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Minority Perceptions of the Police: A State-of-the-Art Review
Abstract
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive literature review of empirical studies that have examined perceptions and attitudes of the police across various racial and ethnic groups. The specific focus aimed to highlight if minorities perceive the police differently compared to their white counterparts.
Design/methodology/approach
– A systematic literature search of various academic databases (Criminal Justice Abstracts, EBSCO Host, Web of Science, etc.) was conducted. Searches on Google Scholar were also conducted to locate empirical articles that are presently forthcoming in academic journals.
Findings
– The meta-review identified 92 studies that matched the selection criteria. The majority of the studies focussed on black/white, non-white/white, and black/Hispanic/white comparisons. Overall, individuals who identified themselves as black, non-white, or minority were more likely to hold negative perceptions and attitudes toward the police compared to whites. This finding held regardless of the measures used to operationalize attitudes and various dependent variables surrounding the police. Hispanics tended to have more positive views of the police compared to blacks, yet more negative views than whites.
Originality/value
– The present study provided a systematic literature search of studies that were included in two prior reviews (i.e. Decker, 1985; Brown and Benedict, 2002), but also updated the literature based on research that was conducted after 2002. Different exclusion restrictions were also used in the current study compared to earlier research. These restrictions add to the originality/value of the present meta-review in light of current events in the media which have focussed on minority perceptions of the police.
... Numerous studies have found wide gaps between evaluations of the police by members of minority groups, whether racial, ethnic or religious, and the majority group in different societies (Peck 2015). Broadly speaking, members of minority groups tend to exhibit lower levels of trust in the police and to rate the police lower on measures of legitimacy (Ben-Porat and Yuval 2012;Mentovich et al. 2020;Murphy et al. 2015;Murphy and Cherney 2012). ...
... The present study was motivated by two main lacunae in the literature. First, while the fact that minority group members tend to hold more negative feelings towards the police compared to the majority is well established (Peck 2015), the potential heterogeneity between minority groups has received less scholarly attention (Peck 2015;Unnever et al. 2016;Unnever and Gabbidon 2011). Second, the social resistance framework (Factor et al. 2013b, c;Letki and Kukołowicz 2020) holds that the experiences that shape the lives and attitudes of minorities may encourage them to actively engage in various everyday resistance acts against the majority group. ...
... The present study was motivated by two main lacunae in the literature. First, while the fact that minority group members tend to hold more negative feelings towards the police compared to the majority is well established (Peck 2015), the potential heterogeneity between minority groups has received less scholarly attention (Peck 2015;Unnever et al. 2016;Unnever and Gabbidon 2011). Second, the social resistance framework (Factor et al. 2013b, c;Letki and Kukołowicz 2020) holds that the experiences that shape the lives and attitudes of minorities may encourage them to actively engage in various everyday resistance acts against the majority group. ...
A sense of obligation to obey the police is an important predictor of public cooperation and compliance with the law. Minorities tend to feel less obligated to obey the police than the majority. Previous work based on the social resistance framework shows that the experiences that shape the lives and attitudes of minorities may encourage them to actively engage in a variety of everyday resistance acts against the majority group, which may include high-risk and delinquent behaviours. The present study tests this framework for the first time concerning the self-perceived obligation to obey the police while also considering different minority groups who experience varying levels of marginalization. We use a representative sample of about 1,100 Israelis from four minority groups – Muslims, immigrants from the former Soviet Union, ultra-Orthodox Jews and Jews of Ethiopian origin – along with the Jewish majority group. The results show that Muslims feel the least obligation to obey the police, followed by Jews of Ethiopian origin. Social resistance was negatively related to the self-perceived obligation to obey the police among Muslims and ultra-Orthodox Jews while controlling for demographic characteristics and previous theoretical explanations, namely procedural justice, self-help and anger.
... Together, this is often interpreted as prima facie evidence of racial bias by police but fails to take a nuanced look at the immediate situation leading to fatal encounters. Shootings by police officers, nevertheless, negatively impact police-public relations, and communities of color tend to report lower rates of satisfaction and trust in police (Barrick 2014; Brunson and Weitzer 2009;Buckler and Unnever 2008;Peck 2015). Accordingly, the role of officer biases in use-of-force events is a critical area of exploration. ...
... Regardless of its form, bias is a pervasive issue that creates social harms and disparities in police-public contacts (Abrams 2010;Hetey and Eberhardt 2018;Jones-Brown 2007;Mulligan 2021;Peck 2015;Watson and Malcolm 2021;Kovera 2019;Skolnick 1966). Minorities have historically been the targets of bias and have become symbolic assailants in terms of danger and criminality (Hannah-Jones 2021;Jones-Brown 2007;Skolnick 1966). ...
... Many officers recognize this environment of public scrutiny and calls for accountability as attacks and have internalize these criticisms (Deuchar et al. 2019(Deuchar et al. , 2021Nix and Wolfe 2016). Regardless of the reality, this environment has had a lasting impact on law enforcement morale and legitimacy (Barrick 2014; Brunson and Weitzer 2009;Buckler and Unnever 2008;Nix and Wolfe 2016;Peck 2015). Some officers and entire departments, for example, have responded by de-policing and with militarization to protect themselves from the public (Deuchar et al. 2021). ...
The objective of this manuscript is to explore demographic, legal, and situational considerations on use-of-force decisions. The influence of implicit bias was measured in real time using a police training simulator in an experimental study with university students (n = 115). Participants were randomly assigned to one of four scenarios which varied according to the on-screen actor’s race (e.g., White/Black) and behavior (i.e., compliance/attack). Bivariate and multivariate regression models were used to estimate the effect of implicit bias on the decision to consider and use simulated lethal force. Actor behavior, independent of actor race, most influenced participant responses. These results suggest that simulated police-public interactions offer significant value in the assessment of implicit bias, particularly in the context of use-of-force decisions. Furthermore, absence of bias is inconsistent with current news and social media narratives about the existence of bias in officer decision-making.
... More recently, confrontations between police officers and civilians during mass public protests in Ferguson, Missouri and Baltimore, Maryland received extensive media coverage (Gately & Stolberg, 2015;"Photo essay," 2014). The catalysts for these mass protests were the deaths of African American men at the hands of police officers (Michael Brown in Ferguson and Freddie Gray in Baltimore) that reignited long-simmering tensions between police and communities of color (Cobbina, 2019;Desmond et al., 2016;Holmes et al., 2019;Peck, 2015;Peffley & Hurwitz, 2010;Prowse et al., 2019;Rios, 2011;Tyler, 2006). ...
... Since the pictures each contain numerous elements, we cannot specify precisely which facet of the images may generate a framing effect on people's opinions about the police. Due to the complicated racial dynamics at the center of the policing debate (Peck, 2015;Prowse et al., 2019), we ensured that the pictures represented racial diversity as much as possible. No picture CrimRxiv Do Photos of Police-Civilian Interactions In uence Public Opinion about the Police? ...
... In fact, our results suggest that group identities may be even more important than personal experiences with the police, as political partisanship, political ideology, race/ethnicity, and age were the most consistent predictors of variation on attitudes toward the police in our regressions. Our findings mirror those of other scholars and suggest that Americans' attitudes about the police are politicized and divided across racial groups and generations (Fine, Rowan, & Simmons, 2019;Gabbidon & Higgins, 2009;Graziano & Gauthier, 2019;Peck, 2015;Silver & Pickett, 2015). This is consistent with the "neo-Durkheimian" perspective that many people primarily look to and evaluate the police as symbols of social order, so attitudes toward the police will likely mirror broader cleavages across groups in society at the nexus of beliefs about norms, values, and justice (Jackson & Bradford, 2009;Jackson & Sunshine, 2007). ...
... In the United States, the legitimacy of policing tactics, police officers, and police departments have been called into question as part of a nationwide discourse on policing. This comes in response to injustices individuals have experienced, directly and vicariously, at the hands of police and the criminal justice system writ large-particularly injustices experienced by persons of color (Chandek, 1999;Engel, 2005;Peck, 2015;Spencer & Kochel, 2021). Such injustices dampen perceptions of policing, causing many, especially those in racial minority communities, to question the utilitarian value, role, and legitimacy of American police departments, leading to what Johnson et al. (2017) termed a "growing legitimacy crisis in policing" (p. ...
... Within this line of research, scholars identified racial differences in perceptions of police, with perceptions of illegitimacy and ineffectiveness being prevalent in minority communities, especially Black communities (Desmond et al., 2016;Kirk & Papachristos, 2011). The literature shows that members of racial minority groups, especially those who identify as Black, generally hold attitudes that are less favorable toward compliance with law and cooperation with law enforcement, and that these differences may be influenced by differences in instrumental, normative, and/or legitimacy assessments of officers Peck, 2015;Sargeant & Kochel, 2018;Tyler & Jackson, 2014;Viki et al., 2006). Yet, to date, there has been insufficient effort made in the scholarly literature to synthesize research on legitimacy theory and use it to explain racial differences in perceptions of police. ...
... Results revealed that, compared with White respondents, Black and Other racial minority respondents held less favorable views of police. These findings were consistent with our research hypotheses and results found in previous studies demonstrating that minorities hold less favorable views of law enforcement and legal authorities (see, for example, Dowler, 2002;Johnson et al., 2017;Peck, 2015). Even with the inclusion of relevant controls in multivariable modeling (e.g., political identification, sex, age), racial differences persisted, although they were significant only for respondents who identified as being Black. ...
Perceptions of law enforcement ineffectiveness, injustice, and illegitimacy are prevalent among individuals living in Black communities in the United States. Prior research links these attitudes with differential orientations toward cooperation with police. The current study used data collected from a representative sample of 522 Pennsylvania residents to measure public perceptions of police. Analyses examined racial differences in perceptions of police and determined whether normative (i.e., perceptions of procedural justice) and/or instrumental (i.e., perceptions of police effectiveness) assessments of police could explain racial differences in anticipated cooperation with law enforcement through perceptions of legitimacy. Findings revealed the presence of a significant indirect relationship between race and perceptions of legitimacy through perceptions of police effectiveness and procedural justice, as well as a significant indirect relationship between race and cooperation through police effectiveness, procedural justice, and legitimacy. Theoretical and practical implications stemming from these findings are discussed within.
... A wealth of research has also documented that legal attitudes and perceptions of the justice system vary by race. For instance, Whites hold more positive evaluations of, and attitudes toward, the legal system and legal authorities than non-Whites (Peck, 2015;Piquero et al., 2005;Tyler & Huo, 2002). People of color, including youth of color, are also more likely than Whites to perceive the police as unfair and less legitimate and to report greater distrust of authority (Geistman & Smith, 2007;Piquero et al., 2005;Tyler & Huo, 2002;Vidal et al., 2017;Woolard et al., 2008). ...
... With a few exceptions, much of the research to date has used combined samples consisting predominantly of White participants and has at most controlled for race (Fine et al., 2019;McLean et al., 2019;Mulvey et al., 2014;Peck, 2015;Schlager & Simourd, 2007); few researchers have actually attempted to examine how cognitive legal socialization might differ by race. By not addressing race, these scholars assume that models of legal socialization work regardless of race. ...
... Other areas of legal socialization that focus more on experience and interactions with the law, such as procedural justice, find that people of color often have disproportionate contact with the law and are treated in a discriminatory fashion by the law, both of which affect their perceptions of and attitudes about the law (Nellis & Richardson, 2010;Peck, 2015;Piquero et al., 2005;Puzzanchera, 2009;Tyler & Huo, 2002). Tapp and Kohlberg (1971) assumed that fear of punishment was purely a result of less developed reasoning about the law, but this reasoning also assumes that the experience of the law and fear of disproportionate and unjust punishment by the law would not factor into those cognitions. ...
Objective:
White and non-White adolescents report different experiences in the legal system. This disparity impacts their evaluations of, and attitudes toward, legal authorities such that non-White and older adolescents tend to perceive the legal system more negatively. Yet, many researchers assume that the process of legal socialization, which involves internalizing norms and information about the law and the legal system, is universal for all ages and races.
Hypotheses:
We hypothesized that legal socialization models would change over the course of adolescent development and would differ by race.
