ArticlePDF Available

Value Theory and Online Video Gaming

Authors:
Advances in Journalism and Communication, 2014, 2, 93-100
Published Online September 2014 in SciRes. http://www.scirp.org/journal/ajc
http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ajc.2014.23010
How to cite this paper: Burrill, D. A. (2014). Value Theory and Online Video Gaming. Advances in Journalism and Commu-
nication, 2, 93-100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ajc.2014.23010
Value Theory and Online Video Gaming
Derek A. Burrill
Department of Media and Cultural Studies, University of California, Riverside, CA, USA
Email: derekb@ucr.edu
Received 1 June 2014; revised 2 July 2014; accepted 27 July 2014
Copyright © 2014 by author and Scientific Research Publishing Inc.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Abstract
Online video gaming has been an important object of study because of its complex social and cul-
tural processes. However, few studies exist in the discipline of games studies that inspect actual
gamers’ concepts of online gaming value. Value theory exists in other disciplines (economics, soci-
ology, axiology, etc.), but has not yet been fully explored in relation to online gaming worlds. This
study seeks to inspect how gamers define value and how this is expressed through their online
gaming experiences. Additionally, the survey seeks to establish a link between the internal value
of the games and the concept of value in the external, real world. The analysis of the survey in this
paper shows that gamers establish value in online gaming in relation to value in the external.
Keywords
Value Theory, Online Gaming, Exchange, Perceived Time
1. Introduction
In the past few years, several attempts have been made to account for value in online videogaming. Whether
value is judged according to economic, social or psychological systems, these studies have theorized how online
gaming functions as a discrete space in which something (an experience, the quality of time spent, the economic
structures at work in the online world, etc.) is intrinsically and extrinsically valued. Often, the objects of study
are figurative (skills, levels of accomplishment, etc.) or concrete (weapons, property, etc.) factors that are either
exchanged or produced in the world of game, with a corresponding value based on the expense and difficulty of
production in the real world (see Malaby, 2006). These studies are important because they establish that systems
of exchange, pleasure, and desire operate similarly to systems in the real and are usually based on a reciprocal
value exchange rate. Games researchers, and those interested in online worlds in general, should be familiar with
the media attention in recent years on sweatshops where workers punch keys for hours on end in order to com-
plete mundane tasks so that gamers can purchase these products and skill sets for use in the games without hav-
ing to actually complete the tasks themselves. As far as advanced capitalism goes, this is hardly surprising.
This study seeks to theorize how the term value is actually used in relation to gamers’ sense of their online
D. A. Burrill
94
time and experiences. To this end, this study borrows from economic models of value, but seeks more so to un-
cover the quality of time spent gaming online and how this is seen as valuable. The sections of this piece are as
follows: an overview of the term value and its relationship to the larger area of study called value theory, a
summary of an online survey featuring questions regarding value, an analysis of the findings of the survey and
specific reactions from the respondents, and a conclusion.
1.1. Value Theory
Value, as a concept both concrete and figurative, has relevance to a number of areas including, but not limited to,
economics, law, ethics and axiology, sociology, psychology, color theory, and art. However, in each of these
disciplines, value has two fundamental qualities. First, value is based on exchange. Second, value oscillates be-
tween subjective and predicate understandings. These two qualities are mutually constativethey produce and
maintain each other as an imbricated system. In classical economics, for instance, value originates in production,
so that however much time and effort a worker puts into producing somethinga wooden chair, for example
dictates that thing’s (e.g., the chair’s) value on the market (Smith, 1937). This approach was introduced in
Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, where the author argues that labor is the defining factor in value determi-
nation. Additionally, Marx (1968), in The Communist Manifesto, found that value is manifested in how much
labor is needed to produce said chair. Of course, Marx sought to uncover the fundamental problems within the
conditions of labor and how value then becomes a product of inequity and oppression. In this way, the unit of
analysis for classical economics is social class, thus value is a direct product of the configuration of power
within capitalism. On the other hand, in neoclassical economics, value is not based on production, but on ex-
changeliterally how, when, and where the products are bought, sold or traded and the market forces that con-
trol this exchange (Creedy, 2007). In this sense, neoclassical economics uses the individual as the central unit of
analysis, marking a distinct shift toward a more subjective notion of value. A person could, for example, find a
wooden chair at an antique store that costs significantly more than it cost to produce, but the chair has accrued a
great deal of value because of its workmanship, age, appearance, etc. Yet, this chair, while to those who value
these qualities, would be worth the cost, could be viewed as inferior to those who do not share the owner/ buyers’
predicate value system. Thus, value and exchange operate on many levels, in micro-worlds and macro-worlds.
