Available via license: CC BY-NC 4.0
Content may be subject to copyright.
135
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
The economy of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo – a nation endowed with a vast potential wealth
– is slowly recovering from the decades of decline. A
systemic corruption since the independence in 1960
and the conflict that began in May 1997 has dramati-
cally reduced the national output and the government
revenue, increased the external debt, and resulted in
the deaths of more than 5 million people from the
violence, famine, and disease (CIA Factbook).
1960–1965: Political chaos and economic disrup-
tion. This period witnessed a decline in the output
because of the disruption in the transport network
and the departure of many foreign entrepreneurs
following the political turmoil, the civil strife, and
the failed secession of the Katanga Province. The real
GDP declined by about 4% between 1960 and 1965.
1966–1974: Stability and growth. This period was
characterized by an increased involvement of the state
in the productive sectors of the economy. Thanks
to the La Politique des Grands Travaux1, the public
investment quadrupled. In 1971, the first Mobutu
plan (Plan Décennal 1971–80) was launched, which
aimed at rising the real GDP growth rate to about
7% per year. Against this backdrop, in 1973–1974 the
government took steps toward the nationalization of
all small, medium-sized, and large foreign enterprises.
Increasing the state control of the economy was
accompanied by an impressive economic expansion,
with the real GDP growing at an average annual rate
of 5.1% during 1966–1974. However, following the
adverse terms of the trade shocks caused by both the
reversal in copper prices and the oil crisis of 1973, the
centralized economy, unable to adjust, soon revealed
its severe limitations.
1975–1982: Economic recession and debt crisis.
The ill-advised economic policies and public invest-
ments of the early 1970s precipitated a debt crisis
with a damaging impact on the economic activity.
In 1975, the country stopped servicing its debt and
requested an IMF-supported program for the first
time to help extricating the DRC from its economic
crisis. Because of the overall downturn, the pub-
lic investment program was grounded, the capital
invested in the “white elephants” was lost, and the
maintenance of the infrastructure and productive
capital was neglected or postponed indefinitely. As
a result, the economic activity experienced a severe
decline, compounded by the invasions of the Shaba
The least developed countries – the case of the Congo
D.R.
Vladimír JENÍČEK, Šárka GRÓFOVÁ
Faculty of International Relation, University of Economics, Prague, Czech Republic
Abstract: e article is focused on food problem in the least developed countries, on the chosen areas where the overall
situation is the most problematic. It deals with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, belonging to the low income food
defi cit countries with one of the world’s lowest rates of the gross domestic product per capita. e paper defi nes the food
security situation in a global connection, representing a wide complex of economic, social, demographic, technologic and
political aspects of production, distribution, shift and consumption of foodstuff s. Despite some progresses in the political
situation, the eff ects of the economic crisis and the widespread food insecurity are expected to persist. Te humanitarian
assistance is now needed to support the needs of the most vulnerable. In the longer term, the countries have the signifi cant
goal of consolidating peace and security and strengthening the overall governance, while at the same time reconstructing
and rehabilitating their economy.
Key words: agriculture, confl ict, economic growth, food security, poverty
1La Politique des Grands Travaux was an ambitious plan for the economic development aimed at implementing pres-
tigious and large-scale projects.
Supported by the Faculty of International Relations, University of Economics, Prague.
136
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
Province (the heart of the mining activities) in 1977
and 1978. Altogether, the real GDP fell by 12%.
1983–1989: Adjustment supported by the IMF
and the stop-and-go policies. To improve the eco-
nomic and financial situation, and to eliminate the
significant distortions that had grown in the preced-
ing period, the government started to implement in
September 1983 a strong stabilization and liberaliza-
tion program. This strategy had a positive impact as
the real GDP, which had declined by 2.2% in 1982,
recovered with an average annual growth rate of 2.6%
during the period, 1984–1986.
In 1987, with the support of the IMF and the WB,
the government launched a structural adjustment
program aimed at establishing the basis for the long-
term economic growth and a sustainable external
financial position. The program also benefited from
the improved terms of trade, mostly reflecting a
strong upturn in the copper prices beginning in early
1987. However, with the more favourable external
environment, the government all but ceased its ad-
justment efforts. As a result, the country’s financial
performance deteriorated markedly. The annual real
GDP growth decelerated to 0.5% in average during
the period 1987–1989.
1990–2000: Hyperinflation and collapse of the
economic and political system. In the midst of the
failed attempts at the political liberalization, the
control over economic policies was lost, and the
country fell into the grip of an unprecedented circle
of hyperinflation, currency depreciation, increasing
dollarization and financial disintermediation, declin-
ing savings, deteriorating economic infrastructure,
and a broad-based output decline. The alarming
economic and social situation was compounded by
the full-fledged war that broke out on August 2, 1998.
In this context, a large part of the country’s capital
stock was destroyed, and the investment was discour-
aged. As a result, the real GDP contracted cumulatively
by some 43% during the decade, and the per capita
real GDP plummeted from US$224 in 1990 to US$85
(23 cents a day) in 2000. Over the same period, con-
sumer prices rose at an annual average rate of 684%.
The government revenue fell by 80%, and the external
debt rose to about 300% of the GDP (or almost US$13
billion) (Akiboto and Cinyabuguma 2004).
2000–2010: Output recovery. Since the end of
the civil conflict in 2000, the Republic of the Congo
has taken important steps towards consolidating the
peace and rebuilding the state. A new Constitution
was adopted in 2002, legislative elections were held
in 2002 and 2007 and presidential elections in 2002
and 2009, which saw the re-election of Denis Sassou
Nguesso. All political parties have renounced violence,
accepted all election results since the end of the
war, and are pursuing their agenda for social change
through the Parliament and decentralized legislative
bodies. Almost all key political leaders exiled during
the period of conflict have returned to Congo and
are participating in the reconciliation process. The
disarmament of the last remaining rebel group has
been completed, and the social and economic rein-
tegration of the rebels in their communities started
in 2009) (Congo Employment … 2011).
The global recession cut the economic growth in
2009 to less than one half its 2008 level, but the growth
returned to 6–7% in 2010–2011. The DRC signed a
Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility with the IMF in
2009 and received $12 billion in the multilateral and bi-
lateral debt relief in 2010 (CIA Factbook). Strengthened
macroeconomic policies, in the context of a steadily
improving security situation, have contributed to the
improved economic performance. The consumer price
inflation decelerated significantly, helped by a more
reliable supply line from Pointe-Noire to Brazzaville.
