demands of individuals on Twitter in Turkey. For this purpose, 82 tweets that call for individual or societal claiming rights have been compiled from the Turkish Twitter agenda over the course of a year, between November 1, 2020, and November 1, 2021. The dataset was obtained using the "in case you missed it" feature and the Twitter agenda (Top Trend). From the current dataset, 46 tweets that 'successfully mobilised public administrators, relevant people, or public opinion' were collected in a separate dataset. The tweets in this new dataset were examined using qualitative content analysis. According to the findings, as opposed to what is generally believed, the number of followers or interactions is not the primary factor influencing the success of tweets made by people asserting their rights and demands. Some users have been reported to be able to reach large audiences and important people and achieve results, despite having a relatively low number of followers. Twitter's capability to generate a potent virtual public opinion suggests that social media holds significant influence over shaping public policies for the present and future. Twitter is a useful tool for contacting difficult-to-reach administrators and policymakers.
Gündem belirleme araştırmaları, sosyal medyanın kitleselleşmesiyle yeni boyutlar kazanmıştır. Özellikle liberal-çoğulcu kuramların öngördüğü medyanın dördüncü güç olma nosyonu, yeni iletişim ortamında bir kez daha sınanmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'de bireylerin Twitter üzerinden hak arayışı ve taleplerini inceleyerek, gündem oluşturmada kullanılan sistematiği anlamaktır. Bu amaçla, 1 Kasım 2020 ile 1 Kasım 2021 arasındaki 1 yıl boyunca, Türkiye Twitter gündemi takip edilmiş, bireysel veya toplumsal hak arama, talepte bulunma niteliği taşıyan 82 tweet derlenmiştir. Bu veri setinin oluşturulmasında Twitter'ın gündem özelliği (Top Trend) ve "gözünden kaçırdıysan" özelliği kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen veri setindeki tweetler arasından 46'sı, "kamu yöneticilerini, ilgilileri ya da kamuoyunu harekete geçirmede başarılı olma" kriterine göre ayrı bir veri setinde toplanmıştır. Bu yeni veri setindeki tweetler, niteliksel içerik analizi ile çözümlenmiştir. Elde edilen bulgular, bireysel hak arama ve talepte bulunma özelliği taşıyan tweetlerin sonuç almasındaki başlıca faktörün sanıldığı gibi yüksek takipçi sayısı veya yüksek etkileşim olmadığını göstermektedir. Takipçi sayısı çok yüksek olmamasına karşın kimi kullanıcıların kitlelere ve ilgili kişilere ulaşıp, sonuç alabildikleri görülmüştür. Twitter'ın etkili bir sanal kamuoyu yaratabilmesi, sosyal medyanın günümüz ve gelecek için kamu politikaları konusunda oldukça önemli bir güç olduğunu göstermektedir. Twitter, ulaşılması güç olan kişi ve kurumlara ulaşmada ve hak aramada etkili bir araçtır.
The trade dispute between the U.S. and China significantly cut agricultural product sales to a major foreign market and drastically hurt Midwest farmers’ pocketbooks. To explore Midwest farmers’ attitudes toward China and the trade dispute, we surveyed 693 farmers in Illinois, Iowa, and Minnesota. We found that farmers’ attitudes toward China were generally unfavourable; farmers were also somewhat pessimistic about the outcome of the trade dispute. Additionally, we found that farmers’ attitudes toward the trade dispute were driven by their disposition toward China, the information they obtained from interpersonal and media sources, the perceived credibility of media sources, their propensity to take on risks, income, and years of farming. Farmers’ attitudes toward China, on the other hand, were influenced by the degree to which they saw information sources as credible. We also found that farmers’ attitudes toward China played a mediating effect in the positive impact of media credibility on farmers’ attitudes toward the trade dispute.
For the first time the quantitative representation of Russia and the USA in 2021 is considered: in the global online information space on the corpus of texts of the monitoring system Factiva, numbering over 106 million publications, posted on more than 23 thousand online resources in 26 languages; on the sub-corps of Russian media in Russian (over 1,000 online resources); on the sub-corps of American media in English (over 5,000 online resources). It was found that in the texts in 26 languages publications mentioning Russia were the most frequent, publications mentioning the USA came second. In terms of agenda theory (M. McCombs, D. Shaw), this fact is interpreted as a manifestation of a higher importance of Russia for the world press than the USA. In the sub-corpus of Russian Russian-language texts, this trend has been maintained. In a sub-corpus of US English-language texts, the US was on the first place, while Russia was ranked only 13th, which indicates a relatively low importance of Russia for the US press. The thematic areas that were most frequently associated with Russia and the US in 2021 were established. Factiva is strongly oriented towards economic information, and therefore topics such as company profiles, corporate and industry news were the most frequently encountered in a total of 26 languages. Next in line are stories about the domestic politics of countries. Similar trends can be observed in the analysed sub-corps of texts from Russian and US resources. At the same time, there is an asymmetry in the topics of materials mentioning Russia and the United States. Thus, in Russian sources in Russian language Russia is more frequently mentioned in the context of economic content, while the US is more frequently linked to international politics. In the US sources in English the US is more frequently mentioned in the economic context, while Russia is more frequently mentioned in the materials related to scientific and technical developments, as well as domestic and foreign policy.