This is particularly obvious in online gaming worlds, where small groups often dictate localized value systems
even though macro-economic systems may differ.
An offshoot of value theory in economics is known as the Energy Theory of Value, where the laws of ther-
modynamics are applied to value systems (Odum, 1983). According to this theory, values in systems are dictated
by the three laws of thermodynamics: energy is conserved, entropy cannot decrease in isolated systems, and en-
tropy equals zero when absolute temperature is zero. These laws describe how energy operates in relationship to
factors such as temperature, force, friction, etc. In Energy Theory, the basic physical laws form the unit of
analysis, so value and the mode of exchange are dictated not by social classes or individuals (although they are
of course involved in exchange), but instead by flows of energy within systems. This is largely due to what
Odum (1983), a pioneer in the field, calls the maximum power principle, or, how systems follow patterns of be-
havior based on the transformation of energy into power efficiently and quickly so that organisms can remain
competitive. While Energy Theory is largely the product of non-economists, it has been useful as a means of
understanding how value operates systemically and how value is a product of external and internal forces that
generally seek to create stability and equilibrium.
Finally, value, in less economic terms, simply means the relative or fixed importance of something. This has
bearing on sociology, psychology, ethics, and the law in that a society or culture shares certain ethical and moral
codes so that the health of that group can be maintained and so that internal disruptions can be solved in an
agreed upon fashion. In this sense, values can be said to be mutative and can shift at cultural levels, yet are often
quite solid for the individual. Large-scale events (the recent global recession, for example) can cause wide-scale
shifts that can alter the values of a nation without disrupting the day-to-day values of its citizenry. Thus, value
has been theorized as based on production, exchange, and energy flow, as well as by cooperation, namely be-
tween the individual and the larger culture.
Value as a quality in gaming was originally theorized by both Caillois and Huizinga. Huizinga (1945), in
Homo Ludens, finds four identifiable structures inherent to all forms of play: 1) play is for itself, it has no exter-
nal goal, 2) play exists outside the scope of ordinary life, 3) play operates within fixed boundaries of space and
time, with its own set of rules, and 4) play is labile. Additionally, Caillois (1961), in Man, Play and Games finds
D. A. Burrill
95
that “play and life are constantly and universally antagonistic to each other” (p. 4). While Huizinga and Caillois
differ in their approach to the study of play and games, both clearly devalue games in the face of more important
pursuits, such as labor. While both find that the playspace is a culturally significant arena with its own rules and
logic, both write from a clearly Modernist position, so that the divide between high and low culture must be
necessarily maintained. The view that play and games clearly possess cultural value found a historical home in
Postmodernism, and in the academy in the areas of sports studies (Messner, 1992), performance studies (Phelan
& Lane, 1998), and queer and gender studies (Black, 2001)1. With the birth of digital games studies, a de facto
sense that games and play have value was established by the quick growth of the field and the rise of research
centers and departments devoted to the field. Two recent studies, both published in the same issue of Games and
Culture, deal with value, although they do not address actual player experience. Malaby (2006), in Parlaying
Value: In and Beyond Virtual Worlds, theorizes the structure of capital in virtual worlds, showing that a third
category of value (other than market value for commodities and currencies and the social value of networks in
and out of the virtual), cultural capital, if studied properly, will reveal how all three forms of capital operate in
virtual worlds. While his analysis is excellent, it is not distinctly concerned with what actual players consider
valuablein concrete and abstract terms—and how this value relates to value orientation outside the virtual.
Castronova’s (2006) On the Research Value of Large Games identifies MMORPG’s as valuable, complex, and
noteworthy objects of sociological and theoretical social/cultural research. Again, this is a trenchant analysis, but
does not seek to establish individual players’ notions of value.