Method:
We used data from two longitudinal studies to examine racial differences in the integrated legal socialization model in early, middle, and late adolescence. Study 1 included 140 young adolescents (59% White, 41% non-White), and Study 2 included 296 midadolescents (82% White, 18% non-White) followed into late adolescence/emerging adulthood.
Results:
Study 1 identified differences in the integrated legal socialization model for young White and non-White adolescents. Normative status predicted rule-violating behavior for White participants, whereas no predictors or mediators related to rule-violating behavior for non-White participants. In Study 2, legal and moral reasoning during midadolescence became relevant in the model for both groups. Enforcement status predicted rule-violating behavior for non-White youth, whereas normative status continued to predict rule-violating behavior for White youth. In late adolescence/emerging adulthood, differences in the model shifted toward the relation between reasoning and legal attitudes.
Conclusions:
Our findings suggest that legal socialization is a developmental process occurring and changing throughout adolescence and that this developmental process differs for White and non-White youth. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
... Extensive research has documented that men of color, particularly young Black men, are more likely to be stopped by the police on the street and in traffic stops, experience police misconduct, and be victims of police brutality more than other racial groups (Anderson 1999;Brunson 2007;Brunson and Miller, 2006b;Carroll and Gonzalez, 2014;Kramer and Remster, 2022;Lundman and Kaufman, 2003;Payne et al., 2017;Rios 2011). Men of color frequently express dissatisfaction with the police, with Black men holding the most negative attitudes towards law enforcement (Alberton and Gorey, 2018;Brown and Benedict, 2002;Cheurprakobkit 2000;Hurst et al., 2000;Peck 2015;Taylor et al., 2001;Wu 2014). Marginalized men also express deep mistrust of healthcare professionals due to the historical treatment of people of color and fear of being stigmatized (Lindsey and Marcell, 2012). ...
... The impact of police contacts is notably different for White and more affluent women (and men). White Americans, particularly from middle and upper-class backgrounds, are less likely to have police-initiated contact than other groups and hold the most favorable views of the police (Alberton and Gorey, 2018;Brown and Benedict, 2002;Cheurprakobkit 2000;Hurst et al., 2000;Peck 2015;Taylor et al., 2001;Wu 2014). Studies show that police are less likely to use force (Kahn et al., 2016) and are more respectful (Voigt et al., 2017) when a suspect is White. ...
It is well known that marginalized communities of color, particularly young Black men, are more likely to experience police-initiated contact that other groups. Research suggests that these events contribute to legal cynicism, or the belief that the law and its agencies are ineffective, unwilling to help, and untrustworthy. In turn, cynical orientations limit one’s willingness to call the police to help. However, recent work on marginalized women suggests that despite holding cynical attitudes towards the police, their immediate needs for safety and services supersede these beliefs. The current study examines the racialized and gendered linkages between police-initiated contact and help-seeking outcomes (reporting crime, calling for an emergency, and seeking help from police for non-emergencies). Using data from the Police Public Contact Survey (from the Police Public Contact Survey–2020) results indicate that Black and Hispanic participants were less likely than White participants to seek help. However, Black and Hispanic women were more likely than their male counterparts for calls for help regarding a crime or disturbance. Across all outcomes, police-initiated contact was associated with higher rates of help-seeking. Perceived illegitimacy of street stops reduced the odds of reporting crimes to the police. However, perceived traffic stop illegitimacy was not related to help-seeking. Police initiated contacts and perceptions of legitimacy did not moderate the relationships between demographic variables and help-seeking outcomes. Implications for theories on legal socialization and the impact of police-initiated contacts on help-seeking are discussed.
... On the one hand, we know police satisfaction is lower among black and Hispanic communities (Lum & Nagin, 2017), and these groups are more legally cynical (Kirk & Papachristos, 2011). The research indicates that black and Hispanic individuals have negative views of the police and view the police more critically than white individuals (Weitzer & Tuch, 2002Peck, 2015), with Hispanic individuals sometimes having slightly more positive attitudes toward the police than black individuals (Peck, 2015). These groups are also the same people often living in hot spots and likely to be the target of increased police activity (Rosenbaum, 2006). ...
... On the one hand, we know police satisfaction is lower among black and Hispanic communities (Lum & Nagin, 2017), and these groups are more legally cynical (Kirk & Papachristos, 2011). The research indicates that black and Hispanic individuals have negative views of the police and view the police more critically than white individuals (Weitzer & Tuch, 2002Peck, 2015), with Hispanic individuals sometimes having slightly more positive attitudes toward the police than black individuals (Peck, 2015). These groups are also the same people often living in hot spots and likely to be the target of increased police activity (Rosenbaum, 2006). ...
Given its empirical and public support, increasing police presence seems to be a viable preventive policy option for police agencies. However, the theoretical and empirical literature is not clear on whether this support would vary along race/ethnicity and perceived neighborhood disadvantage, which is relevant given that policies of this kind would likely have a greater impact on disadvantaged communities of color. Using survey data from a national sample, we found that racial and ethnic identity were unrelated to support for increased police presence, while perceived neighborhood disorder was related to greater support for police presence. We also found that neighborhood disorder, social cohesion, and informal social control were indirectly related to support for increased police presence through perceptions of police legitimacy and fear of crime, demonstrating some evidence of the overpolicing-underpolicing paradox in disadvantaged communities. Policy implications of these findings are discussed.
... Considering these discrepancies, it is not surprising that Black Americans demonstrate more negative views of and less satisfaction with police compared to White Americans (Brown & Benedict, 2002;Peck, 2015). Indeed, Weitzer and Tuch (2004) found that personally experiencing or knowing someone who experienced police misconduct, such as being stopped without a reason or being the victim of excessive force, predicted overall perceptions of frequency of police misconduct. ...
... We found that Black parents were more likely to believe they would advise their children to assert their rights than White parents, which is a relationship explained by perceptions of police legitimacy: Black parents had lower perceptions of police legitimacy compared to White parents, and in turn were more likely to believe they would advise their children to assert their Miranda rights. Our findings related to Black parents' lower perceptions of police legitimacy align with previous findings that Black Americans demonstrate more negative views of and less satisfaction with police compared to White Americans (Peck, 2015), and suggest that a history of disparate treatment by law enforcement has shaped the way that Black Americans make legal decisions. Black parents seem to reasonably have less trust in the police, which may be helpful in an interrogation context if it increases the likelihood that they will advise their children to assert their Miranda rights. ...
Judges often use parental presence to support the validity of youth Miranda waivers, despite a lack of supporting research. Research on factors that influence parents’ behavior during youth interrogation is limited and does not account for the impact of race. The current study involved presenting 763 parents with vignettes in which their child was suspected of committing an offense to examine how race, perceptions of police legitimacy, interrogation knowledge, and knowledge of adjudication consequences independently and collectively predict how parents believe they will advise their child regarding Miranda waiver. Perceptions of police legitimacy mediated the relationship between race and parents’ expectations of advice; Black parents reported lower perceptions of police legitimacy than White parents and, in turn, were more likely to believe they would advise their children to assert rights. In addition, greater knowledge of juvenile interrogation procedures and greater knowledge of adjudication consequences were associated with an increased likelihood that parents believed they would advise their children to assert their rights. Race did not interact with interrogation knowledge or with adjudication consequences knowledge to predict parents’ expected advice. Results of the study demonstrate that parent involvement in Miranda waiver and interrogation is likely shaped by parent-specific factors, including race and knowledge of legal procedures. These findings provide support that the current manner in which judges assess for Miranda waiver validity is not comprehensive, and therefore youth—particularly youth of color—may not be adequately protected during interrogation procedures.
... Attitudinal divisions on policing occur across a range of empirically and theoretically relevant variables (see Bolger et al., 2021 for review; see Brown and Benedict, 2002 for review; see Peck, 2015 for review) despite the public holding relatively positive attitudes toward the police (see Brown and Benedict, 2002 for review) with the police routinely being among the top three most trusted institutions year after year (Gallup, 2023). Scholars have consistently advocated investigating possible confounders between other socio-demographics like race and socioeconomic status on attitudes toward police (Brown and Benedict, 2002;Cao and Wu, 2019). ...
... While non-Blacks demonstrated slight increases across these three items, they were relatively small, with non-Blacks and Blacks both reporting an increased willingness to cooperate. While one of the more consistent divisions in the public's attitudes toward police is by race (Brown and Benedict, 2002;Peck, 2015), meta-analyses have shown that other socio-demographics, including gender, age, education and residential environment, are important determinants in the public's opinion toward police. However, as policing becomes increasingly politicized, it is crucial to identify how relevant variables such as political ideology shape attitudes toward the police. ...
Purpose-The purpose of this study is to explore the ideological gaps across a range of policing interactions with the public.
Design/methodology/approach-In a survey distributed via Mechanical Turk (MTurk) (n 5 979), the authors explore the role that respondents' political ideology plays in the agreement of 13 aspects of policing services, their demeanor and decorum.
Findings-Attitudes toward policing interactions are slightly positive. Conservatives steadfastly hold positive attitudes about police. Liberals vacillate from negative to positive attitudes across the 13 policing interaction statements.
Social implications-Although small, there is an ideological consensus that police adequately protect citizens and are knowledgeable about the law.
Originality/value-Even at record lows of public confidence in the police, some subsections of the sample, such as conservatives, firmly hold positive attitudes about police. The unwavering support for police by conservatives continues across the multi-item measure of policing interactions, whereas liberals illustrated less uniformity in their attitudes.
... Varied research has demonstrated a large and consistent racial gap in Americans' attitudes about the police. In particular, a substantial body of research indicates that White Americans are much more satisfied with and trusting of police across a range of dimensions than are non-White Americans, including about their equitable racial treatment of citizens (Hurwitz & Peffley, 2005;Morin & Stepler, 2016;Peck, 2015;Taylor et al., 2015;Warren, 2011;Weitzer & Tuch, 2002, 2005. The gap is consistently largest among Black and White Americans (Lai & Zhao, 2010;Skogan, 2005;Wheelock et al., 2019), wherein Black Americans view police as substantially less fair, procedurally just, and legitimate than do White Americans (e.g., Gau et al., 2012;Gramlich, 2019). ...
... 4. Consistent with research indicating jurors of color are more skeptical of prosecution witnesses including law enforcement (Abshire & Bornstein, 2003;Shaw et al., 2021), Black jurors will view the prosecution witnesses as less credible than will White jurors. 5. Consistent with extensive research on the Black-White racial gap in perceptions of police (e.g., Gramlich, 2019;Hurwitz & Peffley, 2005;Morin & Stepler, 2016;Peck, 2015;Warren, 2011;Weitzer & Tuch, 2005), Black jurors will hold more negative views of the police than White jurors across our measures of police perceptions. 6. ...
Building on research demonstrating significant differences in how Black and White Americans view law enforcement, this study assesses how those differential views shape potential jurors’ decision-making in the context of a federal drug conspiracy case in which the primary evidence against the defendant is provided by an FBI agent and an informant cooperating with the agent. A sample of 649 Black and White jury-eligible U.S. citizens were exposed to the case, in which a Black defendant is being tried, and where the informant-witness race (Black or White) was varied. Participants determined verdict, evaluated evidence, and completed additional measures. Results indicated that Black participants were significantly less likely to convict than White participants, especially in the White informant condition; rated the law enforcement witness as less credible, and viewed police more negatively across three composite measures. Exploratory analysis of how juror race and gender interacted indicates Black women largely drove racial differences in verdicts. Perceptions of police legitimacy mediated the relationship between juror race and verdict choice. We conclude that it is critical that citizens are not prevented from being seated on juries due to skepticism about police, given the risk of disproportionate exclusion of Black potential jurors. The legal processes relevant to juror excusals need to be reconsidered to ensure that views of police, rooted in actual experience or knowledge about the problems with fair and just policing, are not used to disproportionately exclude persons of color, or to seat juries overrepresented by people who blindly trust police.
... Given the significance of procedural justice, police departments must work on augmenting levels of legitimacy through procedurally fair police-community interactions (Brunson, 2007;Dario et al., 2019;Fine & Cauffman, 2015;Peck, 2015). One way to foster procedurally-just interactions may be through training. ...