The inflation, which averaged 7% in the late 1990s,
decreased to an average of 3.2% between 2000 and
2010 (Akitoby and Cinyabuguma 2004).
Aimed at the GDP composition, the country’s
economy is dominated by the agriculture and for-
estry sector, creating 30% of the GDP in 2009, as is
illustrated by Figure 1.
Extractive industries. The DRC is endowed with
exceptional mineral resources; it contains some of
the Africa’s largest deposits of copper, cobalt, and
GDP per capita (USD constant 2000)
GDP growth (%)
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
25
20
15
10
5
0
–5
–10
–15
–20
1963
1967
1971
1975
1979
1983
1987
1991
1995
1999
2003
2007
2009
Figure 1. Real GDP growth and per capita GDP
Source: http://databank.worldbank.org/
137
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
coltan (80% of the world’s deposits) and significant
reserves of gold, diamonds, cadmium, zinc, cassiter-
ite, magnesium, and other minerals. In the past, the
DRC has been unable to harness its mineral wealth
for economic development, due largely to the corrupt
management and political interference in the para-
statal mining companies, and to the inappropriate
policies that limited the private sector investment.
The economy remains dominated by oil. Since the
start of the oil exploitation in the late 1950s, the
once diversified economy with large services and
manufacturing sectors has experienced a structural
change and is now dominated by the oil sector. In
2010, the oil production and exports contributed
85% to exports and 79% to the government revenues.
The oil dependency makes the country vulnerable to
economic shocks. Furthermore, a possible decline in
the oil reserves necessitates the diversification away
from oil (Congo Employment … 2011).
Agriculture and forestry. Combined with forestry,
animal husbandry, and fishing, agriculture provides
a direct employment to more than 50% of the labour
force and accounts in average for about 30% of the
real GDP. The sector has been experiencing problems
of various kinds, in particular with the market ac-
cess, moving products from the field, conservation,
and the production of quality seeds. Agriculture has
an untapped potential as a source of the economic
growth, the export diversification, and the gainful
employment (Akitoby and Cinyabuguma 2004).
The forestry sector represents one of the major
resources for the economy; it is an important em-
ployer and produces the only other significant export
commodity. Forestry products, which accounted for
2.4% of the GDP in 2008, but only 1.2% of the GDP
in 2010, mainly due to the effect of the global finan-
cial crisis, are the country’s second-largest export
commodity, accounting in average for 6.5% of the
total goods exports between 2000 and 2010 (Congo
Employment … 2011).
Transport and communication. The transport
sector accounted in average for about 5% of the real
GDP. Given the large size of the country, its limited
access to the sea, and the remoteness of its mineral
deposits, the transport network is of a vital impor-
tance to the present and future economic activity.
However, the sector’s performance remains less than
satisfactory and the difficulties in transportation
constitute a major obstacle to the realization of the
DRC’s agro-industrial and mining potential. In the
late 1990s, the civil war took a toll on the trans-
port sector and the infrastructure collapsed. As a
result, farmers have a great difficulty in selling any
surplus, while the food prices in urban centres are
high. Interregional connections are often limited to
the minimal air transport; as a result the country
has essentially broken down into a set of economic
enclaves (Akitoby and Cinyabuguma 2004).
The construction and public works. The activ-
ity is benefiting from the ending of the conflict, as
the local businesses and the government undertook
reconstruction works. The activity in the sector has
boomed since 2005, with the government using part
of the oil revenue windfall to improve the country’s
dilapidated infrastructure. There are now large pro-
jects in the energy, transport and housing sectors
under way, and the activity in the sector is expected
to remain buoyant in the coming years, as the gov-
ernment continues to increase the capital spending
(Congo Employment … 2011.
Wholesale and retail trade. The contribution of
the domestic commerce sector (wholesale and retail
trade) to the GDP during both the two years has been
supported by the growing small business activity all
around the country, although with a critical share
of the informal sector. It could also be explained, as
well as the one for the agriculture, by the improv-
ing traffic of goods and services as the result of the
implementation of infrastructure works including
the feeder roads (Mushobekwa 2010).
Food security
Food security refers to the food supply as well as to
the demand for food products. While the food supply
Transport and
communication
5%
Construction and
public works
19%
Agriculture and
forestry
30%
Extractive
industries
9%
Wholesale and
retail trade
24%
Others
13%
Figure 2. Distribution of GDP by main sector in 2009
Source: Mushobekwa (2010)
138
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
is mostly a function of the local food production and
food imports, the demand for food products depends
on the number of people and their purchasing power.
The access to food is determined by the latter factor
through income. Therefore, the generalized poverty
of the population is a serious impediment to the food
consumption (Figure 2).
History of food production
In 1908 the Belgian government annexed the Congo;
not until 1960 was the Congo granted independence.
Over those 52 years, the Congo developed into a source
for rice (produced for the East Asian market), manioc
for tapioca, peanuts, palm oil, cotton and bananas.
In 1954 Belgian colonial administrators implemented
a system of cooperative farming called paysannats.
“The policy was to concentrate on crops yielding
high cash returns in order improve the standard of
living of the farmers” (Hesse 2007).
At independence, the country had achieved the net
self-sufficiency in food, partly through the use of the
taxation schemes and the forced growing programs
in the 1950s, and the cash crops earned 40% of the
total foreign exchange. Following the independence,
the political instability and the flight of experienced
technicians caused a rapid fall in the production and
private investments in agriculture. Contributing fur-
ther to the decline were the mismanagement and the
failure by the government to invest in the transporta-
tion, the agricultural extension, and the communi-
cation networks needed to support the agricultural
sector. The place of agricultural exports in the overall
economy decreased sharply in the first five years of
independence; over time, the capacity of citizens to
feed their families in the face of a growing urban
population was becoming increasingly problematic.
The development of agriculture and the achieve-
ment of self-sufficiency in the food supply were the
“priority of priorities” of the Mobutu government
from the mid-1970s. However, the program called
Zairianization2 further aggravated the situation. In
November 1973, the government, concerned over
the failing production, announced it was national-
izing those agricultural operations with the annual
revenues of more than 1 million zaires ($2 million).
