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When humans feel confident, lively, and active, they assume an open expansive posture, however when they feel helpless, insecure, and listless, they assume a closed and contractive posture. Hence, the question is whether open or closed postures affect EFL learners’ moods. This study would highlight the impacts of the bodily behaviors on the person assuming specific physical postures and is aimed at revealing the possible impacts of high/low power (open/closed) sitting postures on language learners’ moods. To this aim, 15 male Iranian English learners were asked to assume open, closed, and ordinary postures in nine 90-minute sessions. The data were collected through using a questionnaire and the participants’ self-narratives. The statistical analysis of the questionnaire and qualitative analysis of the self-narratives demonstrated that closed postures have more negative impacts on moods while open postures have more positive impacts. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s1p643
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Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 6 No 2 S1
March 2015
643
The Impacts of Open/closed Body Positions and Postures on Learners’ Moods
Mohammad Zabetipour
Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran
E-mail: m.zabetipour@gmail.com
Reza Pishghadam
Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran
E-mail: pishghadam@um.ac.ir (Corresponding author)
Behzad Ghonsooly
Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran
E-mail: ghonsooly@um.ac.ir
Doi:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s1p643
Abstract
When humans feel confident, lively, and active, they assume an open expansive posture, however when they feel helpless,
insecure, and listless, they assume a closed and contractive posture. Hence, the question is whether open or closed postures
affect EFL learners’ moods. This study would highlight the impacts of the bodily behaviors on the person assuming specific
physical postures and is aimed at revealing the possible impacts of high/low power (open/closed) sitting postures on language
learners’ moods. To this aim, 15 male Iranian English learners were asked to assume open, closed, and ordinary postures in
nine 90-minute sessions. The data were collected through using a questionnaire and the participants’ self-narratives. The
statistical analysis of the questionnaire and qualitative analysis of the self-narratives demonstrated that closed postures have
more negative impacts on moods while open postures have more positive impacts.
Keywords: Closed posture; high-power posing; low-power posing; open posture
1. Introduction
When it comes to communication, the transmission of information/signals from a source to a destination (Richards &
Schmidt, 2002), at first, everyone thinks of it as to be a totally verbal act, while Mehrabian (1972, as cited in Osho, 2011)
has shown that 93% of communication is nonverbal, while only 7% of it is verbal. Similarly, Birdwhistell (1952, as cited in
Pease, 1981) who coined the term Kinesics stated that non-verbals account for over 65 percent of communication.
Mehrabian (1971) holds the view that body language, gestures, and postures are of high importance that when, for
instance, our verbal messages contradict the nonverbal and silent messages used simultaneously, our interlocutors
mistrust what we say. Given these ideas, pose and gesture analysis plays an important role in various fields and
applications such as gestural-based phonology (e.g., Docherty & Ladd, 1992), human-machine interaction (e.g., Nielsen,
Canalís, & Tejera, 2004), gesture, race, and culture studies (e.g., Efron, 1972) second/foreign language teaching and
learning (e.g., Gregersen, 2007; Gullberg, 2010; Kendon, 2000; Macedonia & Kriegstein, 2012; Taleghani, 2008), portrait
photography (e.g., Smith, 2004), and even motion capture for the entertainment industry (e.g., Corazza et al., 2006).
Moreover, the fact that how our nonverbal behaviors (gestures and postures) help others read our feelings and
thoughts has received a great deal of attention as there’s a long literature exploring the roles bodily movements and
postures play in interpersonal communication (e.g., Clay, Couture, & Nigay, 2007; Dael, Goudbeek, & Scherer, 2013;
D’Mello, Chipman, & Graesser, 2007; Ekman, 1999; Izard, 1994; McHugh, McDonnell, O’Sullivan, & Newell, 2010;
Mehrabian, 1971; Mota & Picard, 2003; Neill & Caswell, 1993; Nierenberg & Calero, 1971; Pease, 1981). For instance,
there is an assumption between politicians, consultants, and journalists saying that nonverbal behaviors of political
leaders influence audiences’ perceptions of them (Nagel, Maurer, & Reinemann, 2012).
All of the aforementioned studies imply that physical posture and human poses help the interlocutor understand
better what his interlocutor says and feels in any communication. But the fact is that when people think of nonverbals,
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they often think how they judge others, and how others judge them; indeed, they forget the other audience that is also
affected by their nonverbals, and that is themselves.
Hence, the fact that how physical postures, gestures, and poses affect the person assuming them has also been
under scrutiny by numerous scholars who believe that a change in our physical postures and gestures can bring about
changes in our thoughts, moods, and feelings (e.g., Arnette & Pettijohn, 2012; Brinol, Petty, & Wagner, 2009; Carneym
Cuddy, & yap, 2010; Cesario & McDonald, 2013; Cuddy, Wilmuth, & Carney, 2012; Flack, Laird, & Cavallaro, 1999; Laird,
1974; McIntosh, 1996; Riskind & Gotay, 1982; Rossberg-Gempton & Poole, 1993; Schnall & Laird, 2003; Stepper &
Strack, 1993). According to Harmon-Jones and Peterson (2009), emotional processes are affected by body movements.
People usually express their feelings and moods through facial expressions and consistent bodily postures as well as
vocal expressions and gestures (Flack, Laird, cavallaro, & Miller, 1989). Likewise, Churches and Terry (2007) hold the
view that there’s a mutual and internal relationship between internal states, internal processing, and external behaviors of
people.
Keeping this in mind, in both humans and animals, possessing high-power is reflected through open, expansive
postures while having low-power is reflected through closed, contractive ones (Carney, Hall, & Smith LeBeau, 2005). Not
only do these postures reflect power, but also they produce it. Chiefly, assuming a high-power posture is associated with
elevation of feelings of power, risk-taking, pain tolerance, and secretion of testosterone hormone, as well as reduction of
stress, anxiety, and secretion of cortisol hormone (Carney et al., 2010). On the other hand, low or reduced power is
associated with being subject of more threat, punishment and social restriction, systematic cognition, situationally
constrained behavior, sensitivity to how other people evaluate them (Keltner, Gruenfeld, & Anderson, 2003), activation of
the inhibition system (Anderson & Galinsky, 2006; Keltner et al., 2003) self-censorship, inhibition in expressing oneself,
more negative emotion, feeling more anger and decreased gestural activity (Andersen & Berdahl, 2002).
However, recent studies have shown that the mental state of power is not only related to hierarchical roles, but it is
related to the body, too (Huang, Galinsky, Gruenfeld, & Guillory, 2011). Indeed, body expansiveness in both humans and
animals is related to dominance (Carney et al., 2010), and recent studies have also shown that open postures produce
power-related feelings (Tiedens & Fragale, 2003), cognitions (Riskind & Gotay, 1982), and cause changes in two key
hormones hormone associated with powerfulness and powerlessness (Carney et al., 2010).