... As illustrated in this exploratory study and other research, the opinions held by family members about police have an impact on children. Some of these opinions, especially negative ones, may be justified on the basis of direct and vicarious experiences with police officers who engaged in aggressive and/or discriminatory practices (Brunson, 2007;Peck, 2015). Although family members may justifiably harbor negative opinions of law enforcement, they must be strategic about how such views are used to influence young family members. ...
Since its inception in 1990, Tyler's process-based model of regulation has provided a fundamental framework for understanding why people obey the law. Numerous studies have found support for Tyler's process-based model of regulation, with the majority of research reporting an association between procedural justice and legitimacy. The research is limited, however, in its ability to explain the correlates of legitimacy outside of procedural justice, which is surprising considering research indicates that the development of behaviors and attitudes toward legal institutions and actors is complex. Based on the legal socialization literature, the current study explores how perceptions of police legitimacy may be impacted by family and/or peer views of the police. In order to investigate this relationship, the current exploratory study relies on data from students located at two universities in the United States. The results suggest that family views, peer views, and procedural justice are all significantly related to perceived police legitimacy. These findings are explored and contextualized in the broader literature on police legitimacy.
... 1,010). In a recent review of studies considering the relationship between race and these attitudes, Peck (2015) found that individuals who did not identify as White were likely to hold more negative evaluations and attitudes toward the police compared to those who identified as White. In addition, the attitudes of Hispanic individuals toward the police are often more negative than the attitudes of White individuals, but more favorable than the attitudes of Black individuals (Brown & Benedict, 2002;Peck, 2015;Weitzer & Tuch, 2004, 2005. ...
... In a recent review of studies considering the relationship between race and these attitudes, Peck (2015) found that individuals who did not identify as White were likely to hold more negative evaluations and attitudes toward the police compared to those who identified as White. In addition, the attitudes of Hispanic individuals toward the police are often more negative than the attitudes of White individuals, but more favorable than the attitudes of Black individuals (Brown & Benedict, 2002;Peck, 2015;Weitzer & Tuch, 2004, 2005. Among justice-involved populations, there is even some evidence that Black and Hispanic individuals have significantly lower perceptions of police procedural justice compared to White individuals (Baker, 2018;Baker & Gau, 2018). ...
Drawing on elements from the process-based model of policing, intersectionality, critical race perspectives, and comparative conflict theory, the study explores the pathways by which racial and ethnic identity influence self-regulating beliefs among justice-involved individuals. Given that people of color within this group are acutely aware of criminal justice system oppression and inequalities and have likely internalized negative expectations as part of their identity, we consider whether procedural justice perceptions of the police and courts mediate the relationship between racial and ethnic identity and obedience to the law. Relying upon data from a sample of men and women incarcerated in Florida, the findings reveal a negative, indirect relationship between race and self-regulating beliefs, such that Black individuals perceive the police as less procedurally just, which spills over onto perceptions of court procedural justice, and ultimately decreases the willingness to obey. A similar relationship is not found for Hispanic individuals.
... Conversely, white Americans view police more positively across a range of dimensions than Black Americans do (Gramlich 2019;Peck 2015;Weitzer and Tuch 2005), which extends to assessments of law enforcement witnesses (Abshire and Bornstein 2003;Lynch and Shaw 2023). And while Black Americans' views of police are substantially shaped by direct or vicarious experience with law enforcement, white Americans' support for police is often more symbolic, and can reflect racial bias and resentment (Carter et al. 2016;Matsueda and Drakulich 2009). ...
A central goal of Critical Race Theory (CRT) is to deconstruct the “jurisprudence of color-blindness” that is infused with the language of equality while operating to maintain racial hierarchies. Color-blind ideology extends to the procedures governing criminal juries, ensuring they are disproportionately white while constraining diversity of perspectives, especially regarding policing issues. In this paper, we merge CRT insights about color-blindness and race-consciousness in the criminal jury context and in the Fourth Amendment law governing policing, to advance empirical socio-legal scholarship on race and jury decision-making. We analyze deliberations data from mock jury groups that decided on verdict in a federal drug conspiracy trial, focusing on how groups talked about law enforcement testimony. We find that negative discussions of the law enforcement testimony is associated with shifts toward acquittal, there are more skeptical discussions about this testimony when the defendant is Black, and that the presence of at least one Black juror in any given group is associated with more skeptical discussions of law enforcement testimony. Our qualitative analysis illustrates how Black jurors, in particular, raised concerns about policing, including unjust treatment of Black citizens, then successfully tied those concerns to the specific legal considerations at issue in the case.
... In this study, we found meaningful differences in experiences and views of police by race. Replicating overwhelming evidence from others' studies (Alberton & Gorey, 2018;Decker, 1981;Peck, 2015), both Black and Hispanic participants reported more negative views of police than other groups. These findings highlight the importance of considering racial and ethnic contexts in discussions about police interactions and their impact on mental health. ...
Negative experiences with police present serious risks for mental health. However, interpretation plays a meaningful and little understood role in the effects of those experiences. This study expands on previous work exploring coping responses to negative police experiences and investigates the relation between negative experiences with police and mental health outcomes. Participants ( N = 198) were from a diverse sample of young adults at a minority‐serving institution. Black/African American, Hispanic/Latinx, and Middle Eastern/North African participants reported significantly more negative police experiences than White and Asian/Asian American participants. Black/African American and Hispanic/Latinx also showed more negative perceptions of police. Negative police experiences were positively related to depression but not posttraumatic stress symptoms. There were also meaningful interactive effects between negative experiences and perceptions of police on levels of posttraumatic stress and depression, suggesting negative perceptions of police may buffer negative effects of negative police experiences. Our findings point to the importance of addressing negative encounters with police as mental health stressors, as well as effects of crucial differences in perceptions of police by race. This research contributes to a growing understanding of the complex nature and effects of experiences with police on mental health.
... Minority citizens' concerns regarding police actions and how a citizen's race or ethnicity influences police behaviour are not new issues (Brown and Benedict, 2002;Peck, 2015). It is essential to consider the problem of traffic stops because this remains the top form of police-initiated interaction (Harrell and Davis, 2020). ...
This study considers the issue of racial profiling in traffic stop citations for young Hispanic male citizens (YHM), young Black male citizens (YBM), and young White male (YWM) citizens stopped while driving a luxury brand car in either majority white cities or majority Hispanic cities. The current study utilized two different datasets: the Illinois traffic stop data (2016–18) and the 2016 LEMAS. The authors used the social conditioning model and illusory correlation as a theoretical explanation for police officer decision-making. The current findings show evidence of racial profiling only for stops involving YHM drivers stopped in majority white cities while driving a luxury brand car for either a safety stop or an investigatory stop ending in a citation. No evidence of racial profiling was found for either YBM drivers stopped in majority white cities or for either YBM drivers or YWM drivers stopped in majority Hispanic cities.
... While training is primarily related to a particular organisation, whether educational or safety-oriented institutions such as an academy or police organisation, the border-crossing importance of training programs is worth mentioning. In this category, the training concerns a variety of disciplines, such as remand prisoners 57 or effective communication during major crises 58 , which all carry the police-supportive ethos. ...
This scoping review aims to map how a review as a research method is used in Scopus-indexed police journals. Using the scoping review method and keywords ‘police’ and ‘policing’ in the Source section and Title field in Scopus databases, ten police journals covered up to 2022 were identified. After being assessed against the inclusion and exclusion criteria, 81 articles out of 471 were included in the analysis in MAXQDA, software for qualitative and mixed methods data analysis. Although two journals out of ten provided detailed descriptions for review articles, there are no strict restrictions from all the journals. General (n=32), systematic (n=27), scoping (n=11), narrative (n=9), integrative (n=1), and systematised (n=1) review methods were used in the following five categories: interdisciplinary/development (n=24), police strategies/practices (n=20), mental health (n=16), organisation (n=13), and police and community (n=8). This study is the first to map a review as a method used in police journals. However, police-related literature is far more extensive than studies covered in Scopus-indexed journals. For practitioners and policymakers, the study presents an overview and knowledge to formulate questions for academics; researchers get an overview of police journals’ expectations and actual practices; students gain the potential to increase their learning pace and enhance their knowledge of the method’s potential.StreszczenieNiniejszy przegląd ma na celu określenie, w jaki sposób recenzja jako metoda badawcza jest wykorzystywana w czasopismach policyjnych indeksowanych w bazie Scopus. Korzystając z metody przeglądu zakresowego i słów kluczowych "policja" i "policyjny" w sekcji Źródło i polu Tytuł w bazach danych Scopus, zidentyfikowano dziesięć czasopism policyjnych z okresu do 2022 roku. Po ocenie pod kątem kryteriów włączenia i wykluczenia, 81 artykułów z 471 zostało włączonych do analizy w MAXQDA, oprogramowaniu do analizy danych jakościowych i metod mieszanych. Chociaż dwa z dziesięciu czasopism dostarczyły szczegółowe opisy artykułów przeglądowych, nie ma ścisłych ograniczeń ze strony wszystkich czasopism. Ogólne (n=32), systematyczne (n=27), zakresowe (n=11), narracyjne (n=9), integracyjne (n=1) i usystematyzowane (n=1) metody przeglądu zostały wykorzystane w następujących pięciu kategoriach: interdyscyplinarne/rozwojowe (n=24), strategie/praktyki policyjne (n=20), zdrowie psychiczne (n=16), organizacja (n=13) oraz policja i społeczność (n=8). Niniejsze badanie jest pierwszym, które przedstawia przegląd jako metodę stosowaną w czasopismach policyjnych. Jednak literatura związana z policją jest znacznie obszerniejsza niż badania uwzględnione w czasopismach indeksowanych przez Scopus. Dla praktyków i decydentów badanie stanowi przegląd i wiedzę umożliwiającą formułowanie pytań dla naukowców; badacze uzyskują przegląd oczekiwań i rzeczywistych praktyk czasopism policyjnych; studenci zyskują możliwość zwiększenia tempa uczenia się i poszerzenia wiedzy na temat potencjału metody.ZusammenfassungDas Ziel der vorliegenden Untersuchung ist es, herauszufinden, wie die Rezension als Forschungsmethode in den in der Scopus-Datenbank indexierten Polizeizeitschriften eingesetzt wird. Mithilfe der Scoping-Review-Methode und den Schlüsselwörtern "policja" und "policing" im Quellenabschnitt und im Titelfeld der Scopus-Datenbanken wurden zehn Polizeizeitschriften ermittelt. Nach der Prüfung auf Ein- und Ausschlusskriterien wurden 81 von 471 Artikeln für die Analyse in MAXQDA ausgewählt, einer Software für qualitative Datenanalyse und gemischte Methoden. Obwohl zwei der zehn Zeitschriften detaillierte Beschreibungen der Übersichtsartikel liefern, gibt es nicht bei allen Zeitschriften strenge Einschränkungen. Es wurden allgemeine (n=32), systematische (n=27), Scoping- (n=11), narrative (n=9), integrative (n=1) und strukturierte (n=1) Überprüfungsmethoden in den folgenden fünf Kategorien angewandt: interdisziplinär/entwicklungsbezogen (n=24), polizeiliche Strategien/Praktiken (n=20), psychische Gesundheit (n=16), Organisation (n=13), Polizei und Gemeinwesen (n=8). Vorliegende Studie ist die erste, die die Überprüfung als eine der in Polizeizeitschriften verwendeten Methoden darstellt. Die polizeiliche Literatur ist jedoch viel umfangreicher als die in Scopus-indexierten Zeitschriften enthaltenen Studien. Für Praktiker und Entscheidungsträger ist die Studie ein Kompendium des Wissens zur Formulierung von Fragen an Forscher; die Forscher erhalten einen Überblick über die Erwartungen und die tatsächliche Praxis von Polizeizeitschriften; die Studenten erhalten die Möglichkeit, ihr Lernen zu beschleunigen und ihr Wissen über das Potenzial der Methode zu erweitern.РезюмеЦелью данного обзора является определение того, как рецензирование как метод исследования используется в полицейских журналах, индексируемых в базе данных Scopus. С помощью метода обзорного анализа и ключевых слов "policja" и "policing" в секции "Источник" и поле "Заголовок" базы данных Scopus были определены десять полицейских журналов. После оценки по критериям включения и исключения 81 статья из 471 была включена для анализа в MAXQDA (программное обеспечение для качественного анализа данных и смешанных методов). Хотя два из десяти журналов представили подробные описания обзорных статей, строгие ограничения не были установлены во всех журналах. Были использованы общие (n=32), систематические (n=27), обзорные (n=11), нарративные (n=9), интегративные (n=1) и структурированные (n=1) методы обзора в следующих пяти категориях: междисциплинарные/развивающие (n=24), стратегия/практика работы полиции (n=20), психическое здоровье (n=16), организация (n=13) и полиция и общество (n=8). В настоящем исследовании впервые представлен обзор как метод, используемый в полицейских журналах. Однако литература, связанная с полицейской деятельностью, намного больше, чем исследования, включенные в журналы, индексируемые в Scopus. Для практиков и лиц, принимающих решения, исследование дает возможность получить обзор и знания для формулирования вопросов для исследователей; исследователи получают обзор ожиданий и реальной практики полицейских журналов; студенты получают возможность ускорить свое обучение и расширить свои знания о потенциале метода.ResumenLa presente revisión tiene por objeto identificar cómo se utiliza la reseña, como método de investigación, en las revistas policiales indexadas en la base de datos Scopus. Utilizando el método de revisión por alcance y las palabras clave "policía" y "policing" en la sección Fuente y en el campo Título de las bases de datos Scopus, se identificaron diez revistas policiales. Tras evaluar los criterios de inclusión y exclusión, se incluyeron 81 artículos de un total de 471 para su análisis en MAXQDA, un programa informático de análisis de datos cualitativos y métodos mixtos. Si bien dos de las diez revistas proporcionaron descripciones detalladas de los artículos de revisión, no existen limitaciones rigurosas por parte de todas las revistas. Se utilizaron métodos de revisión generales (n=32), sistemáticos (n=27), de alcance (n=11), narrativos (n=9), integradores (n=1) y estructurados (n=1) en las cinco categorías siguientes: interdisciplinarios/de desarrollo (n=24), estrategias/prácticas policiales (n=20), salud mental (n=16), organización (n=13) y policía y comunidad (n=8). El presente estudio es el primero que aborda la revisión como método utilizado en las revistas policiales. No obstante, la bibliografía relativa a la policía es mucho más amplia que los estudios incluidos en las revistas indexadas en Scopus. Para los profesionales y los responsables de la toma de decisiones, el estudio proporciona una revisión y fuente de conocimiento para formular preguntas a los investigadores; los científicos obtienen un panorama de las expectativas y las prácticas reales de las revistas policiales; los estudiantes tienen la oportunidad de acelerar su aprendizaje y ampliar sus conocimientos sobre el potencial del método.