1.2. Objective
While past research has been informative in exploring notions of value, these studies lack actual players’ in-
sights into value in online gaming. The research conducted for this paper explores gamers’ notions of value in
relation to online gaming in order to establish whether players do indeed value their time and experiences online
and how they express this value.
1.3. Research Questions
Three qualitative research questions structured the study reported below.
1) How much do online gamers value their gaming?
2) Do online gamers value gaming more than, less than, or the same as time spent working, traveling, or in
leisure pursuits?
3) To what degree is the amount of time spent gaming factored into gamers’ valuation of their online gaming?
2. Study
2.1. Participants
The participants in this study were 112 adults; 68% of respondents self-identified as male, 23% self-identified as
female, and the remainder identified themselves as other”. Participants were contacted through three online
gaming discussion groups.
2.2. Method
Materials
The survey focused on online gaming instead of console or portable gaming because of the more social nature of
online games, as well as to avoid involving the general assumption that console/portable gaming is seen as a less
meaningful pursuit amongst gamers and the non-gaming public (Newman, 2002). Participants answered four
open-ended questions:
1) How do you define value”?
2) How much value do you find in playing online games?
3) How do you rate this value in comparison to other pursuits such as work, leisure, travel, etc.?
4) Is time a factor in your rating of game play value? How so?
1However, one could point to the work of Mikail
Bakhtin on carnival in the first half of the twentieth century as a significant treatment of
related topics such as festivity, the carnivalesque and play.
D. A. Burrill
96
Question 1 allowed the respondent to define value individually and was used to gauge responses to the next
three questions. In Question 2, participants provided a largely qualitative assessment of value; and in Question 3,
participants provided a primarily quantitative assessment of value. Question 4 was meant as a control for the
level and depth of the respondents’ play.
2.3. Procedure
The study employed a survey methodology and a purposive sampling method to target online gamers as partici-
pants. The survey was given over a period of two weeks during July of 2010. It was posted to three online gam-
ing discussion groups, was voluntary, in English, anonymous and did not offer incentives or rewards. The only
demographic information participants provided was gender. Participants were informed that their responses
would be used for academic purposes.
2.4. Results
The 112 responses to each question varied in length and complexity. As an overview of the responses, partici-
pants generally answered Question 1 in terms not related to gaming; instead answers were largely either eco-
nomically- or ethically-based. Question 2 was answered largely as a means to prove the worthiness of gaming
pursuits. Question 3 was answered usually in direct correspondence to the terms presented in the question’s
wording (work, leisure, travel) and occasionally featured other pursuits (sports, socializing in the real world, and
other personal interests). Question 4 was the least varied with nearly all respondents finding a direct correspon-
dence between the amount of time played and the quality and amount of pleasure received (more time equaled
more pleasure).
As noted in the introduction, value can be theorized in four ways: production, exchange, energy flow, and
cooperation. Participants’ responses were examined for references to these aspects of value within the context of
online gaming.
Question 1: How do you find value?
Question 1 featured answers that traversed each of these conceptions, with nearly 40% focusing on production
and exchange, although usually not in those distinct words. One respondent wrote:
Value is based on how much something is worth. It’s [sic] monetary value. What someone would pay for it.
And another wrote:
How much something costs.
And another wrote:
The way something is priced.
The remainder of this 40% used similar terminology; “cost”, monetary value”, and “worth”, with “price”
being the most common. The remaining 60% defined value in more sociological or ethical terms, often using
familiar objects as a means of example. One respondent wrote:
I define value by what is valuable to me, not what other people think of as valuable. Sometimes I just don’t
get why some people think certain things are valuable, although sometimes I understand because I collect comix
[sic] and some people don’t get that.
Another respondent wrote:
A thing that your parents teach you.
Another wrote:
What you believe in.
Question 2: How much value do you find in playing online games?
This question generated a variety of responses. Nearly 50% of respondents sought to somehow validate the
value of gaming, with an emphasis on an adversarial relationship to those that consider gaming “trivial” or “a
waste of time”. One respondent wrote:
Somehow I knew this question would come up when I decided to take this survey. It’s what pisses me off
about how “experts” treat us. I don’t think it has anything to do with how much “value” games have it’s about
how you spend the time. Sometimes I just want to have fun, sometimes I want to have a tough experience,
sometimes I want to impress my friends and frag hard.