The researches to date have not given enough attention to how physical postures and gestures may facilitate
language learners’ emotional states in a language classroom. Assuming this, making use of body postures and positions
in a language classroom will probably have impact on students’ moods since as Brown (2000) states, psychological and
personality, or in other words, affective factors such as anxiety, motivation, risk taking, self-esteem, and extroversion
within a person play crucial roles in language learning. On the other hand, Carney et al. (2010) indicated that our body
posture, power posing, can affect anxiety and risk taking levels in the brain.
Hence, this study aims to investigate if the positions and postures learners take in a language classroom has
impact on their moods and if their body position can be regarded as a tool to overcome negative moods. It was assumed
that when language learners are induced to assume a high-power pose, the students feel confident, and when they are
induced to assume a low-power pose, they experience anxiety. It is also important to note that to the present study
researchers’ knowledge, this study is the first attempt focusing on the impacts of high/low-power posing or closed/open
sitting poses on learners’ moods in the realm of language learning and teaching.
2. Literature Review
How is it possible that one feels romantic attraction as he/she gazes to his/her opposite sex? Why do we feel happy when
we laugh and feel angry when we scowl? Why do both humans and animals seem to slump or hunch their body when
they feel powerless and face failure? And why do they rise up and assume an upright posture when they feel powerful
and experience success or victory?
Based on the embodied cognition theory, cognitive and emotional processes are rooted in the body’s interactions
with the world (Wilson, 2002), and according to Cesario and McDonald (2013, p. 261) there is “a direct connection
involving a stored, context-independent association between particular physical positions of the body and corresponding
psychological states”. In other words, there’s a mutual and internal relationship between internal states, internal
processing, and external behaviors of people (Churches & Terry, 2007). It means that our thoughts, our feelings, and our
physiology are also affected by our gestures, postures, and nonverbals (Carney et al., 2010; Cuddy et al., 2012; Riskind
& Gotay, 1982). For instance, based on an underlying assumption of dance therapy, bodily behaviors and changes can
cause emotions (Rossberg-Gempton & poole, 1993).
Basically, a certain posture can have impact on the emotions of the person assuming that posture (Rossberg-
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Gempton & Poole, 1993). Similarly, Duclos, Laird, Schneider, Sexter, Stern, and Van Lighten, (1989) hold the view that
the experience of an emotion is the result of bodily changes and actions during an emotional event. For instance, human
beings assume an expansive posture after victory and success while they adopt a slumped posture in case of failure and
defeat (Riskind, 1984) which shows that there is a connection between the body and the mind. Schnall and Laird (2003)
assert that bodily activities such as facial expressions, postures, and gestures have impact on our emotional states and
feelings. That is to say, if we pretend that we are happy, and we will feel happy, and if we pretend that we are angry, we
will feel angry (Schnall & Laird, 2003).
The works of Darwin (1890), theories of James (1980), and Hegel (1971), can be regarded as to be the pioneers of
investigating the impacts of emotional and physical behavior on emotional experience. For instance, James takes the
stance that changes in emotional experiences are caused by bodily activities. James (1980) holds the view that a number
of bodily responses can elicit emotional experiences. In an earlier work, James (1932, as cited in Rossberg-Gempton &
Poole, 1993) asked his participants assume specific postures and report their emotions. The results revealed that
assuming certain postures produce a muscular strain that could not be identified by the same participants viewing these
postures being held by others. In addition, for instance, Bernstein (1973) noted that open bodies release memories,
moods, and emotions while closed bodies indicate that the person tends to have less contact with the environment.
Similarly, Darwin (1890) says:
He who gives way to violent gestures will increase his rage; he who does not control the signs of fear will
experience fear in a greater degree; and he who remains passive when overwhelmed with grief loses his best chance of
recovering elasticity of mind. (p. 386)
Darwin (1890) holds the view that the way one expresses his or her emotion has impact on his or her emotional
state. Recent studies have also confirmed that bodily positions and postures have been shown to elicit related affects,
attitudes, and evaluative judgments (e.g., Carney et al., 2010). Besides, Brinol et al. (2009) state that body postures has
impact on the motivation and one’s ability to think in self-unrelated domains. For instance, Riskind and Gotay (1982)
found that closed and slumped body postures decrease the amount of thinking related to different cognitive tasks.
2.1 Gestures, Postures and Emotional Experiences
According to Harmon-Jones and Peterson (2009), emotional processes are affected by body movements. People usually
express their feelings and moods through facial expressions and consistent bodily postures as well as vocal expressions
and gestures (Flack et al., 1989). Likewise, Arnette and Pettijohn (2012) take the stance that the body too may affect the
mind to a greater extent than was recognized before. For instance, they maintain that “firming or flexing one’s muscles
can help to firm or strengthen the individual’s willpower” (p. 9).
Hence, the fact that a person's postures can have feedback impacts on his or her moods and inner states has
been implied in a number of studies (Anderson & Galinsky, 2006; Carney et al., 2010; Cesario & McDonald, 2013; Cuddy
et al., 2012; Huang et al., 2011; Riskind & Gotay, 1982; Rossberg-Gempton & Poole, 1993; Tomkins, 2008). For
instance, James (1922, as cited in Riskind & Gotay, 1982) hypothesized, that physical bodily changes, e.g., postures, and
emotional experiences are innately related to each other. Assuming this, “for James, physical bodily changes are the
emotion and are critical cues for the emotion; thus, a person doesn't cringe because he/she is frightened, but rather, the
person knows he/she is frightened because he/she notices that his/her body is cringing” (Riskind & Gotay, 1982, p. 275).
Riskind and Gotay (1982) showed that the participants who assumed a hunched posture for several minutes faced with
higher levels of helplessness while solving a cognitive task. Similarly, assuming an open, expansive posture has impacts
on cognitive processing, too, and in comparison with those who assumed a close restrictive posture, open body posers
experienced more power-related words on a word completion task (Huang et al., 2011).
In the same vein, Rossberg-Gempton and Poole (1993) investigated the impacts of open and closed body postures
on the emotional experiences of the person assuming the postures. The results of their study indicated that those
assuming open postures experienced a slight reduction in pleasant emotions while those assuming a closed posture
experienced an increase in unpleasant emotions. It is also important to note that in their study, Rossberg-Gempton and
Poole (1993) found out that in comparison with males, females experienced a greater increase in unpleasant emotions
when assuming a closed posture. They also state that the reduction of pleasant emotions of those assuming an open
posture might be due to this fact that open postures were probably physically uncomfortable, foreign, and non-habitual for
subjects.
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2.2
Power and power posing
Power is defined as the capacity to affect other people and it is related to the control over important sources and the
ability to manage and organize rewards and punishments (Emerson, 1962, as cited in Anderson & Galinsky, 2006).
Accordingly, people pay a lot of attention, think about, and discuss the thoughts and behaviors of those who are in power
and are powerful because in comparison with those who are not in power, power holders’ actions have greater impact
(Anderson & Galinsky, 2006).