... Therefore, Black Americans' knowledge of and experiences with police brutality may be foundational to their expectations and perceptions, including how Black Americans are likely to be treated by police and their general perceptions of police. Systematic reviews consistently find that Black (relative to White) Americans are more likely to have negative perceptions of police (Brown & Benedict, 2002;Decker, 1981;Peck, 2015). Additionally, Black Americans' perceptions of police are informed by their personal and vicarious policing experiences (Pryce et al., 2021). ...
Although experiences with police vary widely by race in the United States, many Americans expressed negative reactions to the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police in May 2020, which led to racially diverse protests for Floyd’s justice. Objective: This study assessed differences in Black and White Americans’ reactions to the murder of George Floyd and the presence of White Americans at the subsequent protests for justice. Method: Black and White Americans (N = 290) took part in an online study in which they responded to questions regarding their reactions to the murder of George Floyd, the subsequent protests for justice, and critical knowledge (e.g., previous experiences with police and broad knowledge of Black history). Results: Results of a preregistered study showed that Black (relative to White) Americans were more surprised by the extent of White participation in protests for justice. Also, Black Americans were more alarmed (i.e., emotionally jarred) by Floyd’s murder. These differences in reactions were explained by Black (relative to White) Americans having more negative experiences with police brutality, both personally and among close others. Conclusion: This suggests that reactions to police brutality are experientially rooted, joining long-standing calls to center the lived experiences of Black Americans in psychological research.
... Empirical evidence has shown a strong linkage between procedural justice embedded in police-civilian contacts and public views of the police as legitimate institutions (Tyler, 2006;Tyler & Huo, 2002). A number of studies have revealed the racial disparity in public perceptions of the police with Black civilians having the most negative view of the police, followed by Hispanics and White civilians (Buckler et al., 2008;Cao & Wu, 2019;Gabbidon & Jordan, 2013;Hagan et al., 2005;Li et al., 2016;Peck, 2015;Wu, 2014), a critical questions especially related to the possible influences of race/ethnicity-based situation on police legitimacy remain underaddressed. ...
In the 21st century, law enforcement agencies have increasingly realized the importance of police-civilian contacts in shaping public evaluations of legal authorities. Although many studies have revealed the Black-White racial disparities in public perceptions of the police, the impact of the nexus of civilian and officer race and ethnicity has rarely been adequately examined. Drawing upon a nationwide dataset, this study examined the effects of racial and ethnic combinations between the police and civilians on attitudes toward procedural justice and police legitimacy reported by 5,201 civilians who had recent encounters with police officers during traffic or pedestrian stops. The results showed a perception disparity regarding procedural justice and legitimacy among racial/ethnic combinations involving White, Black, and Hispanic civilians and officers. The nexus of Black-civilians-White-officers yielded the most negative effect. Hispanic civilians displayed more positive attitudes toward the police than their White counterparts. Procedural justice mediated the racial/ethnic effect on the perception of police legitimacy. Findings and policy implications are discussed.
... This statistic is particularly concerning as we know that Black individuals make up a disproportionate number of missing and unidentified cases in the United States at 33%, yet only comprise approximately 13% of the United States' population [47]. Related to this discrepancy, it has been argued that differential treatment of various demographic groups has ultimately influenced who is comfortable and/or willing to engage with law enforcement regarding investigations, including investigations of unidentified remains and missing persons [48][49][50][51][52][53]. ...
Forensic anthropology is shifting to reflect on the impact of its practices within the criminal justice context in important ways. Here, we contribute to this essential work by examining how decedent demographics as well as estimations of biological profile components are related to identification trends in forensic anthropology cases. The study uses data from more than 1,200 identified and unidentified forensic anthropology cases from three agencies (together representing a nation-wide sample). We found the following: i) multivariate analyses indicated that decedent sex, age, and race and/or ethnicity are not related to case identification rates in the pooled United States sample, ii) when identification rate differences do occur, they appear to be smaller effects, more agency-specific, and/or related to the context of a particular agency, iii) for the agency-specific sample with available data, there was no consistent evidence for a discrepancy in the duration of an identification investigation based on a decedent’s sex, age, or race and/or ethnicity, iv) forensic anthropological estimations of sex, age, and ancestry can improve the odds of identification for decedents, although these are small effects, and v) reporting an ancestry estimation does not appear to impact decedent race representation among resolved unidentified person cases. Although previous studies have identified demographic discrepancies in other areas of the criminal justice system, the results presented here suggest that decedent demographic estimation practices by forensic anthropologists in general do not appear to be related to discrepancies in identification trends, but more research is needed to examine whether these findings hold. Contextual factors and practices specific to each investigative agency likely contribute to identification trends.
... In the context of law enforcement, negative attitudes toward police may lead to harsher judgments of facial expressions. Notably, these negative judgments may be more pronounced in Black and Hispanic communities (Vogel, 2011;Kang and Bodenhausen, 2015;Peck, 2015;Bolger et al., 2021) as these populations have poor relationships with law enforcement relative to White people. Negative views of police may stem from a fear of victimization, neighborhood context, vulnerability, mediacultivated fear, or personal or vicarious experiences with police (Warr, 1990;Hagan et al., 2005;Farrall et al., 2009;Stevens and Abernethy, 2018;Miethe et al., 2019;McCarthy et al., 2020;Goffin, 2022;Pickett et al., 2022). ...
Introduction
A study was conducted to investigate if an individual’s trust in law enforcement affects their perception of the emotional facial expressions displayed by police officers.
Methods
The study invited 77 participants to rate the valence of 360 face images. Images featured individuals without headgear (condition 1), or with a baseball cap (condition 2) or police hat (condition 3) digitally added to the original photograph. The images were balanced across sex, race/ethnicity (Asian, African American, Latine, and Caucasian), and facial expression (Happy, Neutral, and Angry). After rating the facial expressions, respondents completed a survey about their attitudes toward the police.
Results
The results showed that, on average, valence ratings for “Angry” faces were similar across all experimental conditions. However, a closer examination revealed that faces with police hats were perceived as angrier compared to the control conditions (those with no hat and those with a baseball cap) by individuals who held negative views of the police. Conversely, participants with positive attitudes toward the police perceived faces with police hats as less angry compared to the control condition. This correlation was highly significant for angry faces (p < 0.01), and stronger in response to male faces compared to female faces but was not significant for neutral or happy faces.
Discussion
The study emphasizes the substantial role of attitudes in shaping social perception, particularly within the context of law enforcement.
... In the substantial history of research on perceptions of the police, racism has received far less attention than other factors. A linked string of systematic reviews of the literature on perceptions of the police-each building on the last-have identified race as a major predictor of these views but do not mention racism (Brown and Reed Benedict 2002;Decker 1985;Peck 2015). Thus, the smaller number of studies that have connected some dimension of racial views to views of the police are most relevant to our work. ...
... Unsurprisingly, racial minorities express more critical opinions about police than do whites (Graziano & Gauthier, 2019;Peck, 2015;Peffley & Hurwitz, 2010). As such, we tested whether the effect of image exposure varied across racial groups (full results available upon request). ...
... Gender and political ideology appear to be secondary predictors of attitudes about militarization. Despite strong interracial differences in public opinion about the legitimacy, efficacy, and fairness of the police (Peck, 2015), the extant studies provide inconsistent evidence for a (non-spurious) relationship between race and attitudes toward police militarization. ...
... While there is a diversity of perspectives within the movement, Defund the Police generally calls for social programs and services such as housing, employment, education, and health services as responses to social problems instead of using police force, especially when dealing with people experiencing crisis or nonviolent felonies (Balsamo 2020;Coleman 2020). This approach is aimed at reducing dehumanizing, violent, and costly interactions with the police, which are disproportionately experienced in communities of color (Peck 2015). Few Americans support defunding or abolishing police and much of this opposition seems tied to negative perceptions of the Defund the Police movement (Vaughn, Peyton, and Huber 2022). ...
In the wake of several high-profile cases of police use of excessive force, renewed critiques of policing have emerged from the Defund the Police movement. Yet, the movement has faced fierce opposition from Americans who subscribe to a color-blind logic that racial inequality in policing and society as a whole reflect differences in merit. In assessing Americans’ use of color-blind racism, support for public spending on social services, and support for punitive social control, scholars have recently emphasized the role of Christian nationalist ideology. Building on this recent work, we use data from the 2021 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative survey of Americans, to test the relationship between adherence to Christian nationalist ideology and opposition to reducing funding for police departments and moving those funds to mental health, housing, and other social services. We find that respondents who score higher on an index of Christian nationalism hold greater odds of opposing shifting funding from police departments, independent of other measures of political and religious orientations. We also consider interactions between Christian nationalist ideology, race, and color-blind racial ideology.
... In Detroit, MI, 78% of citizens are African American (per the 2020 census) and the city's police department has been the subject of multiple federal consent decrees for excessive use of force against its citizens (Campbell et al., 2015). Communities of color, particularly African American/Black communities, are overpoliced (Gaston, 2019;Kramer & Remster, 2018;Lewis & Wu, 2021), and citizens report feeling fearful and distrustful of the police (Hitchens et al., 2018;Peck, 2015;Pryce & Gainey, 2022;Pryce et al., 2021). For African American/Black women specifically, their experiences with and perceptions of the police are complex. ...
