No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Spain: the indignados rebellion of 2011 in perspective
Abstract
The outbreak of the 15M or indignado movement in Spain in 2011 was the biggest episode of social unrest since the end of the Transition in the 1970s. Its emergence caught the political parties, media, trade unions and the most important community-based organisations and pre-existing social movements off guard. It targeted those who were identified as responsible for the recession and how it was handled - politicians and bankers -, and represented a global criticism of the existing political system and institutional framework. The 15M was not a youth movement, but a general movement criticising the current economic model, though it did have a large youth component in its initial stages. It was plural and diverse, and a wide broad spectrum of criticism and degrees of radicality and political awareness coexisted in the squares and camps. In general terms, the links between the indignados and the labour movement were weak and marked by mutual mistrust. The 15M movement was a milestone in the political trajectory of Spain and opened up a regime crisis that would deepen thereafter.
... Instead, Based on data from over 10,000 protestors in 72 demonstrations in seven Western European countries between 2009 and 2013, confirm this finding. Accordingly, interpreting the onset of extra-institutional mobilisations during the Great Recession as the expression of a new precarious generation would only provide us a partial account at best (for an analysis of this argument applied to the Spanish context, see Antentas 2015). ...
... Indicators of political support such as confidence in appointed officials, trust in democratic institutions and satisfaction with democracy were heavily eroded between 2008 and 2011 in Spain (Lobera and Ferrándiz 2013: 43-56). Moreover, see also Martínez 2012;Antentas 2015) argue that the new wave of contestation has much to do with the erosion of the transition's hegemonic culture and the need to develop new spaces for challenge and reform. In their own words: "polls reflect growing political disaffection in recent decades, but the economic crisis raised a new challenge to the transition culture. ...
... The indignant generation represented young middle class with uncertain personal biographies and future perspectives" (Antentas 2015: 147). For many, the recession that came about was a reality check; it made patent that hopes for social mobility were unrealistic Antentas 2015). ...
Certain attitudinal configurations are meant to make individuals more prone to protest. For example, those who report left-wing values, who are politically interested, more informed about politics and have high levels of self-perceived efficacy might be more likely to engage in protest actions.
... Instead, Based on data from over 10,000 protestors in 72 demonstrations in seven Western European countries between 2009 and 2013, confirm this finding. Accordingly, interpreting the onset of extra-institutional mobilisations during the Great Recession as the expression of a new precarious generation would only provide us a partial account at best (for an analysis of this argument applied to the Spanish context, see Antentas 2015). ...
... Indicators of political support such as confidence in appointed officials, trust in democratic institutions and satisfaction with democracy were heavily eroded between 2008 and 2011 in Spain (Lobera and Ferrándiz 2013: 43-56). Moreover, see also Martínez 2012;Antentas 2015) argue that the new wave of contestation has much to do with the erosion of the transition's hegemonic culture and the need to develop new spaces for challenge and reform. In their own words: "polls reflect growing political disaffection in recent decades, but the economic crisis raised a new challenge to the transition culture. ...
... The indignant generation represented young middle class with uncertain personal biographies and future perspectives" (Antentas 2015: 147). For many, the recession that came about was a reality check; it made patent that hopes for social mobility were unrealistic Antentas 2015). ...
Podemos, a new party launched from scratch in March 2014, issued a manifesto that included some indignados movement’s core claims: fighting poverty, inequality, the privileges of large corporations, corruption and defending public services in the face of austerity policies. The party quickly gained momentum, as the following three electoral milestones testify. First, Podemos gathered 1,253,837 votes (8.0%) in the European Parliament elections on 22–25 May 2014, getting 5 seats. Second, one year later, local elections were held.
... Instead, Based on data from over 10,000 protestors in 72 demonstrations in seven Western European countries between 2009 and 2013, confirm this finding. Accordingly, interpreting the onset of extra-institutional mobilisations during the Great Recession as the expression of a new precarious generation would only provide us a partial account at best (for an analysis of this argument applied to the Spanish context, see Antentas 2015). ...
... Indicators of political support such as confidence in appointed officials, trust in democratic institutions and satisfaction with democracy were heavily eroded between 2008 and 2011 in Spain (Lobera and Ferrándiz 2013: 43-56). Moreover, see also Martínez 2012;Antentas 2015) argue that the new wave of contestation has much to do with the erosion of the transition's hegemonic culture and the need to develop new spaces for challenge and reform. In their own words: "polls reflect growing political disaffection in recent decades, but the economic crisis raised a new challenge to the transition culture. ...