Another wrote:
My time gaming is VERY valuable to me. It’s a way for me to get away from my daily crap. Unfortunately,
D. A. Burrill
97
most people around me, other then [sic] my gaming friends don’t get it. So I try to talk to them and show them
and they usually don’t care.
Another wrote:
I wish my parents would see what I can do when I rock. Then maybe they would buy me more games.
The remaining 50% of the respondents had a great deal to say about the quality of play in relation to value;
however the responses reflected the individualized definitions of value and thus were not able to be meaning-
fully grouped. For instance, one respondent wrote:
The value of my online gaming depends on who I am playing with. Sometimes when the other players are
new or I don’t know them, its not as fun. Or there is always someone there who is trying to be a pain. Then I
just quit and go back later. But if I am with my mates then we have goodtimes.
Another wrote:
My day job sucks and my friends suck, so gaming has a really high value for me. It’s just a better time.
Another wrote:
I sometime [sic] think I was born 500 years ago because Everquest makes more sense to me then everyday
life. Its [sic] more romantic and interesting. So, I find more value from gaming then from life.
Question 3: How do you rate this value in comparison to other pursuits such as work, leisure, travel, etc.?
This question was asked in order to establish how gaming ranks in comparison to other activities. Surprisingly,
the majority of respondents found gaming to not only have more value than other pursuits, but to be of signifi-
cantly more value. Ninety-three percent (93%) found gaming to be of more value, and the remainder found
gaming to have as much value as other pursuits. Work overwhelmingly ranked as least valuable (except in the
case of one respondent, who incidentally works for a gaming company), with leisure, travel, and other pursuits
named specifically by respondents still ranking below gaming. Certain interesting exceptions did occur, such as
when respondents found inherent similarities between playing sports and gaming. One respondent wrote:
Gaming is almost as good as playing soccer. I like them both at different times for different reasons. They are
both the most valuable things for me.
But, generally, most respondents favored gaming over other pursuits. For example:
Work sucks. I don’t travel hardly ever and I spend all of my leisure time playing games. So gaming is the
most valuable thing to me.
Another wrote:
The thing I value about gaming is that it lets me forget all about work and my wife and my kids. But, its [sic]
not like I don’t like work or my wife or my kids, but sometimes I need a break from them and there is nothing
better then hanging out with friends and blowing stuff up. And I can meet people I never would.
Another wrote:
I like work and I like to travel, but let’s face it, when I’m in-game its like fun work and travel at the same
time.
Question 4: Is time a factor in your rating of game play value? How so?
Participants answered this question in one of two ways. 56% answered in terms of how much time certain
tasks took in certain games (many specific games were named in this series of responses) and how the relation
between time and task difficulty altered value. On the other hand, 44% answered, in terms of the quality of time
spent playing and how that related to perceived time (how much time would elapse before the player was aware
many hours had passed or became bored or tired). From the first group, one respondent wrote:
I think a game is valuable if you can get a lot done in [a] short amount of time. I don’t like too many repetitive
tasks. Also, I feel like my time is better spent if more people are actually playing. I don’t like it when it’s a
deadzone [sic].
Another wrote:
I quit playing Morrowind because everything was way too spread out and there wasn’t enough to do. And the
battle sequences were really hard to navigate.
Another wrote:
If I could get as much done in my real life as I can when I’m playing, I would be a very happy guy. So, I
value playing if it’s time well-spent [sic] and I feel like I accomplished something.
The second group of respondents found value if time somehow disappeared”. All in this group valued games
that took long periods of time and filled up many hours without seeming to do so. One respondent wrote:
I dig it when I can play for like 10 or 12 hours and it seemed like no time at all passed. Its [sic] like the exact
D. A. Burrill
98
opposite of standing in line at a bank. And I don’t mind spending that much time at all.
Another wrote:
Value = how much I DON’T [respondent’s emphasis] realize how much time I just wasted.
Another wrote:
If I have enuff [sic] time, then I want to be able to totally disappear for a long time. To make sure I can just be
there. That’s why Everquest is so f-ing [sic] sweet.