More than 100 farms and plantations were affected.
In less than two years, the Zairianization was a com-
plete failure and was reversed. The failure was attrib-
uted to several factors. The Congolese who received
the Zairianized properties were generally politically
well-connected individuals who knew little about
farming. They came to be known as the acquéreurs.
The departure of experienced managers led to the
disruption of the marketing system. The acquéreurs
tended to view their new property merely as a source
of revenue and did not invest in its maintenance and
the long-term growth.
The production continued to decline, and in De-
cember 1974, the government announced the policy
of the Retrocession, whereby 40% foreign partici-
pation would be allowed in the large operations,
but smaller plantations would be reserved for the
Congolese. The lack of response to these measures
led the government a few years later to allow up to
60% private ownership in the sector. The govern-
ment announced the Agricultural Recovery Plan of
1979–1980 in mid-1977 as the result of the continued
stagnation of agriculture.
In 1983, the government implemented a series of
measures to encourage the Congolese to invest in
farming. Price controls on food products were eased
and the foreign currency disbursement by the Central
Bank for the imported food was severely restricted.
The government also instituted programs to increase
the production of rice, manioc, vegetables, and meat,
and launched projects to improve roads and bridges,
particularly in the Western Congo, in order to improve
the farm-to-market networks. As a result, Congo
produced 50000 tons of wheat in 1985, according
to the government figures, or roughly one half of the
total demand, and 1.5 million head of cattle or three
fourths of the demand. The government announced
that production has returned to the pre-independence
levels. However, the population growth continued to
outpace the production gains and a severe setback
in the early 1990s, brought on by the inflation and
the shortages of fuel and spare parts, caused the per
capita production in agriculture to decline (Figure3)
(Kisangani and Bobb 2010).
During the 1990s, the economy and the political
system continued to deteriorate, with this decade
marked by two large lootings (“pillages”) in the capital
(1991 and 1993), the hyperinflation, and the eventual
overthrow of President Mobutu Sese Seko by Laurent
Kabila in 1997. The overthrow of Mobutu, who had
been in power for over three decades, marked the
2The Zairianization process was characterized by the nationalization of a number of foreign enterprises.
139
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
collapse of a corrupt economic and political system.
President Laurent Kabila was assassinated in 2000 and
replaced by his son, Joseph. Since 2001, the Congolese
economy has stabilized macro-economically, due to
the decline of the 1998 war, the liberalization of the
economy, and the implementation of the GoDRC EIP
(Enhanced Interim Program) in 2001–2002.
The macroeconomic stabilization measures were fol-
lowed by the HIPC (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries)
debt relief initiative in 2003, which began the process
for the debt relief. The war formally ended in 2003.
However, there were many worrying economic signs
in the wake of the DRC’s celebration of its 50th year
of independence in June 2010. These included the
continuing levels of conflict in the East, particularly
in the North Kivu, parts of the South Kivu, and in
the North-East Orientale, with the resulting popula-
tion displacements, and the agricultural underper-
formance. The per capita food production declined
steadily by 2.3 % in the late 1970s, 0.7% in the early
1980s, 1.2% in the early 1990s and less than 1% in the
early 2000s. As a result, food exports also declined
by 5.8% in the early 1980s and by 7.6% from 1985 to
1993. By 2006, the DRC’s food exports had declined to
represent only 0.2% of the total exports (DRC 2010).
Food production today
Three climatic regions lie within Congo: the equato-
rial region where the oil palm, coffee, cocoa, bananas
and rice are grown; the tropical region of wooded
savannahs where the cotton, peanuts, and manioc
are grown; and the high plains where the potatoes,
leeks and Arabica coffee are grown and the livestock
are raised (Kisangani and Bobb 2010).
Since the colonial times, two types of agriculture
production systems have coexisted in the DRC: the
traditional agriculture and the modern agriculture.
In addition, a new type of production which might
be called the “group agriculture” has appeared in the
recent decades. The traditional agriculture primarily
focuses on food crops, and accounts for over 80%
of the country’s production. Almost all farms are
small-scale (less than one hectare) and fall under the
traditional agriculture characterization. The modern
agriculture began in the colonial times; it is based
on modern means of production. This type of agri-
culture is limited in the DRC, and it mainly includes
the large agribusiness companies that operate large
areas with high yields. The modern agriculture is
most commonly used for export crops. The “group
agriculture” involves group farming supported by
the cooperatives (and, in some cases, religious or-
ganizations). This type of agriculture arose from a
long-standing absence or ineffectiveness of national
rural development services that favour labourers.
In the view of the land tenure systems, the land
for food crop agriculture in the DRC is mostly al-
located via the traditional systems through the vil-
lage chiefs. Soil fertility depends on the population
density, among other factors; in the areas where the
population pressure is too high, the fallow periods are
disrespected and soil fertility cannot be maintained.
These areas would benefit if the land tenure system
was changed, and the farmers owned the land, so that
they will invest in organic or inorganic fertilizers,
nitrogen-fixing crops, and other improved methods.
Soil fertility is less of a problem in the North and
South Kivu, where the rich volcanic soil permits a
more or less continuous cultivation, despite these
areas’ high population density. The average farm size
varies across the country, with the North and South
Kivu having the smallest farm size per household,
mostly due to these areas’ high agricultural produc-
tivity and the high population density. In the areas
where land is available, the unused sections are left
fallow or planted with cash crops (DRC 2010).
Figure 3. Total and per capita food pro-
duction index (2004–2006 = 100)
Source: FAOSTAT
240
220
200
180
160
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
1961
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1997
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
Per capita
Total
140
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
Figure 4 presents the production of the most im-
portant food and agricultural commodities (cho-
sen by the highest export value – 1000$ in 2010).
Cassava, the first most important crop in the view
of the production export value and also production
in million tons is not included in the graph for a bet-
ter lucidity. According to the FAOSTAT, the annual
production of cassava, the economic and dietary
staple of the Congolese farmers, was 15.049 million
MT in 2010, compared to 18.715million MT in 1990.
From Figure4, it is evident that the production of
plantations has decreased – from 2.26 million MT
in 1994 to 1.35million MT in 1996.