2.2.1
High-power posture vs. Low-power posture
In both humans and animals, possessing high-power is reflected through open, expansive postures while having low-
power is reflected through closed, contractive ones (Carney et al., 2005). Not only do these postures reflect power, but
also they produce it. Chiefly, assuming a high-power posture is associated with elevation of feelings of power, risk-taking,
pain tolerance, and secretion of testosterone hormone, as well as reduction of stress, anxiety, and secretion of cortisol
hormone (Carney et al., 2010). Moreover, high-power postures have greater impacts on thought abstraction and action
orientation (Huang et al., 2011). Surprisingly, acquiring power leads to specific behavioral and mental changes that can
improve one’s performance in social evaluation (Cuddy et al., 2009). First and most importantly, power has great impacts
on one’s performance in cognitive tasks that can cause him or her to appear more intelligent and organized (Guinote,
2007). Powerful people have higher self-esteem, praise, and positive attention as well as more access to financial
resources and physical comforts (French & Raven, 1959). In a number of studies where the participants were assigned to
high-power posture conditions, it was found out that in comparison with those who were in low-power condition, high-
power posers could experience more positive emotion, pay more attention to positive information, and express
themselves easier and far more better in social relations and interactions (Anderson & Berdahl, 2002; Smith & Bargh,
2004). Moreover, high levels of power are associated with elevation of optimism in viewing risks and engagement in risky
behavior (Anderson & Galinsky, 2006). Elevated power is also associated with constructing others as a means to one’s
own goals and more willingness to engage in action (Keltner et al., 2003). Furthermore, in comparison with lower power
people, those with higher power tend to be more extraverted, talk more and interrupt others more (Anderson, John,
Keltner, & Kring, 2001).
With regard to the nonverbal cues of high powered people, it is important to note that they make use of more eye
contact, have more open and expansive postures, and more erect postures as well (Carney et al., 2005). Hence,
assuming an erect expansive posture is often associated with having high power (Cuddy et al., 2010), and power-related
feelings (Riskind & Gotay, 1982). High-power posing also reduces stress, negative emotions, anxiety, and would make a
person more eager, confident, and captivating (Anderson & Berdahl, 2002; Carney et al., 2010).
On the other hand, low or reduced power is associated with being subject of more threat, punishment and social
restriction, systematic cognition, situationally constrained behavior, sensitivity to how other people evaluate them (Keltner
et al., 2003), activation of the inhibition system (Anderson & Galinsky, 2006; Keltner et al., 2003) self-censorship,
inhibition in expressing oneself, more negative emotion, feeling more anger and decreased gestural activity (Andersen &
Berdahl, 2002). It is also found out that not only are people with low power given few chances to speak, but also they
themselves reject speaking when given the chance (Andersen & Berdahl, 2002). Even more dramatic, Upmanyu (1974,
as cited in Andersen & Berdahl, 2002) states that children with lower social status show higher levels of negative moods,
guilt, and depression.
Assuming this, power is expressed through specific nonverbal displays. While open, expansive postures display
possessing high-power, closed, slumped ones project low power (Carney et al., 2010). However, the research to date has
shown that power generates these two opposite patterns, but is it possible to say that these displays generate power?
Will assuming a high power posture cause power? And will adopting a low power posture make the person feel
powerless?
Carney et al. (2010) tried to find the answer of this question: can high/low power poses actually cause power? In
order to answer it, Carney et al. (2010) randomly assigned forty two male and female participants to high-power or low-
power posture groups. None of the participants were aware of the nature of the experiment. The members of the high-
power posture group were asked to assume two open and expansive postures each for one minute. On the other hand,
the participants of low-power posture group were asked to assume two closed, hunched postures each for minute. In
order to measure the testosterone and cortisol hormones levels, saliva samples were taken both before and after the
treatment as pretest and posttest. Moreover, in order to measure the level of risk tolerance, participants were asked to
take part in gambling; each person was given $2 and was told that it would be possible to win $4 during the game. At last,
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the participants indicated how powerful they felt by filling out a scale from one to four.
The results of Carney et al.’s (2010) experiment showed that those assuming high-power poses experienced
elevation in secretion of testosterone hormone (power hormone) by about 20 percent increase and also a 25-percent
decrease in secretion of cortisol hormone (stress hormone). On the contrary, low-power people experienced a 10-percent
decrease in secretion of their testosterone hormone and also elevation in secretion of cortisol hormone by about 15
percent increase. Moreover, with regard to the measurement of risk taking levels, it was found out that 86 percent of the
participants who were in high-power posture condition took the risk of gambling while only 60 percent of those who were
in low-power posture condition gambled. Not surprisingly, high-power posture group also reported higher levels of being
powerful.
In sum, as reviewed in this paper, the researches to date have not given enough attention to how physical postures
and gestures may facilitate language learners’ emotional states in a language classroom. Hence, this study would
highlight the impacts of specific physical postures and bodily behaviors, high/low power posing, on moods of the students
in a language classroom. According to the self-perception theory of Bem (1972) and Laird (1974), feeling states can be
induced by changes in people’s bodily activities. In the same vein, Duclos et al. (1989, p. 100) hold that “when people are
induced to act happy, they feel happier” and “when people are induced to act angry, they feel angrier”.
Thus, it is assumed in this study that if a language learner assumes a high or a low power pose, these physical
postures may have positive or negative impacts on him. In other words, assuming a high-power pose will increase the
secretion of testosterone hormone (risk-taking level) and decrease the secretion of cortisol hormone (anxiety level)
(Carney et al., 2010). According to Ronay and Hipple (2010) power influences individuals’ risky decision-making, and
“higher levels of testosterone are associated with the pursuit of status seeking, dominance, competition, and violence” (p.
474). Moreover, studies have indicated that sitting slumped in a chair can make people giving up more quickly on difficult
cognitive tasks (Riskind & Gotay, 1982). Similarly, Bernstein (1973) take the stance that closed body postures (folded
arms and crossed legs) make people have little contact with the environment. Therefore, applying this method and high-
power postures in a language classroom will probably have positive impacts on learners’ moods.
3. Research Methodology
3.1 Participants
Fifteen male EFL learners aged from 15 to 25 participated in this study. They were all studying English in the same class
at a language institute in Mashhad, Iran and were in the same level of language proficiency confirmed based on an
achievement test. It is also important to note that at the beginning of the semester, there were about 25 EFL learners in
the same level, but only these fifteen students were chosen for the study because they had almost achieved similar
scores in their previous semester’s achievement test. Most of them were high-school students (n=12), while the other
three ones were university students studying nursing (n=1), civil engineering (n=1), and architecture (n=1). The study
utilized a within-subject experimental design. By comparing the effects of the different class types within the same
participants, we could determine whether changes in self-reported moods from before to after a session would vary as a
function of the specific focus on a given posture.