Current estimates suggest there are 300,000–400,000 untested sexual assault kits (SAKs) in police department storage facilities throughout the United States. As these kits are being discovered and then submitted for forensic DNA testing, legal system personnel may recontact victims. These “victim notifications” involve informing survivors their kits were previously untested, sharing the results of new DNA testing, and asking for their engagement in reinvestigating and prosecuting the case. Typically, victim notifications are conducted by police, and survivors are connected with victim advocates soon thereafter. In this study, we interviewed survivors about their experiences of being notified by the police. We also interviewed about their work supporting survivors. Both survivors and advocates expressed strong concerns about police conducting notifications without an advocate present.
... Police face challenges to legitimacy when ethnoracial trust is weak. (Peck, 2015). Research evidence supports the use of three public safety portals to cultivate a circle of trust with ethnoracially diverse groups. ...
... Our research integrates two related bodies of literature. Since the 1960s, a substantial amount of research has been conducted to explore ways of measuring individuals' attitudes toward the police, the factors that influence them, and their potential impacts on police legitimacy and public support for the police (e.g., see reviews by Alberton & Gorey, 2018;Brown & Benedict, 2002;Decker, 1981;Peck, 2015). Another body of literature focuses more explicitly on victims of crime, where much attention has been given to victim reporting and victim-police interactions (e.g., see reviews by Farrell et al., 2019;Xie & Baumer, 2019a). ...
Victims' willingness to report crime and their opinions about the police are important indicators of police performance, police legitimacy, and trust in the justice system. This study examines two decades of trends in police notification and victims' perceptions of the police in the United States and major metropolitan areas since 2000, using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). In contrast to previous studies indicating an increase in police notification in the 1980s and 1990s, the present study shows a progressive decline in police notification observed in the last two decades, especially since 2010. Furthermore, there has been a marked increase in victims' mistrust of police responsiveness since the mid-2000s. Using multivariable regression models that control for potential changes in the characteristics of crime and survey methodology, we find that the victims' rising distrust of the police is widespread in many metropolitan areas, in all racial/ethnic and socioeconomic groups, and especially so for victims of theft, burglary, and simple assault. In the discussion, we suggest that the changing policing strategies and the evolving economic, political, and social environments of the 21st century may help explain the trends identified by this research. Understanding victim reporting trends and victims' opinions of the police may affect data and policy and help the justice system to better serve victims and enhance public safety.
... Scholars have pointed out that trust in the police is inextricably tied to how well the police are able to discharge their duties (Nix et al., 2015), although research has consistently documented lower levels of trust among Blacks (Gau & Brunson, 2015;Peck, 2015). Pryce and Grant (2021) have argued that "[a]s mutual trust develops and grows between the police and the policed, officers are able to perform their roles more effectively in the community because of community members' greater willingness to cooperate and comply with the police" (p. ...
Assessing public attitudes toward the police is a mainstay of policing research because of the importance of police-community relations for the betterment of society. To have a better understanding of the antecedents of public trust in the police, we analyze data from residents of the Hampton Roads region of Southeast
Virginia. Our findings indicate that older respondents, those who believe that the police treat racial and ethnic minorities equally as they do whites, and those who believe that the police protect people from crime expressed higher levels of trust in the police. Conversely, males, Blacks, and those who earned $50,000 or less expressed lower levels of trust in the police. To our surprise, we found that protection from crime appeared to matter more for community members than the police’s treatment of racial and ethnic minorities as far as trust in the police was concerned. This means that police effectiveness remains a crucial component of policing, even if the way the police treat minority community members is also very important for improving police-community relations. We point out the implications of our findings for police-community relations, public policy, and future research.
... The U.S. criminal justice system disproportionately targets Latinxs and African Americans (e.g., Pettit & Gutierrez, 2018). "The police" are often a threat to the lives of minorities (Edwards et al., 2019), and this is reflected in their attitudes toward the police (Bolger et al., 2021;Peck, 2015). Notably, however, the dynamic between police and minorities may not be equal across racial and ethnic groups. ...
This is a registered report for a study of racial and ethnic variation in the relationship between negativity bias and political attitudes. Pioneering work on the psychological and biological roots of political orientation has suggested that political conservatism is driven in large part by enhanced negativity bias. This work has been criticized on several theoretical fronts, and recent replication attempts have failed. To dig deeper into the contours of when (and among whom) negativity bias predicts conservatism, we investigate a surprisingly overlooked factor in existing literature: race and ethnicity. We propose that political issues represent threat or disgust in different ways depending on one’s race and ethnicity. We recruited 174 White, Latinx, and Asian American individuals (in equal numbers) to examine how the relationship between negativity bias and political orientation varies by race/ethnicity across four domains: policing/criminal justice, immigration, economic redistribution, and religious social conservatism.
This study explores whether and how respondents’ racial/ethnic identity affects racial/ethnic hate crime perception, considering the races/ethnicities of the offender and the victim. The data of this study comes from a factorial survey experiment with random vignette assignments among U.S. adults from MTurk ( n = 2,021). A set of logistic regression models with robust standard errors was estimated to test the two-way and three-way moderation effects of the races/ethnicities of the offender, victim, and respondent. Results reveal how racial/ethnic groups recognize hate crimes, considering not only the identities of the offenders and victims but also the respondents’ own backgrounds. Subgroup analyses further revealed different patterns of racial/ethnic hate crime recognition among minority respondents and non-Hispanic white respondents. Integrating a power-relation perspective and social identity theory, this study concludes that there are racial/ethnic variances in the recognition of racial/ethnic hate crimes, which not only concern the race/ethnicity of the offender and victim but are also related to respondents’ identity. Social identity theory partially explains the observations through group image management and ingroup favoritism. Additionally, the perception of racial/ethnic hate crimes is primarily driven by the Majority–Minority pattern, regardless of the group membership. This study calls for further efforts not only in researching the role of race/ethnicity in relation to racial/ethnic hate crime recognition but also in advancing the practice of hate crime reporting and data collection by an enhanced understanding of group identity among individuals as well as law enforcement.
Given increased trepidation about undocumented immigration in the United States, this study offers an examination of the extent to which Latinos who represent different generations of immigrants perceive United States law enforcement and the current state of undocumented immigration. It gives voice to Latinos, the most significant demographic crossing the border. The topic is relevant given policymakers’ interest in addressing the moral panic over increasing immigration to the country and an interest in law enforcement legitimacy as an essential ingredient in their effectiveness in combating crimes. This qualitative study using semi-structured interviews describes the perceptions of 40 Texas Latinos regarding their willingness to engage with law enforcement in calls for service that may or may not include victimizations and thoughts on undocumented immigration. This study offers the input of Texas Latinos on these matters. Data were coded and analyzed using thematic text analysis to identify patterns and themes. Six themes were identified. Overall, the perceptions of U.S. law enforcement were positive. The participants essentially indicated a desire for more organized and safe U.S. immigration processes at the border that facilitate opportunities to work in the U.S. The study has implications for policymakers interested in effective policing where police and citizens partner in preventing and clearing crime.
Purpose
Citizens’ attitudes toward police (ATP) have declined dramatically in recent years, prompting many agencies to implement police–community relations programs designed to build back the community’s trust. Such programs are often time-intensive, requiring many hours to complete. The current study examined the impact of a brief (approximately 15 minutes) community relations intervention on citizens’ ATP and police use of force (UoF).
Design/methodology/approach
A sample of 104 citizens completed three UoF training exercises (i.e., the intervention) inside a video simulator at a municipal police department. Immediately before and after the intervention, citizens’ ATP and police UoF were recorded.
Findings
Despite having relatively favorable impressions of police at baseline, many attitudes grew to be more favorable following the intervention, including perceptions of job difficulty and the belief that police are treated too harshly by the media. While global impressions of the police did not change, citizens came to believe that greater UoF levels were warranted in specific types of encounters, such as when a suspect tries to strike an officer.
Originality/value
These findings suggest that providing citizens with an opportunity to experience UoF decision-making first-hand can positively impact certain ATP and police work. Law enforcement agencies may find that such brief, immersive interventions are useful tools for improving police–community relations.
Studies of public confidence in the police have enabled important insights into the factors responsible for achieving public support. Empirically tested in overwhelmingly democratic nations, there remain questions about the generalizability of this work to different types of political regimes, especially authoritarian nations. Using Wave 7 of the World Values Survey ( n = 38,838) we assess whether predictors of police confidence operate in similar or different ways within the most democratic and authoritarian nations. Both regimes share similar underpinnings of confidence (corruption, religious identity, neighborhood trust, and government performance). Yet, key differences exist (i.e., country‐level differences measuring insecurity and instability, press freedom and corruption).
Research suggests that Black citizens who experience an elevated fear of law enforcement frequently engage in avoidance strategies, such as fleeing, when confronted by police. There is also strong reason to speculate that this avoidance behavior commonly transpires when the police officer is White. Problematically, this avoidance strategy may place these citizens at an increased risk for officer use of force as the police seek to subdue fleeing suspects. The current study uses data drawn from the Evaluation of Less-Lethal Technologies on Police Use-of-Force project and a series of logistic regression equations and mediation analysis to determine whether Black suspects are more apt to flee from White police officers than other officer-suspect racial dyads and, because of this fleeing behavior, have a greater likelihood of experiencing force. After controlling for a variety of salient factors, results indicate support for this scenario. Policy implications are discussed.
Plain language title
When Avoidance Backfires: Mixed-Race Officer-Citizen Contacts and What Happens When Suspects Run From Police
We examined whether the enforcement of phantom rules—frequently broken and rarely enforced codified rules—varies by the race of the rule breaker. First, we analyzed whether race affects when 311 calls, a nonemergency service, end in arrest in New York City. Across 10 years, we found that calls from census blocks of neighborhoods consisting of mostly White individuals were 65% less likely to escalate to arrest than those where White people were the numerical minority. Next, we experimentally manipulated transgressor race and found that participants ( N = 393) who were high in social dominance orientation were more likely to route 311 calls to 911 when the transgressor was Black (vs. White). We also explored the subjective experience of phantom rule enforcement; People of color report they are more likely to be punished for violating phantom rules compared to White people. Overall, we find evidence of racism in the enforcement of phantom rules.
Although research has documented an association between sociodemographic and behavioral factors and contact with local police, it remains unclear whether such relationships exist among college students who experience contact with university police. It is also unknown how such factors relate to students’ perceptions of campus police. Given the contentious nature of law enforcement in the U.S. and the racialized climate in higher education, it is imperative to understand how college students’ interactions with and perceptions of campus police fall in relation to the broader narrative of policing. Analyzing data from a current sample of approximately 400 undergraduate students enrolled at a small, public university in the Northeast United States, this study examines the sociodemographic and behavioral correlates of students’ contact with and perceptions of university police. Results suggest there are minimal differences between students with and without a history of police-initiated contact in terms of sociodemographic background. Nevertheless, despite this distribution of contact with campus police, self-identified sexual minorities, racial and ethnic minorities, as well as politically liberal students were among those to possess more negative views of campus police. We discuss these findings as a potential by-product of the broader rhetoric surrounding police-community relationships and racism in higher education.
Recent instances of racial injustice and the growth of the Black Lives Matter movement have spurred conversations about police reform across the United States. Exposure to police aggression through the second-hand accounts of family members, friends, and the media is known to shape individuals’ perceptions of law enforcement. However, it remains unclear whether social media platforms can also facilitate vicarious exposure to racialized police violence. The current study addresses this gap by focusing on patterns of hashtag usage in a sample of over 350,000 tweets related to law enforcement. Tweets in our sample were posted following the murders of Michael Brown in 2014 and George Floyd in 2020, enabling us to make comparisons across the two sociotemporal contexts. We find that police-related hashtags were more common in 2020 than 2014. Additionally, from the reconceptualization of our data as hashtag co-occurrence networks, we find that Twitter conversations about law enforcement were more likely to occur in disconnected, polarized clusters during the latter period. Findings demonstrate that there is a polarization of online discourse around struggles for racial justice, which limits the ability for social media platforms to expose members to the public to new perspectives on police reform.