Cassava (manioc) is cultivated throughout the coun-
try. Four provinces account for almost two-thirds
(64%) of the national cassava production: Bandundu,
Katanga, Orientale and Equateur. Traditionally inter-
cropped with maize, groundnuts and rice using low-
quality cuttings, cassava offers numerous advantages
to the smallholder: productive even in poor soils, low
labour requirements, drought tolerance, a flexible
harvesting period throughout the year, storage in the
ground (which deters theft), the deterrence to pests
and the consumption of both roots and leaves. There
are two main types of cassava: bitter and sweet, and
although the bitter cassava possesses a much greater
risk of the cyanide poisoning (konzo), the bitter cas-
sava is preferred by producers because of the higher
resistance to pests and the preferred qualities for
producing the fufu and chikwangue. The production
can only meet one half of the country’s estimated
national need of 30 million MT.
Plantains and other bananas are grown across the
country, but the banana production is the highest in
the Orientale, North Kivu, Equateur, South Kivu and
Bas-Congo. Plantains account for about one half of
the banana production, with beer bananas and sweet
bananas accounting for the other half. The banana beer
(kasikisi) production is an important income source
in the North Kivu. Bananas are a dietary staple in
very specific areas, particularly in the tropical forest.
Banana fields, and the food security of farming com-
munities that rely on them, are severely threatened
by mainly the Banana Xanthomonas Wilt (BXW) and
also the Banana Bunchy Top Disease (BBTD).
Most maize is produced in the Katanga, Bandundu,
the Kasais, Equateur and Orientale. Maize is also
imported from Zambia and Uganda. The seed qual-
ity is poor except for the communities and producer
groups that have received the improved seed from
international organizations. Maize is often consumed
as flour. The preparation of maize-based beverages
musululu and kanyanga provides income for poor
households.
The rain-fed rice cultivation is concentrated in
the forested areas of Northern and Central DRC,
most notably the Orientale, Maniema, Equateur and
Northern Kasai Oriental. To meet the growing urban
demand, irrigated rice production is increasingly
practiced around the urban areas, including Kinshasa.
In Maniema and Sankuru (in Kasai Oriental), rice is a
staple food; elsewhere it is only commonly consumed
in urban areas. Rice is imported from the United States
and Asia mainly, so there is an unmet demand, if the
locally produced rice can be competitive with imports.
Groundnuts constitute about two-thirds (64%) of
the legume production, with the other third attributed
to beans, cowpeas and soybeans. The Bandundu,
Orientale, Katanga and Kasai Oriental are the main
producers of groundnuts. Beans are most important
to the North Kivu and South Kivu. Cowpeas and
soybeans are grown throughout the country. Palm
Figure 4. National agricultural production
(MT)
Source: FAOSTAT
1 Plantains
2 Maize
3 Groundnuts, with shell
4 Rice, paddy
5 Bananas
6 Vegetables fresh nes
7 Mangoes, mangosteens, guavas
8 Game meat
9 Meat nes
1
2
3
56 7 89
4
2 500 000
2 000 000
1 500 000
1 000 000
500 000
0
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010
141
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
oil production is greatest in the Bandundu, Equateur,
Orientale and Kasai Occidental. Most palm trees are
kept for the cooking oil consumption. Sugar cane is
produced in the largest quantities in the Bas-Congo,
Kivu and Orientale. Most of it is produced for the
home consumption or the preparation of beer, and
for the industrial production of cane sugar.
Horticultural production is especially promising in
the urban and peri-urban areas where the cultivation
is practiced (e.g., the peri-urban Kinshasa), and in
the proximity to waterways that enable irrigation.
Fruit production is mostly done at the level of the
households (USAID 2010).
A special part of food production represents the
food of animal origin. According to the FAOSTAT, the
game meat constitutes a significant source of the food
production export value (with almost 240million $,
the third highest value after cassava – 1556million$;
and plantains – 260million $ in 2010).
The causes of food insecurity
The DRC is still recovering from the years of war
and political troubles, and the country is still facing
huge humanitarian challenges. The people continue
to live in the crisis condition in many parts of the
DRC. The estimated 4.5 million people are in the
food and livelihood crises. The DRC, according to
the International Food Policy Research Institute, is
among the four countries in the world where the food
situation is described as being “extremely alarming”.
The causes of this high level of food insecurity in-
clude the population displacements associated with
the insecurity, the lack of access to the basic social
services such as the water and health services, a
low agricultural productivity, the lack of the roads
infrastructure and the chronic poverty. The Eastern
regions are still plagued with violence, with the ci-
vilians targeted by the marauding armed groups.
The people have to flee from one place to another
desperately trying to escape the harassment from dif-
ferent militia. They are still suffering from rape, the
looting of goods, food and crops, the abduction and
all kind of the physical and psychological harassment.
This unrest and displacement threatens not just their
immediate physical safety, but also the food security
of the whole communities, as it disrupts the normal
harvesting activities. At the end 2011, more than
1.7 million people were displaced, according to the
OCHA. In early 2012, new mass displacements have
taken place in the North and South Kivu and in the
North Katanga. The Western part of the country is
also quite unstable, with political tensions and the
inter-ethnic conflicts mostly over the land dispute.
People are living in the extreme poverty with a little
support from the state (WFP 2012).
Relationships between the causes of food
insecurity
Food insecurity in the DRC follows a circular cause-
and-effect pattern of a very low and shrinking food
production levels and the extreme and rising poverty.
The decade-long downward trend of this spiral results
from the effects of the mismanagement, war and the
continuing insecurity, and the lack of access to the
land and markets.
Food insecurity is a situation in which people are
at the risk of not having an adequate physical, social
or economic access to sufficient food that is both
safe and meets their dietary needs and food prefer-
ences for an active and healthy life. Moreover, it is
the product of political structures, institutions and
processes. Structures, institutions, organizations and
processes, or the wider governance environment that
regulates the household’s access to and the use of as-
sets, define their livelihood strategies. When looking
at the interaction between the food insecurity and
the conflict, this is an important aspect to consider.
In complex political emergencies (COPE), violence
not only influences the availability of resources and
the possible options and choices of households; it also
has an impact on the existing institutional context
through which the households negotiate the use of
assets and the configuration of livelihoods strategies.