3.2 Instruments
Data for the study had been collected through using two different methods and instrumentations; the participants’ self-
narratives and the Global Mood Scale (GMS) (Denollet, 1993) containing 20 mood descriptive adjectives (e.g., bright,
active, tired, relaxed, and fatigued) that assessed their feelings. The GMS had a well-documented validity and reliability
which was distributed at the beginning and at the end of each nine sessions of the experiment as pretests and posttests.
GMS was validated through using Pearson's correlations and scale level factor analysis, and its reliability was reported to
be 0.90 utilizing Cronbach alpha, while the reliability achieved in this study was 0.93. In addition, the participants
themselves described their feelings by submitting their own self-narratives. The data collection procedure (Table 1.) and
data analysis procedure (Table 2.) are presented in the following, too.
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Table 1. The experiment procedure
Treatment Sessions Posture assume
d
Session 1 Ordinary posture (Free posture)
Session 2 High-power posing (open posture)
Session 3 Low-power posing (closed posture)
Session 4 Ordinary posture (Free posture)
Session 5 High-power posing (open posture)
Session 6 Low-power posing (closed posture)
Session 7 Ordinary posture (Free posture)
Session 8 High-power posing (open posture)
Session 9 Low-power posing (closed posture)
The data collection procedure was done in nine sessions in which three different types of postures were compared:
ordinary posture, high-power posture, and low-power posture. Each 90-minute class focused on one of the three types of
poses with three repetitions of each type of posture. As a matter of fact, assuming a totally open or closed posture may
have been physically uncomfortable, foreign, and non-habitual for some participants. Thus, the participants were asked to
take an open/closed posture for 15 minutes, then, take a rest for 5 minutes and again assume the posture. In sum, each
posture was examined three times, or in other words, in three sessions. The logic behind choosing three sessions for
investigating each posture was the fact that it was impossible to truly examine each posture in only one or even two
sessions because it was predicted that there might be some occasions and sessions when the participants might be
totally upset or cheerful and not feel well and normal before coming to the class.
As shown in Table 1, in the first, fourth, and seventh sessions of the experiment students were asked to sit on their
seats as they wish and assume any posture they liked and be in their usual postures. It was called the ordinary or free
posture; the way they regularly used to sit on their seats in any classroom. The second, fifth, and eighth sessions were
devoted to high-power posing. In fact, the participants were asked to assume a high-power (open) sitting posture. And
finally, in the third, sixth, and ninth sessions, the participants were asked to assume a low-power (closed) posture. Before
and after all of these sessions, the participants filled out the GMSs as pretests and posttests. In addition, they submitted
their own self-narratives at the end of each session in which they had expressed their feelings and moods.
Table 2. Data analysis Procedure
Statistical Test Variables
Step 1 One-sample T-tests Pretest & Posttest of each session
Step 2 One-way ANOVA Three pretests of the same posture
Three posttests of the same posture
Step 3 One-sample T-TEST Whole pretests & posttests of the same posture
Step 4 One-way ANOVA The whole three pretests
The whole three posttests
Step 5 Posthoc Scheffe To compare total Scores of posttests
In this study, qualitative data, self-narratives, has also been used and was analyzed qualitatively.
4. Findings and Discussion
As it was mentioned in the previous sections, this study aims to investigate the impacts of bodily behaviors and certain
kinds of sitting postures on EFL learners’ moods in a language classroom. To this end, two kinds of instrumentations
have been used to collect the data; The GMS (Denollet, 1993), and written self-narratives. In the first place, the results
obtained from GMS will be elaborated.
4.1 The Global Mood Scale (GMS)
This questionnaire has been distributed eighteen times in nine sessions in this study; nine times as a pretest and nine
times as a posttest. The whole study can be divided into three parts which investigate the impacts of ordinary postures,
high-power posture, and low-power posture on learners’ moods. Each posture has been examined three times/in three
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649
sessions. Assuming these, the results obtained from GMS can be analyzed in five steps.
4.1.1
Step One
In the first place, One-Sample t-test has been run nine times to investigate if there is a significant difference between the
pretest and posttest of each session. As the results in Table 3 manifest, there is a significant difference between the
pretest and posttest of each session implying that the data gained from pretests and posttest do not show similar results
and that the treatment has had an impact on the participants.
Table 3. One-sample t-test of pretest and posttest for each session (N=15, df=14)
Posture
Session No.
Test
t
Sig.
(2-tailed)
Mean Difference
95% Confidence Interval of the Difference
Lowe
r
Uppe
r
Ordinary
1
Pretest 23.740 .000 59.60000 54.2154 64.9846
Posttest 12.820 .000 56.60000 47.1305 66.0695
4
Pretest 30.293 .000 57.46667 53.3979 61.5354
Posttest 13.386 .000 55.46667 46.5793 64.3540
7
Pretest 19.365 .000 56.26667 50.0348 62.4986
Posttest 18.754 .000 56.46667 50.0090 62.9244
High-power
2
Pretest 16.124 .000 57.80000 50.1117 65.4883
Posttest 11.834 .000 54.66667 44.7588 64.5745
5
Pretest 13.046 .000 55.26667 46.1804 64.3529
Posttest 12.033 .000 50.26667 41.3067 59.2267
8
Pretest 19.277 .000 58.46667 51.9617 64.9717
Posttest 16.197 .000 55.80000 48.4110 63.1890
Low-power
3
Pretest 15.327 .000 60.26667 51.8331 68.7002
Posttest 10.067 .000 37.60000 29.5891 45.6109
6
Pretest 23.323 .000 60.06667 54.5428 65.5905
Posttest 16.158 .000 35.46667 30.7590 40.1744
9
Pretest 20.516 .000 57.46667 51.4588 63.4745
Posttest 15.863 .000 33.93333 29.3454 38.5213
4.1.2 Step two
As it was mentioned earlier, the impacts of each posture have been examined three times and in three sessions.
Therefore, in the second place, One-way ANOVA was used to investigate the difference between three related pretests of
each posture and three posttests of each posture as well. As Tables 4 and 5 show, there is no significant difference
between three related pretests and three related posttests of each posture proving that although each posture was
examined three times and in three different sessions, the results obtained are the same and homogenous.
Table 4. One-Way ANOVA to compare three pretests of each posture
Posture Sum of Squares d
f
Mean Square F Sig.
Ordinary Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
76.844
3983.067
4059.911
2
42
44
38.422
94.835
.405 .669
High-power Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
85.511
8399.067
8484.578
2
42
44
42.756
199.978
.214 .808
Low-power Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
73.200
6287.600
6360.800
2
42
44
36.600
149.705
.244 .784
As Table 4 indicates, for instance in high-power posture sessions, there is no significant difference between three
pretests taken (p>.05) proving that they produce consistent, accurate results and are administered under similar
conditions.
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Table 5. One-Way ANOVA to compare three posttests of each posture
Posture Sum of Squares d
f
Mean Square F Sig.