Gündem Belirleme, Halkla İlişkiler, Yerel Medya, Kayyum.
The aim of this work was to establish the press framing networks surrounding water problems in Mexico City. A documentary study was carried out with press releases related to scarcity, shortages, unsanitary conditions and famine during the period from 2012 to 2022. The results show a discreet framing of the press, although the structure of such framing suggests the representation of the problem as one of shortage and its solution as the increase in tariffs, suggesting the need to extend our research to other scenarios and samples of coverage by the printed media.
The article presents a description of a text collection representing disinformation messages about the war in Ukraine published on one of the Telegram channels in order to influence the Russian-speaking community in Germany. The main subjects that Russian propaganda used at the beginning of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine were determined on the basis of deductive thematic analysis, content analysis, and semantic and stylistic analysis of the texts. It has been established that the similarity of the subjects of Russian disinformation and the identity of their coverage in different countries allows us to talk about a full-fledged system of moderation by official Russia not only traditional media, but also social networks; a special news selection for commenting, the so-called agenda, and a certain way of commenting them. The same type set of topics and the identity of their coverage in different countries gives reason to conclude that they have been transformed into peculiar patterns, according to which a carefully constructed image unfolds through the story. The task: to compromise Ukraine, as well as European countries and politicians who did not support the Kremlin's military aggression; to impose a favorable for Russian vision of its attack on Ukraine; to cause panic with threats of global military conflict with the use of nuclear weapons among European citizens, and an energy and food crisis in Europe; to destabilize the domestic political situation within Germany; to demonize the image of the US to divert attention from the real aggressor and to compromise the partnership between the European Union and the US.
The authors examine the process of a value-oriented context implementation by Western media in the coverage of the radical group’s activities. A specifi c form of content analysis as a method was used, expressed in a sentiment analysis of specifi cally selected material based on news publications. The scientifi c novelty of the study is the application of a text tone analyzing method in the little-studied subject of the radical organizations’ media image. In addition, in the context of the Taliban terrorist group formation as a political system in Afghanistan in 2021, it is relevant to research the banned organization media image from the point of political communication view. As a theoretical basis, an actor-oriented approach was used through the prism of the society mediatization theory as well as the theory of value identities. During the study, value-oriented triggers were analyzed in the publications of CNN, Daily News, The New York Times. The choice of these media is due to a reassessment of the foreign policy priorities of the United States of America, being the main antagonist of the banned Taliban organization. Thus, the study is devoted to the main topical issues: is the topic of the Taliban relevant in the US mass media today and what is the media image of the Taliban in the US mass media after the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. As a result of the analysis, the authors conclude that despite the change in the US foreign policy strategy and the transformation of its priorities, the topic of the Taliban is not only still relevant in the US mass media but also has a structured system for constructing a negative media image of the Taliban movement, where the Western media highlights the destructive actions and the economic and social consequences incurred as a result of the policies pursued by the Taliban. In further research, the banned radical Taliban group as a media phenomenon should be studied more carefully, as well as the social consequences of the formation of one or another media obsession in the mass media within the framework of this issue. In the future, additional studies of foreign and domestic media are needed to determine the trends in the development of media images of banned radical organizations
The objective of this study was to extend the theoretical concept of agenda setting to include three levels of peoples' information holding: (1) awareness of general issues; (2) awareness of proposed solutions; (3) specific knowledge about the proposals. A content analysis of three media and a survey were conducted to examine whether or not agenda setting is operative at Levels 2 and 3, since previous research has consistently shown agenda setting at Level 1. Concerning economic issues, high intercorrelations among media regarding economic content were found at Level 2. Agenda setting was found at both Levels 2 and 3, with newspapers primarily setting the agenda for all media users. In contrast to prior agenda setting studies which have found television to play a substantial role in setting the public agenda at Level 1, television was not round to be setting peoples' agenda at Levels 2 and 3.
New tools for measuring changes in public opinion can be derived from the theory of the spiral of silence. Measures of individual assessment of the climate of opinion and of confidence about showing one's own opinion document the processes by which the losing side falls increasingly silent and the winning side is therefore overrated.