Ensuring food security for all involves not just en-
suring the availability of the adequate food in total,
but that all people have the access, at all times, to
safe, nutritious food. Reducing poverty is a key ele-
ment in the policy for food security, because poor
people spend such a large share of their incomes on
food, leaving them vulnerable to high food prices,
and many poor people obtain much of their income
from farming, leaving them vulnerable to the declines
in agricultural output.
An important mediating structure that determines
the households’ livelihood opportunities is the access
to land. It is generally acknowledged that shifts in
the institutional context and the governance of the
land tenure can become a structural cause of poverty,
142
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
food insecurity and conflict. Conflicts tend to modify
the institutional framework regulating the land ac-
cess through the introduction of new mechanisms
of protection and acquisition, and new strategies
of the economic control. Moreover, the land tenure
insecurity, because of the contestable property rights
or the potential confiscation, also contributes to the
increased risk exposure of the households making it
also a determinant of food insecurity.
A second important mediating structure in the
relation to food security is the market. Conflicts,
the overall insecurity and the altered mechanisms
of protection also change the rules of the game of
the market. These changes seriously affect rural
households of whom many engage in agriculture
which implies that they are both producers and con-
sumers. In several regions, the main problem is not
the food availability but rather the lack of market
opportunities, caused by the insecurity, the lack of
roads, shifts in the food prices, the lack of cash, etc.
Against this reality, there stands the fact that most
food security interventions still tend to focus on the
food availability rather than the access to food and
markets (Vlassenroot 2003).
Poverty and inequality
According to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
2007 (IMF 2007), 71% of the population lives below
the poverty line; this is an extremely high figure also
in comparison to other central African countries.
The same holds true as regards the depth (32%) and
severity (18%) of poverty3. The incidence of poverty
is greater in rural areas (76%) than in urban areas
(61%). The same phenomenon occurs in respect of
the depth and severity of poverty. People living in
urban areas thus are better off than those living in
rural areas. The same pattern may be observed with
regard to the vulnerability to poverty. This evidence
tends to favour urban migration in the DRC.
The incidence of poverty is the highest in the prov-
inces of the Equateur, Bandundu, and South Kivu (85%
or more). As opposite, the city/province of Kinshasa
(42%) is the least poor in the country. Self-employed
workers and apprentices are the poorest. The least
poor is the management and collaborative personnel.
The most vulnerable groups are the IDPs, widows,
orphans and the disabled, street children and child
soldiers, people with chronical diseases, and the
indigenous groups.
The spatial disparities and the disparities at the level
of socio-professional groups also characterize the
socio-demographic groups. Poverty especially affects
the households where the head of the household is
between 30 and 65 years of age (over 70% are poor).
In contrast, there are relatively fewer poor in the
young households (60%) and old households (65%).
The relationship between the household size and
the poverty indexes supports the thesis that large
households have a tendency to be poorer than small
households. Thus, the households with 10 or more
members are the poorest (the incidence of over 80 %)
and make the greatest contribution to the poverty of
these socio-demographic groups. However, below 10
members, the incidence of poverty drops off signifi-
cantly, down to 44% poverty among the households
with three members.
In rural areas, poverty is i.e. perceived as the absence
of peace, the presence of soil erosion, the inability
to obtain agricultural inputs, the difficult access to
safe drinking water, high work demands on women,
malnutrition, the problems with accessing markets
and the lack of transport infrastructure. Hence, pov-
erty in rural areas is closely linked to the conflicts,
the availability and quality of natural resources, and
livelihood opportunities. In urban areas, poverty is
perceived as i.e. the lack of money, jobs, electric-
ity, transportation, decent housing, drinking water
and sanitation. In urban areas, therefore, poverty
is linked with job opportunities and the access to
services and infrastructure (Democratic Republic
of Congo … 2008).
Generally speaking, the Gini index of inequality
is quite high (42%). This suggests the existence of
distributive injustice, discrimination, and virtually
endemic exclusion in the country. As in the case of the
poverty index, inequality is characterized by sizable
3The traditional instruments for measuring poverty (Foster-Greer-Thorbecke indices) make it possible to quantify three
poverty indexes: (1) the incidence of poverty (P0), reflecting the proportion of poor people in the given population (in
percent); (2) the depth of poverty (P1), which is an indicator of the intensity of poverty, the gap separating the poor
and the non-poor, and makes it possible to estimate the financing needed to eliminate poverty in a single blow in the
conditions of perfect poverty targeting; and (3) the severity of poverty (P2), which assesses the degree of the society’s
aversion for poverty and measures inequality among the poor.
143
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
disparities. The two Kasai provinces and the Katanga
Province have the highest inequality rates (with Gini
coefficients in excess of 40%). Inequality is relatively
low in the provinces of Bas-Congo and Sud-Kivu. The
city/province of Kinshasa is also characterized by a
high inequality (39%).
Population growth
The DRC average annual rate of population change
is now (2005–2010) growing about 2.8%, this is well
over the LDCs average value 2.2% in the same period
(as an opposite, the rates are even higher in Burundi
– 2.9%). With the rates of 65966 inhabitants in 2010,
the DRC belongs to the world most populous coun-
tries. Its rapid demographic growth can represent a
serious obstacle to improvements in the food security
(World Population … 2010).
The latest UN Department of Economic and Social
Affairs population projections to 2100 for the DRC
indicate that the deceleration of the country’s popu-
lation growth may be even faster than thought only
a few years earlier. The medium variant projection
puts the DRC population for 2100 at 212113 inhab-
itants (Figure5).
Aside from the total size, the most important de-
mographic characteristic of a population is its age and
gender structure, or the proportion of people at each
age, by gender. The age-gender structure determines
the potential for the future growth of the specific
age groups, as well as the total population. For these
reasons, the age structure has significant government
policy implications. A population of young people
needs a sufficient number of schools and, later, enough
jobs to accommodate them.
The age-gender structure of a country can be studied
through the population pyramids. The overall shape
of the pyramid indicates the potential for the future
growth. The pyramid, representing the population
of the Democratic Republic of Congo, with its wide
base and narrow top, is typical of a young population.
This shape is the result of high birth rates that feed
more and more people into the lowest bars and in
turn shrink the relative proportion at the oldest ages.