Ordinary Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
10.178
9472.267
9482.444
2
42
44
5.088
225.530
.023 .978
High-power Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
256.311
10638.667
10894.978
2
42
44
128.156
253.302
.506 .607
Low-power Posture Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
101.733
4902.267
5004.000
2
42
44
50.867
116.721
.436 .650
Similarly, the posttests taken do produce similar, consistent, and accurate results proving that the data collection
procedure via GMS was done under similar conditions. As Table 5 demonstrates, there is no significant difference
between three related posttests of each posture; ordinary posture (p>.05), high-power/open posture (p>.05), low-
power/closed posture (p>.05).
4.1.3 Step three
In the third place, in order to achieve the total pretest and total posttest of each posture, the data collected from three
related pretests and posttests of each posture have been added up together. After that, One-Sample t-test was run to see
if there is a significant difference between total pretest and posttest of each posture. As Table 6 shows, there is a
significant difference between total pretests and posttests proving that the treatment has had an impact on the
participants.
Table 6. One-sample T-Test of Total pretests and posttest in each posture
Posture
Variables Mean
Std.
Deviation
Std. Error
Mean
T
Sig. (
-
tailed)
95% Confidence Interval of the
Difference
Lowe
r
Uppe
r
Ordinary
Posture
Total Pretest
Total Posttest
173.533
168.333
23.12039
36.85234
5.96966
9.51523
29.069
17.691
.000
.000
160.7297
147.9552
186.3370
188.7415
High-power
Posture
Total Pretest
Total Posttest
171.533
160.733
35.26404
41.47713
9.10514
10.70935
18.839
10.009
.000
.000
152.0048
137.7641
191.0619
183.7026
Low-powe
r
Posture
Total Pretest
Total Posttest
177.800
107.000
32.27383
24.41311
8.33307
6.30344
21.337
16.975
.000
.000
159.9273
93.4805
195.6727
120.5195
4.1.4 Step four
In the final place, One-way ANOVA was again used to see if there is a significant difference between three postures. As
Table 9 shows, there is no significant difference between the pretests of three postures (p>.05), but there is a significant
difference between the posttests. The results show that the data collected from pretests are the same and that the
participants had had a similar mood and feeling before starting each session and treatment and that all of nine pretests
were administered under similar conditions. However, having run the treatment, the participants had experienced a
different feeling at the end of the class and treatment sessions.
Table 7. One-Way ANOVA Test to compare the whole Pretests and Posttests
Totals Sum of Squares d
f
Mean Square F Sig.
Total
Pretests
Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
307.378
39475.867
39783.244
2
4244
153.689
939.902
.164 .850
Total Posttests
Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
33534.044
51442.267
84976.311
2
42
44
16767.022
1224.816
13.689 .000
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4.1.5
Step Five
In the last step, Posthoc Sheffe Test (Table 8) was used to compare the total scores of posttests of three postures. As
this table shows, low-power posture has had a pretty different impact on EFL learners’ moods and feelings.
Table 8. Scheffe Test for Total Posttests (Homogenous Subsets)
Ordinary posture/high-power posture > low-power posture
As indicated in Table 7, there is a significant difference between the total scores of posttest of three postures, and as
Table 8 shows, in comparison with ordinary posture, and high-power/open posture, the participants were more negatively
affected by low-power/closed postures. In fact, there is no significant difference between total scores of posttests of
ordinary and high-power postures showing that they have similar impacts on moods; however, as it is indicated low-
power postures have had negative impacts on participants’ moods.
4.2 Written self-narratives
To gather the data, when each session was over, the researchers asked the students to write down their feelings.
Students were to narrate what they were feeling after assuming those postures at the end of each session. Narrative
analysis is a qualitative research method that is of high importance in understanding personal experience in the social
sciences and educational research (Phillion & He, 2007, as cited in Pishghadam & Naji Meidani, 2012). Table 11 includes
22 mostly-used adjectives and themes by which the participants expressed their feelings in their self-narratives.
Table 9. Words and expressions by which the participants expressed their feelings
High-
p
ower & Ordinary posture session
s
Low-
p
ower posing session
s
Interested Low interest/unwilling/ intolerable/impatient
Energetic/active/volunteer/fresh Low energy/ Physically weak/ sleepy/Tired/bored/
Learn better Learn fewer
Self-confidence/Self-esteem Nervous/angry
concentration
A
bsent-minded/
4.2.1 Low-power posture
The negative effects disclosed by the students in low-power posing sessions, in most of the cases, included feelings of
tiredness and boredom: I feel tired, and this session was tiring. Sitting like this makes you feel bored and then the class
becomes boring. Another student also expressed: I really feel tired and when I sit like that, I feel bored. One student
wrote: This session was boring and in comparison with the previous sessions, it was unproductive; this posture is not
good for a language class. In another comment one student said: In this kind of posture, we are not that comfortable and
that is why we get tired soon.
Feeling sleepy is another mostly-expressed adjective found in participants’ self-narratives: After 20 to 30 minutes, I
felt sleepy and I wanted to take a rest. One student wrote: I became too tired, didn’t understand today’s lessens well, and
felt sleepy. Another student stated: At the beginning of this session, everything was OK, but little by little I felt wearied and
drowsy. Moreover, in another comment it has been mentioned: Definitely, the way you sit on the chair has a great impact
on you; when I assumed this posture, I was really feeling drowsy and wanted to sleep right away.
Values N Subset for alpha = 0.05
1 2
Low-powe
r
15 107.0000
High-powe
r
15 160.7333
Ordinary 15 168.3333
Sig. 1.000 .839
Means for groups in homogeneous subsets are displayed.
a. Uses Harmonic Mean Sample Size = 15.000.
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Some students found the situation intolerable: In comparison with the beginning of this session, I was not
interested to listen to the teacher anymore as the class was becoming intolerable; I think I learned less than previous
sessions. Another student also expressed restlessness and anger. Some participants were impatient: I checked the time
several times and really wanted the class be over sooner; I think the way you sit has impact on one’s moods. Another
participant wrote: I felt impatient during the class and wanted to leave it since staying there was making me feel bored.
Another student also expressed: Assuming this kind of posture makes you feel impatient and not willing to cooperate with
classmates and answer the questions.
Some were physically weak and had low energy: At the beginning, I had plenty of energy, but after few minutes, I
was running out of energy and didn’t want to continue the class. One student wrote: I felt physically weak and absent-
minded as I felt a sharp pain in my shoulders and back that made me run out of energy. In their comments, some of the
participants stated that low-power posing has had impact on their level of interest and willingness to learn as well as
concentration on lessons: Assuming such a posture is unproductive and after 10 to 15 minutes, I was not eager anymore
to learn and to stay in the class. Another student wrote: In comparison with previous sessions, I learned fewer and could
not focus completely on what the teacher was teaching. One student mentioned: After few minutes, I became unwilling to
answer the questions; it was not a good and joyful session.