Our goal was to investigate how increased police presence and contact are related to police-community relations, and whether this relationship may be different for those who are more likely to be subject to targeted policing practices, especially those with preexisting lower procedural justice assessments, living in disadvantaged communities, and having prior experience with the criminal justice system. Increased police presence was related to higher police legitimacy assessments, while low quality contact was negatively associated with police legitimacy. Increased presence and positive contact with the police were related to improved attitudes towards the police for those living in disadvantaged neighborhoods and who had preexisting lower procedural justice assessments. The opposite relationship was found for those living in advantaged neighborhoods with more positive preexisting attitudes towards the police. Implementation of tactics that increase police presence and positive contact with the police could improve police-community relations in neighborhoods that are disadvantaged and have residents that see the police as procedurally unjust.
Despite the greater visibility of sexual and gender minorities, due to data limitations, the quantitative literature on their citizenship outcomes is very limited. Using a large original survey of Canadian sexual and gender minorities and the Canadian General Social Survey, this article first examines the extent of political inclusion of sexual and gender minorities, as measured by sense of belonging to Canada and the province of residence, likelihood of voting, and confidence in the police and the justice system. Sexual and gender minorities are generally found to have a markedly weaker sense of belonging to Canada and confidence in its institutions. Next, these patterns are re‐examined accounting for the degree of outness. The results indicate considerable discrepancies across sexual and gender minorities in how outness affects their citizenship outcomes. In particular, it seems that the sociopolitical profile of these groups plays an important mediating role in the effects of outness on their citizenship outcomes.
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Purpose
The purpose of this study is to gain a broad understanding of public perceptions of the police and violence.
Design/methodology/approach
This study uses survey data collected from a nationally representative sample ( N = 1,223) by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) Center for Public Affairs Research at the University of Chicago. Descriptive, bivariate correlational and multivariate regression analyses of the data were conducted.
Findings
Descriptive analyses show the populace is equally concerned about the police use of violence and violence against the police, but bivariate analyses indicate the two types of concern are unrelated, and multivariate regression analyses show that few variables impact both types of concern. Consistent with prior research, young people and racial/ethnic minorities reported greater concerns about police violence than did older adults and Whites, yet neither age nor race/ethnicity impacted concerns about violence against the police. Perceived mistreatment by the police was the only variable which impacted perceptions of police violence and violence against the police in a consistent and cogent manner.
Originality/value
This study is the first to examine public perceptions of the police as both the agents and victims of violence. The results indicate public perceptions of the police are more complex than was previously believed.
Research has found that people’s perceptions of the extent to which authority figures behave in a procedurally just (or unjust) manner have powerful effects on a variety of outcomes. Procedural justice has been shown to influence people’s sense of obligation to obey and willingness to cooperate with the law and its agents, as well as people’s willingness to comply with the law and legal authorities. Yet very little research has examined the causal mechanisms through which the perceived fairness of procedures influences these outcomes. One possibility is that procedural injustice may trigger affective responses such as anger, frustration, or fear. In this study, we test the effects of three procedural justice conditions on a variety of outcomes using a laboratory-style experiment that simulates a police traffic stop. At the same time, we test the extent to which the relationships between procedural justice and these outcomes are mediated by people’s self-reported levels of anger. Our findings reveal that the treatment conditions had strong effects on self-reported anger, with the procedural justice condition decreasing anger, and the procedural injustice condition increasing anger. Moreover, the findings reveal that the treatment conditions also exerted indirect effects on all outcomes through anger. Taken together, these findings reinforce the importance of emotion in mediating the effects of procedural justice on a variety of outcomes during intergroup encounters.
Developed over decades, a body of research identifies the factors that affect people’s willingness to report crime to law enforcement. In a context in which studies of anti-LGBTQ violence and peoples’ responses to such victimisation are proliferating, a timely question warrants attention: What predicts the willingness of sexual minorities (SMs) (ie, lesbian, gay, bisexual and queer)¹1 The sample of gender minorities within this study was too small to be valid. As such, gender minorities such as transgender, nonbinary and gender non-conforming respondents are not included. to report hate crime to the police? Utilising original data collected from a multi-site survey, this article assesses factors that shape the probability that young SMs will report bias-motivated crime victimisation to the police. We find that, compared to their non-SM heterosexual counterparts, SMs express a wider range of willingness to report crime as well as more legal cynicism and lower perceptions of police legitimacy. Our multivariate analyses reveal that SM identity indirectly influences reporting behaviour vis-a-vis legal cynicism and perceptions of police legitimacy. The implications of these findings for future research are discussed in the context of a growing body of literature that reveals the plethora of ways in which LGBTQ communities are both over-policed and underserved.
Community engagement strategies intended to build trust and legitimacy are widely used by police agencies. Available research on the utility of these strategies shows mixed results and police have been critcised for adopting a 'one-size fits all' mentality when employing these strategies across minority groups. Yet, community engagement strategies remain a preferred tool for police seeking to improve their relations with minority groups. This article unpacks police-community engagement as a tool for promoting trust and legitimacy among African Australians. The first half of the article provides an overview of community engagement strategies and presents an engagement typology that is used to critically assesses the strengths and limitations of key strategies used by police vis-à-vis trust and legitimacy. The second half of the article canvasses the relationship between African Australian communities and the police, and draws attention to socio-cultural factors that must be considered by police when developing and implementing engagement initiatives. The article concludes with several recommendations for police including the need to prioritise the needs of the community over intelligence gathering by embedding employment and education services into engagement initiatives.
The current study uses data from two independent surveys administered through Academic Prolific's online opt-in panel to explore whether there may be racial differences in views of armed school police. We use two distinct samples and t-tests to compare views of Black and White individuals in 2019 and 2020, respectively, as well as views in 2019 and 2020 generally. We then employ regression analyses of the 2020 survey data to test whether race was associated with views of armed school police. Some similarities in views emerged. In 2019, Black and White individuals had similiar views of whether armed police keep schools safe as well as whether they were comfortable sending their child to a school with police. However, differences in views were also found. In 2019 and 2020, mean scores for beliefs of whether armed police act with students’ best interest was lower among Blacks than Whites. In 2020, the mean score for Blacks was lower that it was for Whites when asked about whether armed police keep schools safe and whether they would be comfortable sending their child to a school with police. In 2020, Black individuals were less likely to agree that school police implement their duties in ways that are fair, respectful, and keep students' interests in mind. We conclude by discussing implications for scholarship and policy about school policing and school safety generally.
This study extends the dominant Black-White paradigm in assessing public perceptions of the police by including Hispanic and Asian Americans. Relying on a large random sample of Seattle residents, this study examines: (1) perceptions of police problem-solving, hassling, racial profiling and bias among Hispanic, Asian, Black and White Americans and (2) factors that influence police perceptions. Results reveal both majority-minority and inter-minority variations in attitudes towards police, suggesting that a single vertical scale or gradation of attitudes cannot adequately describe the complexity of different racial/ethnic groups' perceptions of multiple aspects of policing. A range of individual demographic, police-and crime-related, and neighbourhood structural and cultural factors influence public perceptions of the police. Some interesting findings include that educational attainment and employment have negative effects on public satisfaction with the police, police visibility is associated with greater satisfaction with police problem-solving yet stronger beliefs on police harassment and racial profiling, and neighbourhood codes of violence is a consistent and outstanding predictor of public perceptions of the police. Possible explanations are provided.
Relying on survey data collected from over 1,300 students of 13–18 years old across multiple US cities, this study attempts to integrate race into social bond theory to explain the variation in juvenile perceptions of the police. Results indicate significant differential outlooks between white and black teenagers, and to a lesser extent, between white and Hispanic juveniles. Social bonds, especially commitment to school and conventional beliefs, have significant effects on juveniles’ attitudes. The effects of race and social bonds are more independent and social bonds do not mediate the race-attitudes relationship. Other factors, such as juvenile delinquency, victimization, and sense of safety, are also related to juvenile assessments of the police. Implications of the findings are discussed.
In the rapidly expanding literature on the police, one question has been treated with increasing frequency in the past few years: How can the police be encouraged to become more responsive to the publics they serve? Many writers contend that in order for change to take place, it will be necessary to alter those conditions which affect the type of individual who becomes a policeman, either by modifying recruitment procedures, the training process, or the schedule of compensation (President's Commission, 1967a: 20). Others have questioned whether such strategies will work unless they are accompanied by basic social and organizational changes, redefining the role of the police officer and his relationship to the community (President's Commission, 1967a: 149).
It has been proposed that hiring more Black police officers is an effective way to alleviate long-standing tensions between police and African Americans because Black officers will connect with Black citizens and treat them well. This hypothesis, however, fails to account for the macro-level context of the troubled locations in which African Americans disproportionately reside and wherein police-minority citizen problems are deep seated. The present study examines two competing hypotheses concerning the influence ofofficer race relative to that of ecological context in shaping African Americans’ experiences with and perceptions of local police. These hypotheses are testedusing in-depth interview data with Black residents of a majority-Black, high-crime, economically troubled city. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.
Policemen and policewomen are the most visible and obtrusive agents of governmental authority and power to the average citizen. This being the case, what the public think about police and their work is highly important--and may well serve as a significant social indicator of the political health of the society as a whole. Using telephone survey data gathered in the St. Louis SMSA during the Summer of 1977 as part of a major study of police services, a number of hypotheses regarding the influence of political alienation, perceived local crime, perceived police integrity, race, and social class upon public evaluation of local police performance were tested. Public ratings of police were generally quite high. However, those lacking trust in police integrity, who viewed crime as increasing, who expressed estrangement from the political process, as well as those who were nonwhite or lower class were more likely to rate police performance negatively than others. In addition, a number of noteworthy conditional effects were uncovered utilizing the nonmetric least-squares estimation procedure developed by Grizzle, Starmer, and Koch (1969). The generalizability of these conditional effects needs to be examined in future research within this area.
Recent research has established the importance of informal social control to a variety of aspects of neighborhood life, including the prevalence of crime. This work has described informal social control as rooted in a neighborhood's structural and social context, but has less frequently explored the interconnections between informal and formal social control efforts. Drawing on data from Seattle, this article suggests that perceptions of formal social control—specifically perceptions of police procedural injustice and police efficacy—directly influence both individual evaluations of informal social control efforts as well as neighborhood capacities for informal social control. We suggest a pragmatic mechanism to explain this relationship—that low evaluations of the police will influence perceptions of the effectiveness of and costs associated with informal social control efforts—and we control for alternative cultural explanations related to the desirability of social control. Most strikingly, we find that strong racial disparities in faith in the police help explain why neighborhoods with larger race-ethnic minority populations have lower capacities for informal social control. We conclude with a discussion of emerging accounts of the role of culture in local organizational processes and of the larger social implications of the race-ethnic stratification of perceptions of the police.
Researchers have emphasized the importance of direct encounters with the police as a determinant of attitudes toward the police, yet cross-sectional studies allow for limited causal inference. This study includes the measurement of attitudes before and after encounters with the police among African American, Hispanic, and White residents of Chicago. Contrary to previous research, direct contact with the police during the past year is not enough to change attitudes, but vicarious experience (i.e., learning that someone else has had a good or bad encounter with the police) does influence attitudes in a predictable manner. Also, residents’ initial attitudes about the police play a critical role in shaping their judgments of subsequent direct and indirect experiences as well as their future attitudes. The findings are discussed in terms of stereotypes about the police that are resistant to change.
This article examines the determinants of citizen satisfaction with police. Using data from a recent nationwide survey of Whites, Hispanics, and African Americans, the authors test several hypotheses about how situational and structural factors shape attitudes toward the police. Much has been written about Black-White differences in views of the police, but most of this literature does little to explain why these differences exist. Moreover, very little is known about Hispanics’ relations with the police. We take a step toward closing this gap by developing a model of relations between police and minority-group members that focuses on such explanatory factors as personal contacts with officers, neighborhood crime conditions, and policing practices in accounting for variations in satisfaction with police.
During the past 20 years, there has been an expanding body of research examining citizens’ attitudes toward the police. Most of this research has been directed at assessing the determinants of these attitudes. In contrast, less attention has been focused on the reasons why citizens hold certain attitudes. The present study uses the survey responses of 613 residents of a midwestern city to examine the information accessed by citizens when responding to questions regarding their general and specific attitudes toward the police. The findings suggest that citizens focus on attributes of agencies and encounters, some focus on the behavior of officers during interactions, and others base their attitudes on general perceptions of the occupation of policing. Furthermore, the referent employed by citizens is not always consistent with the attitude object (i.e., general questions elicit specific responses). The likelihood that police agencies can influence citizens’ attitudes is also assessed.