... The indignant generation represented young middle class with uncertain personal biographies and future perspectives" (Antentas 2015: 147). For many, the recession that came about was a reality check; it made patent that hopes for social mobility were unrealistic Antentas 2015). ...
Understanding what explains the irregular distribution and clustering of protest participants across time—i.e. the varying size of protest events—is one of the core tasks that social movements scholars face (Biggs 2016). This chapter aims at analysing the trajectory of anti-austerity protests in Spain in the shadow of the Great Recession, 2007–2015.
... Instead, Based on data from over 10,000 protestors in 72 demonstrations in seven Western European countries between 2009 and 2013, confirm this finding. Accordingly, interpreting the onset of extra-institutional mobilisations during the Great Recession as the expression of a new precarious generation would only provide us a partial account at best (for an analysis of this argument applied to the Spanish context, see Antentas 2015). ...
... Indicators of political support such as confidence in appointed officials, trust in democratic institutions and satisfaction with democracy were heavily eroded between 2008 and 2011 in Spain (Lobera and Ferrándiz 2013: 43-56). Moreover, see also Martínez 2012;Antentas 2015) argue that the new wave of contestation has much to do with the erosion of the transition's hegemonic culture and the need to develop new spaces for challenge and reform. In their own words: "polls reflect growing political disaffection in recent decades, but the economic crisis raised a new challenge to the transition culture. ...
... The indignant generation represented young middle class with uncertain personal biographies and future perspectives" (Antentas 2015: 147). For many, the recession that came about was a reality check; it made patent that hopes for social mobility were unrealistic Antentas 2015). ...
Karl Polanyi’s (2001) ever-influential contribution The Great Transformation is a superb account of the conflicting and contradictory relationships between liberal markets and society’s need for protection during the first half of the twentieth century, which led to financial recession, mass discontent and the rise of radical nationalism and war. The dialectical process of marketisation and push for social protection as a response to that marketisation is called “double movement”.
... Castañeda, 2012); and, as this politicisation was linked to a populist discourse, the younger generations in Spain were those who may have incorporated populism into their political attitudes and voting behaviour to a greater degree (Galais, 2014). Like in other southern European countries, the Eurozone crisis meant massive job losses, shrinking GDP and disappearing hopes for many young people (Antentas, 2015). Spain was one of the countries hardest hit by the crisis and is an emblematic case of youth precarity. ...
Generation Z is the most educated and yet pessimistic about the future. At the same time, populist parties have much support among young voters. Do they find an answer to their discouraging socio-economic situation in populist appeals? In this article, we analyse how pessimistic economic expectations shape the preference for populist parties among the young in Spain. By using conjoint experiments, we explore which specific features of populist parties (‘thin’ or ‘thick’ characteristics) are decisive in attracting young and pessimistic voters. Unlike older generations, for whom immigration is the most relevant factor, Generation Z, especially the pessimistic, focuses more on the thin ideological elements of populism. This finding contradicts previous experimental studies, which argue that thin populist characteristics are irrelevant in explaining the general population’s voting behaviour. Ideology plays a significant mediating role, as young pessimists on the left tend to be attracted by anti-elitism, while those on the centre-right by people-centrism.
... The Democracia real ya campaign in Spain, which was in part inspired by Hessel's manifesto and in turn inspired the mobilizations of the Indignados movement (Antentas 2015), also identified indignation as that which motivated its members across all ideological divisions: Some of us think of themselves as more progressive, others as more conservative. Some are believers, others aren't. ...
The large-scale use of semantic transfer and inversion as rhetorical tactics is particularly prevalent in right-wing discourses and populist »alternative knowledge« production. The contributors to this volume analyze processes of re-semanticizing received meanings, effectually re-coding those meanings. They investigate to what extent rhetorical maneuvers serve to establish new and powerful belief systems beyond rational and democratic control. In addition to the contemporary rightwing and conspiracy narratives, the contributions examine the discursive fields around conceptions of human nature and the deep past, population politics, gender conceptions, use of land, identity politics, nationhood, and cultural heritage.
... The Democracia real ya campaign in Spain, which was in part inspired by Hessel's manifesto and in turn inspired the mobilizations of the Indignados movement (Antentas 2015), also identified indignation as that which motivated its members across all ideological divisions: ...
... The Democracia real ya campaign in Spain, which was in part inspired by Hessel's manifesto and in turn inspired the mobilizations of the Indignados movement (Antentas 2015), also identified indignation as that which motivated its members across all ideological divisions: ...