3. Discussion
The purpose in conducting this survey was to inspect not only what gamers consider valuable but also how they
conceive of value as an expression of their gaming experiences and time. Little research has been done in this
area from the standpoint of gaming studies. A discussion of various forms of value theory is necessary in order
to establish how the term has been theorized and how the term shifts over various disciplines. Although this
survey is limited in scope, the patterns that emerged from the responses are useful as models for further study, as
well as for the theorization of more general tendencies of gamers. Additionally, the results suggest that gamers
actively discuss value and have shared understandings of what constitutes gaming value in a variety of dimen-
sions, not just in a monetary sense.
In Question 1, the 40%/60% split indicates that value is largely seen as either economic or ethical, even when
gamers were aware that the survey was about gaming. It also means that value can be a highly personal concept,
as evidenced by the high number of respondents who located value as a subjective quality. This speaks to the
personal and communal nature of online games in general, and more specifically to the structural features of
computers—they are meant to be used by one person, but are seen also as portals to substantive social worlds.
Thus, value for these gamers is defined by forces that define the games themselves, suggesting that value func-
tions similarly in games as it does in the real, although gaming and its fantasy components often seem to suggest
the opposite, particularly when it comes to violent content. The substantial portion of respondents who described
value in terms of economics (production and exchange) also suggests a personal acknowledgement of the mar-
ket-driven nature of the games, online labor practices, and a general sense of games and gaming within capital-
ism. In short, value as defined by the respondents tended to fall within two fairly constrained categories, eco-
nomic and ethical, although verbiage and terminology varied. Only two responses included mentions of gaming
in their definition of value.
The responses to Question 2 suggest a chip-on-the-shouldermentality remains as an important factor in es-
tablishing value in online gaming. Slightly more than half of the respondents stated that a great deal of value
was found in gaming, but that this was underappreciated and misunderstood by non-participants. This indicates
that regardless of the enormous amounts of money, time and experience exchanged in the spaces and networks
of the games, two situations appear to continue to be played out: first, that the gamers themselves suffer from
some type of guilt associated with either the amount of time spent gaming, or the validity of said pursuits in re-
lation to other activities in the real world, and second, that gamers identify themselves as inherently separate
from non-gamers, in possession of privileged information, skills, and experiences. The guilt complex also
clearly indicates that non-gamers still have a negatively-biased opinion of gaming and that, as an emergent cul-
tural form, it is still distrusted and misunderstood. Therefore, more than half of the respondents articulated their
own guilt, but also enunciated, through this guilt and frustration, the surrounding culture’s biases and how these
biases operate as a force that differentiates and sequesters.
The remainder of the respondents to Question 2 found a great deal of value in playing online games, often ex-
pressed at a deeply-felt, personal level. Many expressed that online gaming had a value that exceeded that of
their everyday lives, signaling not only the expressive power and complexity of online worlds, but also that
these worlds may in fact attract people who are fundamentally unhappy with their everyday lives and are seek-
ing to replace the everyday with the fantastic. Or, on the other hand, online gaming can potentially attract any-
one (with access) at certain times when the subject is dissatisfied with the everyday. This is hardly surprising, as
media and communications studies has historically found that media serve as a powerful cathartic and substitu-
tive means of supplanting everyday stress, anxiety, and displeasure (Ball-Rokeach & DeFleur, 1976; Katz &
Foulkes, 1962). Regardless, the vast majority of respondents found high levels of value in online gaming.
The respondents to Question 3 overwhelmingly found that online gaming had more value than other pursuits
such as work, travel, leisure, etc. Of course, this survey was conducted with the notion that all respondents were
D. A. Burrill
99
familiar with online gaming, if not very involved. However, the level of frustration with other pursuits (or the
lack of interest in them) was surprising. Many felt anger toward their work, frustration with family and non-
gamers, and a strong affinity for gaming as a means of expressing this frustration and anger. Again, this speaks
to the strong cathartic effect of gaming. Many players expressed pleasure in being able to express themselves
through violent and hyper-active encounters with other gamers. Others expressed a strong fraternal bond with
their playing buddies, so much so that real world relationships seemed to often be at odds with their gaming time
and relations. All of this points to a central issue; respondents found that gaming had not only a higher value
than other pursuits, but its value was judged on a scale of opposition to other pursuits, so that online gaming’s
inherent value was not necessarily expressed as much as its relational value as something that is not only differ-
ent than real world pursuits, but in a sense, replaces them and improves upon them.