Studies considering perceptions of the police have traditionally focused on very broad outcome measures (e.g., global views of the police). In an era of community policing, it is imperative to consider how the public perceives the police and police services using measures reflecting this alternative paradigm of policing. In addition, recent research suggests that perceptions of the police are formed within the context of respondents’neighborhood cultures and contexts. This research examines factors predicting citizen perceptions of police services in a Midwestern community, incorporating variables reflecting respondents’ demographic traits, experiences, and neighborhood contexts. The analysis tests the predictive power of these factors using both traditional outcome measures and perceptions of police services based on community-policing criteria. The findings demonstrate the need for multidimensional constructs of citizen perceptions of police services and highlight important dimensions of public perceptions of community policing.
Prior research has consistently demonstrated the salience of minority status in understanding racial and ethnic differences in perceptions of the police. This research has overwhelmingly shown that Blacks and Latinos hold lower levels of trust and confidence in the police than do Whites and other racial minorities. The increased skepticism of the police expressed by minority citizens is commonly associated with racial profiling and documented racial disparities in police behavior. Although policing research has empirically demonstrated the influence of race on perceptions of the police, few studies have explored the relevance of officer race in shaping citizens’ evaluations of police encounters. Using data from the BJS Police–Public Contact Survey, the purpose of this study is to examine whether racial variation in evaluations of police behavior is moderated by the race of the officer. The results suggest that officer race may be an important factor in shaping citizen perceptions of police stops, particularly when it comes to Black citizens. This finding is important as it provides some evidence that increasing the number of minority officers may be one viable option for improving citizen–officer relations.
Much of the research on police-citizen relations has focused on adults, not youth. Given that adolescents and particularly young males are more likely than adults to have involuntary and adversarial contacts with police officers, it is especially important to investigate their experiences with and perceptions of the police. This article examines the accounts of young Black and White males who reside in one of three disadvantaged St. Louis, Missouri, neighborhoods — one predominantly Black, one predominantly White, and the other racially mixed. In-depth interviews were conducted with the youths, and the authors’ analysis centers on the ways in which both race and neighborhood context influence young males’ orientations toward the police.
Previous research has shown that Blacks are more likely than Whites to hold unfavorable opinions of criminal justice agencies in America, but the literature has rarely examined whether social class also affects these opinions. Using recent national survey data on perceptions of racial discrimination by the police and the criminal justice system, this study examines the effects of race and class on citizen attitudes. The findings indicate that (1) race is a strong predictor of attitudes and (2) class affects several of these views. An important finding is that middle-class Blacks are sometimes more critical of the police and justice system than are lower-class Blacks.
The purpose of this study is to extend our understanding of attitudes toward the police by examining how race/ethnicity, social class, and neighborhood context interact to influence four different dimensions of attitudes: neighborhood, global, police services, and fear of the police. The results showed significant racial/ethnic variation in perceptions of the police, with African-Americans reporting the most negative attitudes. The magnitude of the racial/ethnic gap, however, varied across the different attitude dimensions with the largest difference between African-Americans and Whites in terms of fear of the police. The findings also suggested that African-Americans' and Hispanics' perceptions of the police are moderated by the interaction of social class and neighborhood socioeconomic composition. Middle-class African-Americans and Hispanics who resided in disadvantaged neighborhoods reported more negative attitudes toward the police than those who resided in more advantaged areas. Overall the study findings highlight the complex interplay between experiences, community context, social class, and type of attitudinal assessment in understanding within and across racial and ethnic variation in residents' perceptions of the police.
This paper reports the results of a study using a phenomenological method. The study investigates two questions: (1) what are African‐Americans’ perceptions of the police following contact with a police officer, and (2) what are the qualities that African‐Americans think are important for police officers to possess. Data were gathered through semi‐structured interviews over a three‐month period with 32 African‐American participants. The findings suggest that African‐Americans viewed a positive contact with the police when the officer utilized human relations traits such as cultural sensitivity, empathy, and fairness. The qualities deemed important by African‐Americans for a police officer to possess were congruent with human relations qualities. The implications for police practice and research are discussed.
One of the most controversial issues in policing concerns allegations of racial bias. This article examines citizens' perceptions of racialized policing in three neighborhoods in Washington, D.C., that vary by racial composition and class position: a middle-class white community, a middle-class black community, and a lower-class black community. In-depth interviews examined residents' perceptions of differential police treatment of individual blacks and whites in Washington and disparate police practices in black and white neighborhoods. Findings indicate, first, that there is substantial agreement across the communities in the belief that police treat blacks and whites differerently; and secondly, there is racial variation in respondents' explanations for racial disparities. On the question of residents' assessments of police relations with their own community relative to other-race communities, a neighborhood difference is found, with the black middle-class neighborhood standing apart from the other two neighborhoods.
Since the 1960s, a substantial body of research has focused on citizens' attitudes toward the police. These studies tap a rather wide variety of outlooks: some ask about specific assessments of the police (e.g., satisfaction with the police in particular incidents), while others ask about more global assessments (e.g., satisfaction with the police in general, police in the community, or police in the neighborhood). Using data obtained through a panel survey of 398 residents of a large midwestern city, we compare specific assessments of police performance with more global attitudes toward the police. We also examine the effects of global and specific attitudes on one another. The results show that the two measures produce similar levels of support for the police. The results reveal further that global attitudes have substantial effects on specific assessments of police performance, and that the effects of specific assessments of police performance on global attitudes are modest by comparison.
Past studies of juveniles' attitudes toward the police suggest a single-cause model that implicates personal interactions with the police. We propose that attitudes toward authority and agents of social control develop in a larger, sociocultural context. Specifically we hypothesize that juveniles' attitudes develop as a function of socialization in their communities' social environment, of their deviant subcultural “preferences,” and of the prior effect of these sociocultural factors on juveniles' contacts with the police. We conducted analyses addressing these hypotheses with a population of males sampled within stratified populations of known delinquents. We found that social background variables, particularly minority status, and subcultural preferences, particularly commitment to delinquent norms, affected juveniles' attitudes toward the police both directly and indirectly (through police-juvenile interactions). We consider directions for improving police relations with juveniles in the context of apparent sociocultural and experiential contingencies to attitude development.
This paper advances a comparative conflict theory of racial and ethnic similarities and differences in youth perceptions of criminal injustice. We use HLM models to test six conflict hypotheses with data from more than 18,000 Chicago public school students. At the micro-level African American youth are more vulnerable to police contacts than are Latinos, who are more at risk than whites, and there is a corresponding gradient in minority group perceptions of injustice. When structural sources of variation in adolescents' experiences are taken into account, however, minority youth perceptions of criminal injustice appear more similar to one another, while remaining distinct from those of white youth. At the micro-level, Latino youth respond more strongly and negatively to police contacts, even though they experience fewer of them. At the macrolevel, as white students in schools increase cross-sectionally, perceptions of injustice among both African American and Latino youth at first intensify and then ultimately abate. Although there are again signs of a gradient, African American and Latino responses to school integration also are as notable in their similarities as in their differences. Reduced police contacts and meaningful school integration are promising mechanisms for diminishing both adolescent African American and Latino perceptions of criminal injustice.
A study which obtained black street respondents as well as black household respondents, who are the only respondents obtained in surveys by other investigators, reveals some noteworthy differences from earlier findings on the relationship between social status and attitudes toward and experiences with the police.
Police departments rely on residents to report crime in order to help keep communities safe. Research suggests that attitudes toward the police are influenced by race and ethnicity; however, research on Latinos is underdeveloped. Confidence in the police among Latinos is complicated by local law enforcement's role in immigration enforcement, which potentially discourages cooperation with the police. The current study examines whether Latino confidence in the police varies by experiences with immigration enforcement, level of assimilation, or immigration status. Study findings suggest that Hispanics who have been questioned about their immigration status have less confidence in the police than those who have not. The results provide some evidence that experiences with immigration enforcement may degrade confidence in the police among Latinos.
This article examines the hypothesis that citizen's perceptions of injustice are based on normative factors (i.e., perceptions of equity and fairness) rather than instrumental factors (i.e., the outcomes received) by examining citizen's perceptions of injustice are assessed using data collected for the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS)-sponsored Police-Public Contact Survey, a national survey of citizens regarding their contacts with police, collected in 1999. Using multinomial logistic regression, the influences of the normative and instrumental perspectives are examined while controlling for citizen's characteristics and race-interaction terms, along with legal, situational, and other control variables. The findings support Tyler's proposition that citizens are concerned with issues of fairness in addition to the actual outcomes they receive from criminal-justice officials. The findings also show significant differences in citizens' perceptions of distributive and procedural injustice by race. The implications for policy and future research are explored.
This study aims to uncover various aspects of police interactions that contribute to disproportionate minority contact with the juvenile justice system. In-depth interviews were conducted using a sample of 30 male juveniles residing in a correctional facility. The most consistent themes that arose included police allotting more chances to Whites than youth of color, repeated arrests by the same officer, police awareness of family reputations, and officers using unnecessary force against youth of color. Findings demonstrate that contact with the juvenile justice system is not only disproportionate but also distinct in its form depending on the race of the juvenile.
One of the ironies of police-community relations is that the high visibility via the mass media of public reaction against police has created the impression that public attitudes are predominantly negative. Evidence from field surveys suggests the opposite—that attitudes are predominantly positive and supportive of police (Gourley, 1954; Cleaver, et al., 1966; Preiss and Ehrlich, 1966; Ennis, 1967; McCaghy, et al., 1968; Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969; Smith, 1969). In a similar vein, police often view citizens as holding more hostile attitudes toward the police than is in fact the case (McNamara, 1967: 221; Wilson, 1968: 28; Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969). This shared misunderstanding can have self-fulfilling consequences. Police expect a hostile citizen reception and hence take a more authoritarian attitude in order to assure that actions will be seen as legitimate and authority will not be questioned (Westley, 1953; Skolnick, 1966: 62; Werthman and Piliavin, 1967). The public, expecting the worst from the police, may alter their perceptions so that criticisms of police behavior are more likely. This shared misunderstanding produces more conflict between citizen and police. Instances of police brutality are covered by the media, and the cycle continues.
In recent years, police conduct has rapidly emerged as a major social and political issue. Although both the nature and the outcome of this controversy have important consequences for law and society, its most immediate effects have been evident in changing public attitudes toward police activities. Policemen have become the targets of growing and frequently irreconcilable popular demands both for the maintenance of “law and order” and for the elimination of “police brutality.” Law enforcement agencies, therefore, have seemed to encounter a mounting crisis of public confidence in police practices.
Although the effects of mounting public concern about crime and police protection probably have been most evident among whites (President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, 1967: 144–149; Ennis, 1967; Feagin, 1970), a desire for increased police protection has also emerged among black Americans. In fact, black attitudes toward police practices have appeared to reflect a perplexing enigma. While many black citizens have complained about harsh or brutal police behavior, they also have expressed intense criticism of a lack of police protection.
We advance here a neighborhood-level perspective on racial differences in legal cynicism, dissatisfaction with police, and the tolerance of various forms of deviance. Our basic premise is that structural characteristics of neighbor-hoods explain variations in normative orientations about law, criminal justice, and deviance that are often confounded with the demographic characteristics of individuals. Using a multilevel approach that permits the decomposition of variance within and between neighborhoods, we tested hypotheses on a recently completed study of 8,782 residents of 343 neighborhoods in Chicago. Contrary to received wisdom, we find that African Americans and Latinos are less tolerant of deviance--including violence--than whites. At the same time, neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage display elevated levels of legal cynicism, dissatisfaction with police, and tolerance of deviance unaccounted for by sociodemographic composition and crime-rate differences. Concentrated disadvantage also helps explain why African Americans are more cynical about law and dissatisfied with the police. Neighborhood context is thus important for resolving the seeming paradox that estrangement from legal norms and agencies of criminal justice, especially by blacks, is compatible with the personal condemnation of deviance.