4.2.2 High-power posture
Among the adjectives found in participants’ self-narratives in high-power posing sessions, feelings of confidence,
relaxation and joyfulness were the most prominent: When one assumes this posture, his moods change to a great extent,
and then, he no longer feels tired or sleepy; today, I was more cheerful and relaxed. Another student wrote: After
assuming this posture, I felt so good and confident; it really helps you be a dynamic and lively person in the class.
Some students stated that they were no longer meek listeners or compliant followers during the class. They
acknowledged that they felt more energetic and cheerful and that they could speak and be active more which displayed
the effectiveness of the posture in making them be more active in the class: I did not notice any change in my feelings at
first, but little by little, I found myself more active as I volunteered several times to answer the questions.
4.2.3 Ordinary posture
The results obtained from the participants’ self-narratives in ordinary posture sessions are nearly similar to the results
obtained in high-power posture sessions. The reason, as they have stated, is that they were allowed to assume any
posture they like and sit as they wish: I feel pretty good and cheerful as I did in the previous open posture sessions. One
another student wrote: This session was better than the previous closed posture session, since I could be more active
and learn more. Another student stated: This session was perfect and I didn’t feel tired; I could concentrate on and
understood the lessons better.
5. Concluding Remarks
As already pointed out, the aim of this study was to investigate and examine the impacts of specific sitting postures on
learners’ moods. In other words, in this study, we aimed at studying how and to what extent high-power (open) and low-
power (closed) postures may affect learners’ moods. To this end, the data were collected through a mood adjective
checklist as well as the students’ self-narratives which was later analyzed for pinpointing the major themes and
adjectives.
One of the important points to be taken into account is the significance of the effects. As the analyses of the GMSs
and self-narratives revealed, low-power posing had great negative impacts on the participants’ moods. As expected, low-
power (closed) postures increase one’s anxiety, boredom, fatigue, and impatience level. The literature shows that
assuming a closed posture is associated with an increase in unpleasant emotions (Carney et al., 2010; Rossberg-
Gempton & Poole, 1993). Furthermore, compared to high-power posing, the participants of this study were more affected
by low-power posing.
In comparison with low-power posture sessions, high-power posing appeared to make students be more eager to
learn, feel more cheerful and relaxed, and be more dynamic which led to higher levels of self-confidence and productive
class activity. This finding gives the seal of approval to the assertions made in previous studies (e.g., Arnette & Pettijohn,
2012; Carney et al., 2010; Cuddy et al., 2012; Huang et al., 2011) supporting the fact that proper posture and expansive
body positions (open and upright postures) are associated with an increase in the sense of power and likelihood of risk-
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taking. Similarly, as reviewed in the literature, Cuddy et al. (2012) found out that high-power posers reflect more
confidence and have a more captivating speech.
A typical key example of focusing on a relaxed state of mind for language learners is Lozanov’s Suggestopedia
method “with students sitting in soft, comfortable seats in relaxed states of consciousness” (Brown, 2000, p. 105). That is
to say, the type of furniture used in language classrooms is of high importance and can play a crucial role in providing a
relaxed state of mind.
As reviewed in this study, the studies to date have not given enough attention to how physical postures and
gestures may facilitate language learners’ emotional states in a language classroom. In other words, assuming a low-
power posture decreases risk-taking and self confidence level as well as positive emotional states and increases the
anxiety level and negative emotional states (Carney et al., 2010; Cuddy et al., 2012). However, the opposite pattern,
high-power posing, seemed to have less impact on the participants.
Rossberg-Gempton and Poole (1993) found out that in comparison with males, females experienced a greater
increase in unpleasant emotions when assuming a closed posture. Future research projects, however, need to be
conducted to find out whether the results obtained in this study can be generalized to female learners, too, and whether
they bear any same significant impact on learners’ class activity as well as writing and reading skills, to name a few.
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... Thus, for various previous pose (and posture) studies, it remained unclear whether the HPP/UP or the LPP/SP group was responsible for an effect. With respect to the effects of body positions on emotions, three studies (Rossberg-Gempton & Poole, 1993;Veenstra et al., 2017;Zabetipour et al., 2015) indicated that the effect was driven by the SP or LPP condition, but many studies did not allow such a conclusion to be drawn (Credé, 2019). Thus, we recommend that studies use control groups in three-cell designs in future research on poses and postures. ...
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Research on the effects of body positions has attracted enormous attention in recent years but has been plagued by failed replication attempts. Today, there is some confusion about which effects can be considered reliable. One problem that may have contributed to this confusion is the fact that most previous studies have not clearly distinguished between different types of body positions. We apply the dominance‐prestige framework to distinguish between two types of body positions. On the basis of this reasoning, we argue that research on so‐called power poses in fact has analyzed expansiveness as an indicator of dominance, whereas research on postures has focused on the straightness of the spine, which may be seen as a display of prestige. We review the literature and conclude that there is no clear evidence that short‐term interventions involving body positions affect physiology or behavior. Still, there are effects on actors' self‐perceptions. Repeatedly, studies on power poses have found effects on feelings of power and self‐evaluations, and studies on postures have found effects on emotional experience. However, there is hardly any research that has directly compared the two types of interventions.
... Each of these three studies is discussed in more detail below. Zabetipour, Pishghadam, and Ghonsooly, (2015) compare the effect of three poses: a) an ordinary posture, b) an expansive pose, and c) a contractive pose, and find a significant effect of pose on mood (F[2,42]= 13.689, p <.001). However, this overall effect is primarily due to the negative effect of the contractive pose (Mean mood=107.00, ...
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Cuddy, Schultz and Fosse (2018) present the results of p-curve analyses that are interpreted as providing "clear evidential value for power posing effects”. This commentary highlights that the vast majority of the studies included in the p-curve analyses were not designed in a way that could speak to the efficacy of power poses relative to a normal or neutral pose. Further, I discuss how the few studies that were designed to shed light on this issue indicate that any overall effect of physical pose on feelings of power, emotions, affect, and self-evaluations is almost entirely due to the negative effect of a contractive pose and not any positive effect of expansive power poses.
... The most common finding regarding mood is enhanced positive mood or reduced negative mood for upright/expansive in relation to slumped/constrictive postures, although results vary with regard to which posture drives the effect (Kozak, Roberts, & Patterson, 2014;Nair, Sagar, Sollers, Consedine, & Broadbent, 2015;Roberts & Arefi-Afshar, 2007;Rossberg-Gempton & Poole, 1993;Zabetipour, Pishghadam, & Ghonsooly, 2015). Furthermore, merely adopting postures does not seem to impact self-esteem in general (Nielsen, 2017), although slumped postures appear to diminish self-esteem after a social stress task (Nair et al., 2015). ...