The large-scale use of semantic transfer and inversion as rhetorical tactics is particularly prevalent in right-wing discourses and populist »alternative knowledge« production. The contributors to this volume analyze processes of re-semanticizing received meanings, effectually re-coding those meanings. They investigate to what extent rhetorical maneuvers serve to establish new and powerful belief systems beyond rational and democratic control. In addition to the contemporary rightwing and conspiracy narratives, the contributions examine the discursive fields around conceptions of human nature and the deep past, population politics, gender conceptions, use of land, identity politics, nationhood, and cultural heritage.
... Elsewhere, encamped in public parks, Occupy Wall Street protesters documented their movement and its politics, as well as key moments of conflict between the police and protesters (Creech 2014;Wark 2013). In Spain, the indignados movement utilized digital technologies and visual media to mobilize action around anti-austerity politics (Antentas 2015). More recently, #Blacklivesmatter protests have drawn a renewed vigor to the idea that by at least allowing individuals to document previously unseen realities, the smartphone camera has reconfigured politics through the production of visibility (Bock 2016). ...
For the better part of the past decade, global social movements have drawn popular attention to the power of image production and acts of representation, particularly the ways ubiquitous cameras challenge the exercise of power This essay lays out a theoretical schema for interrogating a broader “politics of visibility” at work in the early twenty-first century, most readily apparent through the activities of smartphone-enabled and visually-savvy activists. As new media technologies have opened up new strategies of representation, these modes of representation have been incorporated into existing media practices that delimit the ways in which the consequentiality of various movements and political projects can be understood. Theoretically revisiting the concept of visibility, this essay critiques the relationship between technology and the production of knowledge in media studies before arguing that the visibility of an event presages a consequentiality partially determined by the ways in which it is rendered perceptible and thus, intelligible.
... This has made work an unreliable source of income, resulting in increasing difficulties in maintaining one's right to work and sense of belonging (Frayne, 2015). One consequence of these developments is the spread of new forms of social unrest, exemplified by the creation of such movements as Occupy and Indignados (Lewis and Luce, 2012;Antentas, 2015). Thus, the 'labour question' has become topical again (Chhachhi, 2014). ...
... By late we mean that between the financial crash of 2008 and the massive celebration of the National Day of Catalonia on 11 September 2012 there was an initial phase in which the economic crisis seems poised to act as a driver for change through the socalled 15-M movement. In 2011, the 15-M anti-austerity movement rallied millions of protesters all over Spain against high unemployment rates, welfare cuts, global capitalism, the bailouts of banks and political corruption (Antentas 2015). In Catalonia, the 14 and 15 June 2011 popular protests in front of the Catalan Parliament were a turning point. ...
The article explores the transformations of Spanish and Catalan national identities and the growth of the pro-independence movement in Catalonia following the 2008 global recession. It argues that the Great Recession provided a new historical context of hot nationalism in which Catalanist narratives of loss and resistance began to ring true to large sectors of Catalan society, whereas the Spanish constitutionalist narratives seemed increasingly outdated. The article also shows the limits of the process of mass nationalization by both the Catalan and the Spanish governments and the eventual 'crystallization' of an identity and political divide between pro and anti-independence supporters which split Catalan society down the middle and led to a sort of national identity deadlock.
... Importantly, the Spanish 15M campaign and the subsequent wave of protest had an important generational component. To a large extent, mass mobilisations have been the expression of a young generation blaming politicians, financial leaders and the mainstream media for the dearth of opportunities for personal and professional fulfilment (Antentas, 2015). While anti-austerity protests were not the exclusive form of action of this youthful social movement, it has been widely acknowledged that young people were overrepresented in these events: the vast majority of participants were 19-30 years old (e.g. ...
... Both the tactic of occupation as well as its signature slogan emulated and was inspired by events at the very centre of Spain's capital, in the Puerta del Sol in Madrid (Anduiza et. al. 2014;Antentas 2015;Calvo 2017;Cameron 2014;Feenstra et. al. 2017;Flesher Fominaya 2015;La Parra-Pérez 2014;Portos 2016;Romanos 2013;Sampedro and Lobera 2014; Tejerina and Perugorría 2017) -"kilómetro 0," as they call itwhich was in turn part of a broader international wave of somehow similar burgeoning forms of direct-democratic protest, including perhaps most prominently the Occupy Wall Street movement, not to mention the Arab Spring (Castañeda 2012;Castells 2012;Peterson et. ...