Police-community relations programs are intended to be long-range, full-scale efforts to acquaint the police and the community with each other's problems and to stimulate action aimed at solving problems; they have been criticized, however, as being concerned mainly with raising the professional image of the police in the minds of the public (President's Commission, 1967a: 100). In some ways, they seem to have functioned to slow down change and to maintain present police policies and practices.
The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice (1967b: 178) has indicated that some of these policies and practices cannot be justified. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (1968: 158) comments that some activities of even the most “professional” police departments may heighten tension and enhance the potential for civil disorder.
We test three different conceptual models—“experience with police,” “quality of life,” and “neighborhood context”—for directional accuracy and ability to explain satisfaction with the police. We also investigate whether these models help to explain the common finding that African-Americans are more dissatisfied with the police than are Caucasians. To do so, we use hierarchical linear modeling to simultaneously regress our outcome measure on clusters of citizen- and neighborhood-level variables. The analysis was conducted using recently collected information from the Project on Policing Neighborhoods (POPN). The data file consisted of survey responses from 5,361 citizens residing in 58 neighborhoods located in Indianapolis, Indiana and St. Petersburg, Florida. At the citizen level, the psychologically based “quality of life” model accounts for the greatest proportion of explained variance and provides the greatest directional accuracy. Also, residents of neighborhoods characterized by concentrated disadvantage express significantly less satisfaction with the police. In addition, neighborhood context reduces the negative effect of African-American status on satisfaction with police when a sparse citizen-level specification is used; racial variation in satisfaction with police persists, however, when citizen-level hierarchical models are specified more fully.
Using a national survey of U.S. residents this study examines racial, socioeconomic, and community explanations for the trust of local police. We hypothesize that the construct of social capital offers a nexus for explaining racial differences in attitudes toward the police. We measure social capital as a construct by aggregating together measures that assess the degree of trust and civic engagement in communities. The results indicate that depleted levels of perceived community social capital contribute to higher levels of distrust of local police. Social capital, however, partially mediates the relative distrust of Blacks toward the police. These findings suggest only partial support for a social capital explanation of Blacks’ distrust in the police. The implications of these findings for police reform efforts to mend minority relations in urban cities are discussed.
Objectives
Describe the developmental trajectory of perceptions of the police by youth as they transition from adolescence to young adulthood.
Method
A longitudinal experiment to evaluate the impact of the D.A.R.E. program ( N = 1,773). Latent variable growth modeling was used.
Results
A dramatic decline in the favorable attitudes of youth toward the police begins in about seventh grade. More negative perceptions of police are associated with minority racial status, negative experiences with officers, involvement in the delinquent subculture, and greater expressions of skewed legal norms. There is a long-term positive effect of D.A.R.E. on attitudes toward the police, particularly for African American youth.
Conclusion
The study highlights the importance of theorizing about perceptions of the police from a life course perspective. Findings raise new policy questions about the long-term impact of school-based programs, such as D.A.R.E., and the role of multiple reference groups in the formation of minorities’ attitudes. More research is needed to gain a better understanding of the cognitive and experiential processes involved in attitude formation.
Various factors have been identified by previous studies as predictive of citizens’ attitudes toward the police, but there has not been as much effort to establish whether higher educational attainment has any effect on the gap between the various population groups that typically differ in their perception of the police. This study tests for the effect of race and other factors on the attitude of college students toward the police. Students in a mid-sized 4-year public university were presented with an instrument of 14 statements and asked to indicate the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with each of them on a 5-point Likert scale. A comparison of the mean responses was made and independent t-tests were established by race, gender, prior police encounter, and academic major. The attitudinal differences were most significant by race followed by gender, whereas the differences by prior police encounter and academic major failed to rise to statistical significance. The implications are discussed.
This paper advances a comparative conflict theory of racial and ethnic similarities and differences in youth perceptions of criminal injustice. We use HLM models to test six conflict hypotheses with data from more than 18,000 Chicago public school students. At the micro-level African American youth are more vulnerable to police contacts than are Latinos, who are more at risk than whites, and there is a corresponding gradient in minority group perceptions of injustice. When structural sources of variation in adolescents' experiences are taken into account, however, minority youth perceptions of criminal injustice appear more similar to one another, while remaining distinct from those of white youth. At the micro-level, Latino youth respond more strongly and negatively to police contacts, even though they experience fewer of them. At the macrolevel, as white students in schools increase cross-sectionally, perceptions of injustice among both African American and Latino youth at first intensify and then ultimately abate. Although there are again signs of a gradient, African American and Latino responses to school integration also are as notable in their similarities as in their differences. Reduced police contacts and meaningful school integration are promising mechanisms for diminishing both adolescent African American and Latino perceptions of criminal injustice.
A study which obtained black street respondents as well as black household respondents, who are the only respondents obtained in surveys by other investigators, reveals some noteworthy differences from earlier findings on the relationship between social status and attitudes toward and experiences with the police.
This article explores citizen perceptions, goals, and expectations in filing complaints against the police. It is based on 10 focus groups representing a cross-section of a medium-sized midwestern community. Its findings confirm earlier research indicating a poor "fit" between complainant goals and complaint procedures. Although most existing complaint procedures are designed to investigate complaints of officer misconduct and to punish guilty officers, relatively few of the focus group participants indicated punishment as their goal. The majority wanted either an explanation for the incident, an apology, a face-to-face encounter with the officer, or documentation of the incident on the officer's record.
This article examines Chinese immigrants’ perceptions of the police in New York City. It identifies the areas of these immigrants’ concerns related to the interaction with the police. Data are analyzed based on a survey conducted with 151 Chinese immigrants in the boroughs of Queens, Manhattan, and Brooklyn between July and August 2004. The findings include the following: (a) Individuals who had previous contact with police rated police as less favorable, (b) those who rated police as helpful when they called the police for help expressed greater satisfaction toward police, and (c) a strong majority of respondents stated that more bilingual police were needed in the city. In general, the quality of police contact, rather than the quantity of police contact, mattered the most to respondents. Improving the quality of police services, recruiting more bilingual officers, and deepening understanding of cultural differences should enhance immigrants’ satisfaction with the police.
Blacks and Whites perceive American social institutions in very different terms, and views of the police are no exception. Prior research has consistently demonstrated that race is one of the most salient predictors of attitudes toward the police, with African Americans expressing more dissatisfaction than Whites. The purpose of this research is to evaluate this issue by examining the relative influence of vicarious experience and more general trust in social institutions on Black-White differences in perceptions of disrespect by the police. Using survey data from the North Carolina Highway Traffic Study, the results suggest that vicarious experience and more long-standing trust in social institutions influence the likelihood that respondents will perceive police as disrespectful.
Research has long identified racial differences in perceptions of criminal injustice. Given that race is confounded with neighbourhood context, it remains unclear the extent to which individual or neighbourhood attributes explain racial differences in these perceptions. This paper advances research on racial differences in perceptions of unjust police practices in the US by relying on a survey of 3000 residents in 53 Cincinnati neighbourhoods. A propensity score weighting approach is used to identify a model by which Whites and Blacks living in similar neighbourhood environments can be compared with each other. The results demonstrate that race remains a significant predictor of perceptions of unjust police practices, even after taking into account the ecological structuring of neighbourhoods and their perceived environmental context. These findings suggest that racial consciousness with regard to perceived injustices by the police is not purely a condition of personal or structural disadvantage. The implications of these findings for police reform efforts to mend minority relations in urban cities are discussed.
The primary purpose of this study is to assess the relative effects of race and class, at both individual and neighborhood levels, on public satisfaction with police. Using hierarchical linear modeling on 1,963 individuals nested within 66 neighborhoods, this study analyzes how individual-level variables, including race, class, age, gender, victimization and contact with police, and neighborhood-level factors, including racial composition, concentrated disadvantage, residential mobility and violent crime rate, influence residents' satisfaction with police. The results from the individual-level analysis indicate that both race and class are equally important predictors. African Americans and lower-class people tend to be less satisfied with police. The significant effects of race and class, however, disappear when neighborhood-level characteristics are considered simultaneously. Neighborhood racial composition affects satisfaction with police, with residents in predominately White and racially mixed neighborhoods having more favorable attitudes than those in predominately African American communities. Further analyses reveal that African Americans in economically advantaged neighborhoods are less likely than Whites in the same kind of neighborhoods to be satisfied with police, whereas African Americans and Whites in disadvantaged communities hold similar levels of satisfaction with police. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.
In this study we examine citizens' support for aggressive traffic enforcement strategies and discuss whether the implementation of two different types of traffic enforcement decreases public support. We also examine whether citizens' perceptions of crime, quality of life, and the police are influenced by an increased police presence in their neighborhood. The public opinion data presented here are taken from two experimental target areas and one comparison area. Overall the findings suggest that citizens strongly support aggressive traffic enforcement practices and that the implementation of such strategies does not reduce their support. Residents of areas where police are using these types of tactics do not think that the police are harassing them. Citizens living in one of the experimental areas are significantly more likely to support the police, and think that the police work well with the neighborhood. Residents of the areas that experienced two types of aggressive enforcement, however, did not think that crime had decreased, nor that quality of life had improved. We discuss implications for the use of these strategies and for community policing in general.
This exploratory study examined attitudes toward police work and the police profession among Whites, Blacks, English-speaking Hispanics, and Spanish-speaking Hispanics. A sample of 581 residents and 18 city officials in Midland and Odessa, Texas were randomly interviewed by telephone. Among the significant findings are the observations that: (1) compared to English-speaking Hispanics, Spanish-speaking Hispanics and Whites are more likely to cooperate with the police; (2) Spanish-speaking Hispanics are significantly more likely (compared to Whites and English-speaking Hispanics) to agree with the concept of a house visit by a police officer and of a racially and ethnically diverse police department; and (3) Spanish-speaking Hispanics feel more comfortable talking with an officer who has the same ethnic background, express a greater desire to become police officers compared to Whites and Blacks, and more likely believe that excessive use of force by the police exists in their neighborhood compared to Whites. The article also presents a summary of the methodology and the findings regarding the impact of demographic measures on attitudes.
Although research has examined relations between minorities and the police, there is a paucity or recent or systematic evidence concerning abusive police practices. This investigation contributes to our knowledge of the issue by comparing perceptions of abusive police practices held by Anglos and Hispanics in a U.S.-Mexico border community. The study was based on a telephone/personal interview survey designed to yield a representative sample of the adult population of El Paso, Texas, a city which ranks among the poorest in the U.S. A four-item abusive police practices index was analyzed using OLS multiple regression. The findings show that the young, males, Hispanics and those residing in the barrio locale were more likely to report having seen abusive police practives, after controlling for general beliefs about police brutality and for various types of contact with the police.
Although the number of police officers serving in schools has escalated in recent years, few studies of student perceptions of school police have been conducted. This study presents an analysis of data on student perceptions of school police officers and school security officers which were obtained from surveys administered to a sample of predominantly Hispanic students who reside in a predominantly Hispanic community. Descriptive analyses of the data show that the majority of students view the officers favourably, but comparisons of the present findings with previously published research on adult perceptions of the police indicate that the percentage of students who view the officers favourably is lower than the percentage of adults who view the police favourably. Regression analyses of the data indicate that gender has a varying impact on different measures of attitudes toward the officers, that year in school has no impact on perceptions of the officers and that personal knowledge of crime and delinquency in the schools has a negative impact on perceptions of the officers. The regression analyses also suggest that race/ethnicity has no impact on student perceptions of the officers; a finding which is consistent with prior research on perceptions of the police conducted in areas with sizeable racial/ethnic minority populations.
Previous research has identified strong effects of race on the evaluations of police performance. This research expands on past research by investigating public opinion related to Black treatment by the police. Recent Gallup poll data were examined to determine whether race and ethnicity influenced citizens' views on the treatment of Blacks in comparison to Whites by the police. In addition, the authors examined whether race relations affected citizens' views on the treatment of Blacks by the police. On both fronts, support was found for the influence of these factors. Demographic variables such as age, gender, education, employment status, region, and political ideology were also significantly related to public opinion regarding the perceived treatment of Blacks by the police. After contextualizing these results, the authors discuss the implication of the findings.