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Thesis
Expansive and constrictive body postures serve a primary communicative function in humans and other animals by signalling power and dominance. Whether adopting such “power postures” influences the agent’s own perception and behaviour is currently a subject of debate. In this PhD thesis, I therefore explored effects of adopting power postures on behaviours closely related to the postures’ primary function of social signalling by focusing on responses to faces as particularly salient social signals. In a series of experiments, I utilized reverse correlation methods to visualize mental representations of preferred facial traits. Mental representations of implicitly as well as explicitly preferred faces evoked an affiliative and slightly dominant impression, but revealed no replicable effects of power postures. Two further separate experiments investigated posture effects on the perception of threatening facial expressions, and approach vs. avoidance actions in response to such social signals. While postures did not influence explicit recognition of threatening facial expressions, they affected approach and avoidance actions in response to them. Specifically, adopting a constrictive posture increased the tendency to avoid angry individuals. Finally, an attempt to replicate posture effects on levels of testosterone and cortisol demonstrated that even repeatedly adopting a power posture in a social context does not elicit hormonal changes. Altogether, these findings suggest that our body posture does not influence our mental representations and perception of other people’s faces per se, but could influence our actions in responses to social signals.
... Each of these three studies is discussed in more detail below. Zabetipour, Pishghadam, and Ghonsooly, (2015) compare the effect of three poses: a) an ordinary posture, b) an expansive pose, and c) a contractive pose, and find a significant effect of pose on mood (F[2,42]= 13.689, p <.001). However, this overall effect is primarily due to the negative effect of the contractive pose (Mean mood=107.00, ...
... Verbal communication differs among people because of their lived experiences. Visual cues such as subtle facial gestures can lend clues to importance, direction, emotional context, and intent (Ventrella, 2014;Zabetipour, Pishghadam, & Ghonsooly, 2015). Waltman and Wagner-Marsh (2010) note that previous experience helps formulate our present dialog; the reliability factor between the sender's message and experiences and those of the receiver determines the efficiency of the communication taking place. ...
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For decades, the United States has seen an increasing number of immigrants, which has led to a significant increase in cultural diversity in the United States. This phenomenological study examines the contextual history of professional non-native English-speaking women in the United States to form a basis of comparison with native English speakers. It attempts to compare their lived communicative experiences with those of non-native English speakers in the workplace. In this study, 16 professional, native English-speaking women currently working in the US were interviewed. Participants in this study were asked to describe professional and intercultural experiences through interactions with non-native English-speaking coworkers, any expectations of the interactions or violations of those expectations, and any miscommunications that may have occurred. Many native English speakers positively reflected upon these intercultural interactions and shared examples of their vocal adjustments and challenges of verbal and intercultural communication. To overcome these challenges, professional native English speakers described trying to slow speech or asking confirming questions such as “Do you understand?” to mitigate verbal conflicts and miscommunication. Based on the trends within the responses, however, there is a potential for unintentional and often offensive consequences to occur. Several coping mechanisms were found to be considered rude or off-putting by non-native speakers, while the intent of a more direct message was often misinterpreted by native English speakers. In addition, it seems that native English speakers often may have good intentions in their actions but do not have the skillset to better facilitate communication with non-native English speakers. © 2017 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license.
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Early research on body positions suggested that engaging in certain nonverbal displays can lead to changes in self-report, behavioral, and physiological dependent variables. Still, there has been intense criticism regarding the replicability of these effects. To determine what effects are valid, we conducted a meta-analytic review on body position studies. We used the dominance–prestige framework and distinguished between high-power poses representing dominance and upright postures representing prestige. We preregistered our meta-analysis, used the largest sample of studies thus far, and analyzed several theoretical and exploratory moderator variables. Based on 313 effects from 88 studies involving 9,779 participants, evidence was obtained for an overall statistically significant effect of body positions that was not trivial in size, g = 0.35 (95% CI [0.28,0.42]). Both the poses and postures showed effects for self-report and behavioral dependent variables but not for physiological dependent variables. However, sensitivity analyses suggested that effects for behavioral dependent variables were influenced by publication bias and/or outliers. Effects were noticeably larger in studies without cover stories and in studies that used within-subjects designs, suggesting that demand characteristics might partially explain the results. Whether participants were male or female, students or nonstudents, or from an individualistic or collectivistic culture did not make a difference. We also present an app that researchers can use to enter data from future studies and thus obtain up-to-date metaanalytical results on this topic. Future research should investigate whether high-power poses/upright postures increase effects and/or whether low-power poses/slumped postures decrease effects
Thesis
L'analyse scientifique des unités non-verbales occupe une place encore marginale au sein des études d'interprétation. Or, le contexte éminemment interculturel des interactions exolingues interprétées exige de reconnaître le caractère multimodal des énoncés-sources pour en analyser les paramètres d'influence. Interdisciplinaire, le présent travail se propose d'examiner les modalités de prise en compte de la gestualité co-verbale dans la pratique professionnelle des interprètes en service public (ISP). Sur le plan théorique, cette recherche se donne pour objectif de tracer le chemin d'évolution du paradigme d'interprète allant d'un être transparent, jusqu'au médiateur interculturel. Elle s'articule par ailleurs autour de l'analyse du non-verbal au travers du prisme des modèles de la communication et de celui des études des propriétés sémiotiques des unités de sens du système visuel. Ces opérations mènent à élaborer une typologie des gestes observables en ISP, inspirée des classements avancés par des gestualistes tels que D. McNeill, J. Cosnier et F. Poyatos. La méthode adoptée repose sur une triangulation de données, impliquant d'abord une enquête menée auprès de 60 interprètes professionnels, des entretiens individuels ensuite, et enfin un corpus multimodal. L'analyse qui en découle permet de révéler des différences fondamentales entre la production d'une part et les perspectives de la perception des gestes co-verbaux d'autre part. Le corpus audiovisuel réunit ici des interactions authentiques et d'autres semi-contrôlées, en contexte médical, social et policier, impliquant 16 langues de travail différentes. L'analyse des séquences vidéo d'une durée totale de 13015 secondes, annotées à l'aide du logiciel ELAN, permet d'établir les profils gestuels des acteurs et d'examiner les schémas et les contextes de reproduction des gestes par les interprètes, pour en déduire des récurrences. Les résultats de l'étude suggèrent ainsi que la gestualité co-verbale participe aux processus de co-construction et de négociation du sens, facilite la médiation interculturelle et contribue à l'élaboration des relations de confiance dans des situations d'asymétrie de pouvoir. C'est pourquoi, la sensibilisation à la place inhérente du non-verbal dans les interactions en service public devrait faire partie de la formation des interprètes dont la mission essentielle consiste à assurer une médiation efficace, non seulement entre des systèmes linguistiques différents mais aussi entre des univers culturels distincts.