The responses to Question 4 indicate that time is an important factor in establishing the value of a gaming
experience. One half expressed time value in terms of the level of difficulty or ease in basic and complex gam-
ing duties/sequences/tasks. These respondents consistently complained about “boring tasks” or if certain tasks
“took too long”. This indicates that time value is tied to both gamer skill and to game design. The second half of
respondents commented on a very different phenomena, what I call perceived time, where time value was high if
the time spent playing seemed to pass more quickly than in the real. Respondents expressed this situation in
terms that usually degraded the slow passage of time in the real world, as well as how certain real world pursuits
(particularly work) seemed to pass more slowly than other real world pursuits (like “standing in line at the bank”.
Many likened gaming to vacation or travel time, where time seemed to pleasurably stand still. The relational
quality of time value in gaming then seems to both be based on time within the game itself and time in the real
world. This may account for the popularity of certain games (Everquest and World of Warcraft were mentioned
specifically 34 times) in the respondents’ eyes; each of these games provided a high level of ‘disappearance’ of
time and featured very little repetition and quotidian tasking.
In a general sense, online gaming was accorded a high level of value in Questions 2 - 4, largely based on the
split in conceptualization of value found in Question 1. In other words, understanding value in economic terms
was expressed in terms of the quantitative value of gaming and understanding value in social terms was ex-
pressed in terms of the qualitative value of gaming.
4. Conclusion
In The Sublime Object of Ideology, Zizek (1989) writes, “The notion of social fantasy is therefore a necessary
counterpart to the concept of antagonism: fantasy is precisely the way the antagonistic fissure is masked. In
other words, fantasy is a means for an ideology to take its own failure into account in advance (author’s empha-
sis)” (p. 126). From the responses of this survey, it seems clear that online gaming, in a similar fashion, func-
tions as a fantasy-machine so that the players need not formally establish value in gaming, but instead they
manufacture value in gaming in relation to the real. Through the gaming experience, the player enters into a
transaction where other pursuits become naturally tinged with less value, or, potentially, more failure. This
situation is complicated by the fact that games operate on ideological levels, particularly in the face of mas-
sivelypopulated social arenas that often generate rules and regulations in opposition to surrounding cultural
and ideological norms.
Through the responses collected in this study it appears that gaming value does not operate hermetically; it is
established in relation to real world value systems. This leads to another central pointsocial matrices in online
gaming consistently invade and are invaded by the real, particularly when gamers express the quality of gaming
in relation to the quality of real world pursuits. Finally, it seems clear that online gaming, in a long line of other
media forms, serves as a powerful force for the production of fantasy, and, conversely, as an equally powerful
system of desire and longing for the different, the other, and the inescapable pursuit (and unavoidable failure) to
achieve the most slippery of negotiations in postmodern capitalismthe total integration of the internal and ex-
ternal, the self and surrounding culture.
References
Ball-Rokeach, S., & DeFleur, M. (1976). A Dependency Model of Mass-Media Effects. Communications Research, 3, 3-21.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009365027600300101
Black, A. (2001). Modern American Queer History. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
D. A. Burrill
100
Caillois, R. (1961). Man, Play and Games (M. Barash, Trans.). New York: Free Press of Glencoe.
Castronova, E. (2006). On the Research Value of Large Games: Natural Experiments in Norrath and Camelot. Games and
Culture, 1, 163-186. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555412006286686
Creedy, J. (2007). Development of the Theory of Exchange. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar.
Huizinga, J. (1945). Homo Ludens. New York: Harper and Row.
Katz, M., & Foulkes, D. (1962). On the Use of Mass Media as “Escape:” Clarification of a Concept. The Public Opinion
Quarterly, 26, 377-388. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/267111
Malaby, T. (2006). Parlaying Value: Capital in and Beyond Virtual Worlds. Games and Culture, 1, 141-162.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555412006286688
Marx, K. (1968). The Communist Manifesto (P. M. Sweezy, Trans.). New York: Monthly Review Press.