As the death rate declines, more people survive to
the reproductive ages and beyond. The births they
have further widen the base of the pyramid. This
shape is common in many less developed countries
that have experienced improvements in the life ex-
pectancy but continue to have high birth rates. It
reflects both a history of the rapid population growth
and the potential for the future rapid growth (Human
Population … 2012). Figure6 serves as an illustration
of age structure in the DRC population (in Kinshasa).
Few countries in the Sub-Saharan Africa region seem
to have entered the transition, while several are at its
very early stage; many more have not yet even begun
it. Prominent in the category of the non-starters is the
Democratic Republic of Congo. Its fertility was on a
very high level in the second half the 20th century and
remained nearly unchanged today. In 2005–2010 (45
births per 1000 inhabitants), the gross birth rate has
attained practically the same level as in 1950–1955
(47 births per 1000 inhabitants). The highest values
were observed in 1990–1995 – 51 births per 1000
inhabitants. A similar situation is in the aspect of the
total fertility rate. In 1950–1955, the TFR reached
5.98 children per 1woman. Its peak was in the decade
1990–2000 – 7.14 resp. 7.04 children per 1 woman.
Now the levels are slightly decreasing – 6.07 children
per 1 woman in 2005–2010 (U.S. Census … 2012).
Figure 5. Variants of population
development
Source: World Population Pros-
pects... (2010)
High variant
Medium variant
Low variant
144
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
The birth rate in the Congo has not significantly
declined, as it would have been expected in con-
formity with the orthodoxy of the theory of the de-
mographic transition, when the country enters the
process of modernization. The breakdown of the
fertility-inhibiting customs, and the emergence of
the modern infant feeding practices, as well as the
improvement of the reproductive conditions through
advances in the medical care and nutrition, are some
of the important aspects of modernization, which are
expected to bring about a rise in fertility before the
family planning takes hold.
The infant mortality rates (the probability of dying
between the birth and the exact age 1) has decreased
from 167 infant deaths per 1000 live births in 1950–
1955 to 116 in the 2005–2010 period.
The net migration rate was the highest in the years
corresponding to the duration of the civil conflict (6
per 1000 inhabitants in 1990–1995 and –6 per 1000
inhabitants in 1995–2000). Aiming at the international
migration, there has been an outflow and influx of
refugees. Several hundreds of thousands of refugees
from the DRC fled to Tanzania, the Republic of Congo,
Zambia, Rwanda, the Central African Republic, Angola
and Uganda. There were smaller numbers in Burundi,
Cameroon and Malawi. About 1 million people fled
to the DRC from Rwanda in the mid-nineties follow-
ing the Rwandan genocide. There were 1540814
internally displaced persons in the DRC in September
2011, most of them in the North Kivu and South
Kivu Province. The total number of refugees from
the DRC in Africa created 403646 persons.
The urban population is estimated at 2.3 million or
62% versus 1.4 million in rural areas (38%) as of 2007.
2.1 million people live in the main urban centres,
Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire, representing about
57% of the total population. This is confirmed by the
Employment and Informal Sector Survey (Enquête
sur l’emploi et le secteur informel au Congo – EESIC)
carried out in 2009, finding that 2.2 million people
live in Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire, of which 29%
are between 15 and 29.
Development aid
Aimed at the uses of the ODA in the DRC, it is
devoted to the humanitarian aid (18.1%), health and
population (12.7%), the economic infrastructure and
services (14.1%), the action relating to debt (14.1%),
the program assistance (5.5%), other social sectors
(23.7%) and other (11.8%) (AidFlows 2012).
The DRC is the 3rd world largest ODA recipient,
after Afghanistan and Ethiopia. The net ODA4 was
3413 million USD in 2010 and 3% of the total ODA
(a significant increase from 245 million in 2001)
(Development Aid … 2012).
The top ten multilateral and bilateral donors
of the gross ODA in the same year were the IDA
(International Development Association) with 1188
mil. USD, followed by the IMF, Belgium, the EU insti-
tutions, the United States, the African Development
Bank, the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Spain and
Germany. The net ODA share in the DRC GNI was
27.8%, increased from 5.7% in 2001, as is illustrated
by Figure7 (AidFlows 2012).
Humanitarian aid
The humanitarian mechanism in the DRC is large
and well established. It operates in the tandem with
100+
95–99
90–94
85–89
80–84
75–79
70–74
65–69
60–64
55–59
50–54
45–49
40–44
35–39
30–34
25–29
20–24
10–14
5–99
0–4
Population (in millionons) Age group Population (in millionons)
7 5.6 4.2 2.8 1.4 0 0 1.4 2.8 4.2 5.6 7
Male Congo (Kinshasa) – 2012 Female
Figure 6. Population pyramid
Source: U.S. Census Bureau – International Data Base (IDB)
4The net Official Development Assistance (ODA) consists of the disbursements of loans made on conces-
sional terms (net of repayments of principal) and grants by the official agencies of the members of the
Development Assistance Committee (DAC), by multilateral institutions, and by the non-DAC countries
to promote the economic development and welfare in countries and territories in the DAC list of the ODA
recipients. It includes loans with a grant element of at least 25% (calculated at a rate of discount of 10%).
Data are in current U.S. dollars.
145
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
the peace-keeping, stabilization, reconstruction,
peace consolidation, peace building and development
efforts. Hundreds of humanitarian organizations are
working together to deliver assistance and protection.
They include the UN agencies and programmes, the
US programmes, the ICRC (International Committee
of the Red Cross), the IFRC (International Federation
of Red Cross and Red Crescent societies), the IOM
(International Organization for Migration), 120 in-
ternational NGOs, 475 national non-profit organiza-
tions and 20 donor governments. The humanitarian
community works in partnership with 25 government
ministries and services at national and provincial
levels (Democratic Republic … 2012).
The largest international operation is the United
Nations Mission to the DRC (MONUC)5. The mis-
sion was established on 30 November 1999 following
the Lusaka Peace Agreement. While the MONUC’s
mandate is to support the DRC peace process, a
humanitarian affairs section was created to assist in
efforts to improve the living conditions of the most
vulnerable parts of the population. Activities of this
section include providing the temporary shelter and
protection to civilians threatened by armed conflicts;
negotiating the access to vulnerable people by put-
ting pressure on the belligerents and facilitating the
transportation of non-governmental organizations
(NGO) and the United Nations agency staff under-
taking critical humanitarian missions.