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As an important part of sustainable society, smart campuses have attracted more and more attention. By associating artificial intelligence with school infrastructure, it makes teaching services more convenient and personalized. Smart classroom is one of the important solutions of smart campuses because teaching and learning are always the primary tasks of smart campuses. At present, many intelligent technologies have been put into smart classrooms for monitoring and analyzing teaching activities, but the complexity of classroom behavior still impedes the development of smart classrooms. Existing researches on learning behavior analytics only focus on student actions. However, student learning behaviors are often closely related to teacher behaviors, so it is not objective and accurate to measure engagement only by analyzing student actions. In this paper, we propose a teacher-student behavioral engagement pattern (TSBEP) to synthetically measure student engagement by adding teacher behaviors. And the decision tree model based on classification and regression tree (CART) is used to predict engagement levels referring to the TSBEP. Experimental results show that the proposed TSBEP can measure the teaching and learning more accurately. And it is helpful to sustainably deploy and implement learning analytics to improve the quality of learning and teaching in smart classrooms.
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Conference Paper
In the current article, we will bring forth the subject of embodied symbols and discuss the possible underlying neuronal mechanisms mediating the comprehension of these symbols, focusing on the motor system. We will focus on three main examples, related to (1) structures (such as the labyrinth), (2) visual stimuli (e.g., sculptures) and (3) embodied symbols utilizing the human body (e.g., symbolic hand gestures). Finally, the implications of embodied symbols will be discussed through the PHASE (Philosophy, Art, Science and Economics) framework. PHASE links philosophical ideas of man’s improvement through creative art and its examination through science towards the improved economy of self. Utilizing this perspective, we will discuss scientific experiments related to embodied symbols in art and neuroscience. In this context, we will focus on the theory of embodied cognition and embodied language, which has claimed that cognitive and linguistic systems re-use the structures and the organization characterizing the motor system. While de Saussure [1983] has argued that the linear-segmented character of spoken language is a property that arises due to the unidimensionality of language, meaning is multidimensional; physical gesture is not restricted to breaking down meaning complexes into segments. As Goldin-Meadow has suggested in her book Hearing gesture: How our hands help us think: “Gestures are free to vary on dimensions of space, time, form, trajectory, and so on, and can present meaning complexes without undergoing segmentation or linearization.” ([Goldin-Meadow, 2005], pp. 25). Although the current article is not a systematic review, it would like to suggest that objective art may exist, in which specific properties of the stimuli (e.g., form, proportion and frequency) can produce a specific neuronal and behavioral response. In addition, these effects may be mediated, at least in part, by the motor system. Understanding the effects of specific characteristics of the stimuli and the possible underlying mechanism may architects and therapists, as well as parents and teachers to choose the best stimuli in order to voluntarily orient themselves and others towards the inner state which they would like to achieve.
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How can vibrotactile stimuli be used to create a technology-mediated somatic learning experience? This question motivates this practice-based research, which explores how the Feldenkrais Method and cognate neuroscience research can be applied to technology design. Supported by somaesthetic philosophy, soma-based design theories, and a critical acknowledgement of the socially-inflected body, the research develops a systematic method grounded in first- and third-person accounts of embodied experience to inform the creation and evaluation of design of Haplós, a wearable, user-customisable, remote-controlled technology that plays methodically composed vibrotactile patterns on the skin in order to facilitate body awareness—the major outcome of this research and a significant contribution to soma-based creative work. The research also contributes to design theory and somatic practice by developing the notion of a somatic learning affordance, which emerged during course of the research and which describes the capacity of a material object to facilitate somatic learning. Two interdisciplinary collaborations involving Haplós contribute to additional fields and disciplines. In partnership with experimental psychologists, Haplós was used in a randomised controlled study that contributes to cognitive psychology by showing that vibrotactile compositions can reduce, with statistical significance, intrusive food-related thoughts. Haplós was also used in Bisensorial, an award-winning, collaboratively developed proof-of-concept of a neuroadaptive vibroacoustic therapeutic device that uses music and vibrotactile stimuli to induce desired mental states. Finally, this research contributes to cognitive science and embodied philosophy by advancing a neuroscientific understanding of vibrotactile somaesthetics, a novel extension of somaesthetic philosophy.
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In line with postmodern philosophy, critical pedagogy has gained considerable importance and has become a valuable educational goal. The purpose of this study is to dig into the effects of critical pedagogy in a modernist educational system. To this aim, 15 Iranian university students were asked to write down their feelings at the end of a course titled " Philosophy of Education " , which was their first encounter with critical theories. The qualitative analysis of the self-narratives revealed 11 themes, which demonstrated both destructive and constructive effects. At the end, implications were given for appropriate placing of critical pedagogy in the educational system.
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Chapter
Publisher Summary Individuals come to “know” their own attitudes, emotions, and other internal states partially by inferring them from observations of their own overt behavior and/ or the circumstances in which this behavior occurs. Thus, to the extent that internal cues are weak, ambiguous, or uninterpretable, the individual is functionally in the same position as an outside observer, an observer who must necessarily rely upon those same external cues to infer the individual's inner states. This chapter traces the conceptual antecedents and empirical consequences of these propositions, attempts to place the theory in a slightly enlarged frame of reference, and clarifies just what phenomena the theory can and cannot account for in the rapidly growing experimental literature of self-attribution phenomena. Several experiments and paradigms from the cognitive dissonance literature are amenable to self-perception interpretations. But precisely because such experiments are subject to alternative interpretations, they cannot be used as unequivocal evidence for self-perception theory. The reinterpretation of cognitive dissonance phenomena and other self-perception phenomena have been discussed. The chapter highlights some differences between self-perception and interpersonal perception and shift of paradigm in social psychology. It discusses some unsolved problems, such as the conceptual status of noncognitive response classes and the strategy of functional analysis.
Chapter
This landmark study examines the role of gestures in relation to speech and thought. Leading scholars, including psychologists, linguists and anthropologists, offer state-of-the-art analyses to demonstrate that gestures are not merely an embellishment of speech but are integral parts of language itself. Language and Gesture offers a wide range of theoretical approaches, with emphasis not simply on behavioural descriptions but also on the underlying processes. The book has strong cross-linguistic and cross-cultural components, examining gestures by speakers of Mayan, Australian, East Asian as well as English and other European languages. The content is diverse including chapters on gestures during aphasia and severe stuttering, the first emergence of speech-gesture combinations of children, and a section on sign language. In a rapidly growing field of study this volume opens up the agenda for research into a new approach to understanding language, thought and society.
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On the basis of a televised debate in the 2005 German national election, this study compares the influence of verbal, visual, and vocal communication on viewers' immediate impressions of political candidates by using an innovative research design. A second‐by‐second content analysis of 17 verbal, visual, and vocal message elements is combined with a second‐by‐second analysis of viewers' immediate impressions using continuous response measurement (CRM). Findings show that viewers' immediate impressions are mainly influenced by verbal communication, especially the issues discussed and the argumentative structure used. In contrast to that, the effect of nonverbal communication is far smaller. The causes and implications of these findings are discussed.