Messner, M. (1992). Power at Play. Boston, Beacon.
Odum, H. (1983). Systems Ecology: An Introduction. New York: John Wiley and Sons.
Phelan, P., & Lane, J. (1998). The Ends of Performance. New York: NYU Press.
Smith, A. (1937). The Wealth of Nations. New York: The Modern Library.
Zizek, S. (1989). The Sublime Object of Ideology. London: Verso.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
Coordination game theory is quite important to a number of literatures but has had very few direct empirical tests because that would require experimental participation by large numbers of people. Large games however can produce natural experiments: situations that through no intent of the designer offer controlled variations on a phenomenon of theoretical interest. Unlike any other social science research technology, such games provide for both sufficient participation numbers and careful control of experimental conditions, making them like Petri dishes for social science. This article examines two examples of games as Petri dishes for macro-level coordination effects: (a) the location of markets inside EverQuest and (b) the selection of battlefields inside Dark Age of Camelot.
Article
The aim of this paper is to provide an outline of the development of the theory of exchange, concentrating on the less well-known development of the formal model which culminated in the contribution of Edgeworth. The importance of exchange, viewed as the central economic problem for the early neoclassical economists, is stressed. Instead of taking a chronological approach, non-utility approaches are first discussed. These include the extension by Walras of Cournot’s attempt to model trade between regions, and Whewell’s mathematical version of J. S. Mill’s international trade analysis, followed by Marshall’s diagrammatic version. Jevons’s and Walras’s utility approaches are then examined, showing the different paths they took from the same basic equations of exchange. After a very brief discussion of Edgeworth, the neglected but valuable contribution of Launhardt, along with the later work of Wicksell, are examined. Emphasis is placed on the similarity of the formal structure of the exchange model ...
Article
It is suggested that one of the reasons that there is such a lack of clarity as to whether the media have effects is that researchers have proceeded from the wrong theoretical conceptualizations to study the wrong questions. The dependency model of media effects is presented as a theoretical alternative in which the nature of the tripartite audience-media-society relationship is assumed to most directly determine many of the effects that the media have on people and society. The present paper focuses upon audience dependency on media information resources as a key interactive condition for alteration of audience beliefs, behavior, or feelings as a result of mass communicated in formation. Audience dependency is said to be high in societies in which the media serve many central information functions and in periods of rapid social change or pervasive social conflict. The dependency model is further elaborated and illustrated by examination of several cognitive, affective, and behavioral effects which may be readily analyzed and researched from this theoretical framework.
Article
"This important collection brings together classic essays with new scholarship in a bold effort to reconfigure the field of lesbian and gay history. Lucid and comprehensive, the book will appeal not just to scholars and students, but to a crossover audience of general readers." —Paula Martinac, author of The Queerest Places: A Guide to Gay and Lesbian Historic Sites In the twentieth century, countless Americans claimed gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender identities, forming a movement to secure social as well as political equality. This collection of essays considers the history as well as the historiography of the queer identities and struggles that developed in the United States in the midst of widespread upheaval and change. Whether the subject is an individual life story, a community study, or an aspect of public policy, these essays illuminate the ways in which individuals in various locales understood the nature of their desires and the possibilities of resisting dominant views of normality and deviance. Theoretically informed, but accessible, the essays shed light too on the difficulties of writing history when documentary evidence is sparse or "coded." Taken together these essays suggest that while some individuals and social networks might never emerge from the shadows, the persistent exploration of the past for their traces is an integral part of the on-going struggle for queer rights. "This book is recommended for the queer and unqueer alike. Not only comprehensive and engaging, it also marks an important step in the ongoing effort to define and illustrate the idea of queer scholarship." —Committee on Gay and Lesbian History
Article
It is often argued that the mass media “give the people what they want” and that the viewers, listeners, and readers ultimately determine the content of the media by their choices of what they will read, view, or hear. Whether or not this is a valid characterization of the role of the mass in relation to the media, it is only an arc of circular reasoning unless there is independent evidence of what the people do want. More particularly, there is great need to know what people do with the media, what uses they make of what the media now give them, what satisfactions they enjoy, and, indeed, what part the media play in their personal lives. Here is a discussion of some of the functions the media may perform in the lives of the members of the mass society.