Through its humanitarian affairs section, the
MONUC engages with personnel from the United
Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs (OCHA), whose task it is to coordinate the
humanitarian action, to mobilize resources, to ad-
vocate for victims, to undertake humanitarian ne-
gotiations and to lead joint assessment missions.
Since the start of the war, a number of mechanisms
have been established that aim at coordinating the
humanitarian activities. The main objective of these
initiatives is to increase the efficiency of humanitar-
ian interventions and the level of understanding of
the local humanitarian situation and needs. At the
provincial level, the OCHA centralizes information
on humanitarian issues and interventions and invites
the agencies to weekly meetings to exchange informa-
tion and discuss the security situation. The OCHA’s
coordination mechanism also aims at facilitating the
communication between the local politico-adminis-
trative authorities and the aid agencies, strengthen-
ing the coordination of interventions and defining
the priorities and zones of intervention through the
organization of regular seminars.
The Humanitarian Aid Department of the Euro-
pean Commission (ECHO) is the DRC’s largest donor
of the humanitarian assistance, with an allocation of
more than 180 million Euros between 2000 and 2005.
The ECHO has focused exclusively on the emergency
needs and is progressively withdrawing from more
stable areas. The ECHO support is mainly provided
through the NGOs and is concentrated in the “red
zones”, which are defined as unstable regions still
suffering from the conflict or emerging from a recent
conflict, and in the “blue areas”, or regions where the
intense fighting took place between 1998 and 2001,
and which since then have gained a certain degree
of the minimal contextual (Vlassenroot et al. 2003).
Since the start of the transition process, the
European Union (EU) has become a critical player
in the DRC. The EU’s approach is to help rebuilding
of the country politically (governance) and physi-
cally (transport infrastructure and healthcare). The
EC also supports the regional initiatives and meas-
ures to protect the environment. The multi-annual
indicative programme in the DRC for the current
Figure 7. Net ODA disbursements
Source: http://www.aidflows.org/
5In accordance with the Security Council resolution 1925 of 28 May 2010, the MONUC was renamed as of 1 July the
United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO).
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
220
200
180
160
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Per capita% of GNI
146
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
spending round has budgeted €561.7 million for
these priorities. The EU’s activities in the DRC also
involve the cross-cutting issues such as democracy,
good governance, human rights, the rights of children
and indigenous peoples, gender equality, long-term
environmental protection and the fight against the
HIV/AIDS (EC 2012).
Government of the DRC programmes
The GODRC has worked with donors and interna-
tional public organizations to develop a number of
policy and strategy frameworks for the agriculture,
rural development, health and nutrition sectors. The
Poverty Reduction and Growth Strategy Paper
(PRGSP) has provided the principal framework for
the development efforts in the DRC since 2006. The
PRGSP provides the overall framework for agriculture
and rural development in the DRC and provided the
structure for the multi-donor Country Assistance
Framework (CAF) and the World Bank Country
Assistance Strategy (CAS).
Several other activities should be noted related to
agriculture and rural development. Released in 2009,
the Agriculture and Rural Development Policy Note
identifies the general and specific strategies to imple-
ment agriculture and rural development along the
five priority axes identified in the 2006 World Bank
DRC Agriculture Sector Study. The forthcoming
provincial agricultural development plans will build
upon this Policy Note. The GODRC has initiated a
Medium Term Expenditure Framework Exercise,
through which a medium term expenditure frame-
work is being prepared to strengthen the budgetary
planning and programming in the DRC. The MTEF
should strengthen the alignment of the GODRC
development planning and the national budgeting.
Finally, the Stabilization and Recovery Program
for Conflict Affected Zones (STAREC) was launched
by the GODRC in 2009, to stabilize and promote the
recovery and development particularly in the East.
The program operates in the North and South Kivu,
Maniema, Orientale and Katanga.
The key GODRC policies, strategies and protocols
related to nutrition include the National Nutrition
Policy, the Master Nutrition Development Plan, the
National Protocol for the Management of Acute
Malnutrition, the National Strategy for Infant and
Young Child Feeding and Women‘s Nutrition, and
the National Health Policy.
The DRC launched the Comprehensive African
Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) in
June 2010. The MINAGRI houses the GODRC focal
point for the CAADP, although the CAADP imple-
mentation is conducted through the Food Security
Steering Group mentioned above. The GODRC is
developing a National Food Security Program,
with the assistance from the AfDB and the FAO. This
process dovetails closely with the CAADP process,
which starts with the sector studies and extends to
the development of the sector investment plans.
It is envisioned that the agriculture development
plans developed at the district and territory levels
will dovetail with these provincial agriculture de-
velopment plans. The initial product of this effort
is the Agriculture Sector Study (Etude du Secteur
Agricole, ESA), which aims to inform the provincial
agricultural development plans.
The Rural Agricultural Management Committees
(Conseils Agricoles Rurals de Gestion, CARGs)
are being established at the national, provincial and
territorial levels. The CARGs have been established
with the external donor support, but the local admin-
istrations are responsible for maintaining them. A
product of the MINAGRI reform process, the CARGs
aim to provide the platform for collaboration with a
range of partners, particularly in the civil society and
the private sector, from the national to local levels.
The CARGs are expected to work closely with the
community development committees.
Finally, legal frameworks relevant to food security
are currently in development. The Code Agricole
is in Parliament. The land reform efforts have been
supported by international organizations such as the
International Fund for Agricultural Development
(IFAD). The legal codes regarding land and seed are
in development.
CONCLUSION
The DRC is endowed with favourable agro-climatic
conditions – the fertile and well-drained soils, abun-
dant and widely distributed rainfall, and moderate
temperatures - that permit production of a wide range
of food crops. The subsistence crops and livestock
present the main source of income for most house-
holds. By contrast, in Burundi, given the small size
of the country, rural production zones are generally
located fairly close to urban consumption centres,
leaving producers well placed to access markets.
147
Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148 Original Paper
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
Land access in Burundi is increasingly limited due
to the high demographic pressure that reduces the
size of each household’s farm. This situation has
already led to the land overuse and degradation
and a low food production, which has in turn led to
food insecurity. The subsistence crops and livestock
present the main source of income for most house-
holds, agriculture is thus the key sector and there
is still need for developing agricultural and non-
agricultural income generating activities, resolving
the land and internal displaced persons conflict,
protecting environment and the attempt to resolve
population growth. Agricultural development has
been blocked by low financial resources in rural
areas, limited markets for agricultural products, a
weak infrastructure, weak producer organizations
and post-harvest processing.
The strong focus on the short-term relief measures,
combined with the limited support to local agricul-
ture, is not only less effective for overcoming the
structural reasons for food insecurity, it might even
lower the incentives to invest in agriculture and do-
mestic food production. A more sustainable solution
is required to tackle the underlying reasons for food
insecurity, such as the low agricultural productivity.
Accordingly, those most in need would also benefit
from the provision of basic inputs, such as seeds,
fertilizers and farming tools.
There is a possibility to state democracy, to in-
crease economic growth, to reduce poverty, and to
exit the conflict trap. The risk of relapse to conflict
is still very high, the institutional capacity is weak.
To confirm peace and minimize the risk of a future
conflict, the country needs to diversify its economy
and to generate the pro-poor economic growth; and
it also needs to build more effective state institutions
to improve the governance, and the rule of law.
REFERENCES
AidFlows (2012): Available at http://www.aidflows.org/
Akitoby B., Cinyabuguma M. (2004): Sources of Growth
in the Democratic Republic of Congo: A Cointegration
Approach. Working Paper WP/04/114, IMF. Available at
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2004/wp04114.
pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
Bené C. et al. (2010): Vulnerability in Inland Fishing Com-
munities in Africa: Lessons Learned. Available at http://
www.worldfishcenter.org/resource_centre/lesson%20
learned%202105_1305.pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
Chauvin N.D., Mulangu F., Porto G. (2012): Food Produc-
tion and Consumption Trends in Sub-Saharan Africa
– Prospects for the Transformation of Agricultural
Sector. UNDP. Available at http://ideas.repec.org/p/
rac/wpaper/2012-011.html (accessed March 10, 2013).
CIA Factbook. Democratic Republic of Congo. Available
at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-
factbook/geos/cg.html (accessed May 5, 2012).
Congo Employment and Growth Study (2011). World Bank.
Available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/
en/2011/12/15646935/republic-congo-employment-
growth-study-jobless-inclusive-growth (accessed May
5, 2012).
Democratic Republic of Congo (2012). UN-OCHA. Avail-
able at http://www.unocha.org/ocha2012-13/drc (ac-
cessed May 5, 2012).
Democratic Republic of Congo (2012). World Food Pro-
gramme. Available at: http://www.wfp.org/countries/
Congo--Democratic-Republic-Of/Overview (accessed
May 5, 2012).
Democratic Republic of Congo Environmental and Climate
Change Policy Brief (2008). Department of Economics,
University of Gothenburg. Available at http://www.sida.
se/Global/Countries%20and%20regions/Africa/DR%20
Congo/Environmental%20policy%20brief%20DR%20
Congo.pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
Development Aid at a Glance (2012). OECD, Paris. Avail-
able at http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/59/5/ 42139479.
pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
DR Congo (2010): Bellmon Estimation. USAID, Wash-
ington. Available at http://www.usaidbest.org/docs/
drcbellmon2010.pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
EC (2012): European Commission Country Cooperation
– Democratic Republic of Congo 2012. Available at
http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/where/acp/country-
cooperation/congo-democratic-republic/congo_en.htm
(accessed April 18, 2012).
FAO Statistical Yearbook (2012). Available at http://www.
fao.org/docrep/015/i2490e/i2490e00.htm (accessed
April 18, 2012).
FAOSTAT. Available at http://faostat.fao.org/ (accessed
April 18, 2012).
Hesse A. (2007): Malnutrition in the Democratic Republic
of Congo: Implications and Solutions. Geography 123.
Available at http://www.personal.psu.edu/alh359/blogs/
rels_nook/YAPA%20PAPER%206%20FINAL%20VER-
SION.pdf (accessed May 5, 2012).
Human Population: Population Change (2012). Population
Reference Bureau, 2012. [cit. 2012-07-05] Available
at: http://www.prb.org/Educators/TeachersGuides/
HumanPopulation/Change.aspx (accessed July 5, 2012).
148
Original Paper Agric.Econ.– Czech, 61, 2015 (3): 135–148
doi: 10.17221/49/2014-AGRICECON
IMF (2007): Democratic Republic of Congo, Poverty Re-
duction Strategy Paper. Available at http://www.imf.
org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2007/cr07330.pdf (accessed
May 5, 2012).
Kisangani E., Bobb S. (2010): Historical Dictionary of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Scarecrow Press,
Plymouth.
Mathys E., Remancus S. (2010). USAID Office of Food for
Peace Food Security Country Framework for the Demo-
cratic Republic of Congo FY 2011–FY 2015. Food and
Nutrition Technical Assistance II Project (FANTA-2),
AED, Washington, D.C. Available at http://pdf.usaid.
gov/pdf_docs/pdacw047.pdf (accessed April 18, 2012).
Mushobekwa A. (2010): DRC Economic report. World Bank.
Available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/CON-
GODEMOCRATICEXTN/Resources/DRC_SpringEcon-
Report.pdf?resourceurlname=DRC_SpringEconReport.
pdf (accessed April 18, 2012).
U. S. Census Bureau International Database (2012). Avail-
able at http://www.census.gov/population/international/
data/idb/informationGateway.php (accessed May 5,
2012).
Vlassenroot K., Ntububa S., Raeymaekers T. (2003): Food
Security Responses to the Protracted Crisis Context of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Conflict Re-
search Group, University of Ghent.
Wodon Q., Morris M., Glaesener V., Zoyem J.-P., Larbouret
P., Moens M., Dianga E., Mdaye B., Kavalec A. (2008):
Agricultural Recovery – Food Security and Beyond.
World Bank. Available at http://ideas.repec.org/p/pra/
mprapa/15410.html (accessed March 20, 2013).
World Population Prospects, the 2010 Revision Database
(2010). Available at http://esa.un.org/wpp/Excel-Data/
population.htm (accessed April 18, 2012).
Received: 24th March 2014
Accepted: 23th May 2014
Contact address:
Vladimír Jeníček, University of Economics, Winston Churchill Sq. 4, 130 67 Prague, Czech Republic
e-mail: jenicek@ftz.czu.cz