Este trabajo trata la dialéctica de la represión y la Resistencia en la reciente ola de política contenciosa en Cataluña. Ponemos énfasis en el resurgir breve pero cierto del repertorio discursivo y performativo del recuerdo del pasado revolucionario de Cataluña durante esta ola que ha barrido la región desde hace una década, desde el inicio de la asi-llamada crisis de la Eurozona. El trabajo intenta proveer una interpretación del ciclo de política contenciosa de la región a través del enfoque de la represión estatal. Afilamos en un momento emblemático, de la primavera de 2011, asociado con el movimiento de los Indignados. Prestamos especial atención en su desalojo violento por parte de los Mossos d’Esquadra en mayo, y el intento en el mes siguiente del cerco al Parlament Catalán, con el fin de interrumpir en el debate presupuestario. Sostenemos que la represión violenta del movimiento de los Indignados en Cataluña por parte de las autoridades ‘regionales’ mejor se entiende como la respuesta a un desafío incipiente a las constelaciones jerárquicas de relaciones sociales oprimentes – un desafío que se hizo eco, de hecho amenazó con revivir, recuerdos largamente reprimidos del pasado revolucionario de la ‘región’, un desafió que pudo haber hecho “explotar” este pasado fuera del “continúo de la historia,” para “apropiarse de su memoria cómo se enciende en un momento de peligro” (Benjamín). Este momento de represión violenta por las autoridades catalanas demostró ser el precursor, la condición de posibilidad, para la posterior canalización de la política contenciosa dentro de los confines más cómodos de imaginarios nacionalistas – imaginarios, por supuesto, estructurados jerárquicamente.
... These days, the Spanish Constitution has come into considerable disrepute, especially in Catalan nationalist circles, but also beyond. Its once-famous consensus, now reframed by revisionists as but a pact of forgetting, the continuities with the Franco regime, the impunity of its officials, evermore stressed (Antentas 2015;Domènech 2014;Gallego 2008;Navarro 2006;Santamaría 2012;Beneyto 2007). ...
This article follows the approach originally pioneered by Juan Linz to the empirical study of nationalism. We make use of original survey data to situate the emergent social division around the question of independence within a broader constellation of power relations. We bring into focus a variety of demographic, cultural, behavioral and attitudinal indicators with which this division is associated. We emphasize the special salience of language practices and ideologies in conditioning, if not determining, attitudes towards independence. We stress the continuing legacy of what Linz famously referred to as a “three-cornered conflict” among “regional nationalists, the central government and immigrant workers,” which has long conditioned democratic politics in the region. More concretely, we show how the reinforcing cleavages of language and class are reflected in, and indeed have been exacerbated by, the ongoing political conflict between pro-independence and pro-unionist camps in Catalonia. At the same time, we highlight that near half of the Catalan citizenry has come to register a rather intense preference in favor of independence, and we conclude that this sociological reality renders it quite difficult for Spanish authorities to enforce the will of the Spanish majority without appearing to tyrannize the Catalan minority.
... Following this research mood of revisiting available analytical and conceptual tools in order to better address anti-austerity movements (Gerbaudo 2012), "old" and key concepts such as protest or contentious cycles (Tarrow 1994(Tarrow , 1998Koopmans 2004;McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly 2001) have also regained academic momentum. 1 In an effort to fully comprehend the ways in which protest cycles emerge, acquire their diffusion dynamics but also subside in a variety of regional, historical and institutional settings, scholars have adopted a comparative perspective (both within and between nations) paying special attention to movement outcomes and the actors involved (della Porta 2015; Tejerina et al. 2013;Antentas 2015;Portos 2017). ...
This article aspires to contribute to the ongoing literature on collective action in times of crisis. Our emphasis is on what has been considered the anti-austerity protest cycle's most novel pattern of everyday resistance, i.e., the "solidarity" frame and its concomitant forms of direct social action. For that purpose, we focus on the most emblematic case of solidarity politics in Greece, the Clinics-Pharmacies Solidarity Structures (SCPSs). Emerging in 2011, SCPSs spread throughout the country only to decline after the introduction of Health Reform by the left-wing government of SYRIZA. By adopting a relational approach highlighting the interplay between waves of contention, the fluctuating institutional environment, and broader social and structural processes in the background of a hollowed welfare state, we demonstrate the politicization potential of solidarity direct social action, as well as its antipodal dynamic: depoliticization and movement dissolution. We argue that the latter was the result of a double process: (a) the selective co-optation of solidarity structures by an institutional actor (SYRIZA), setting in motion movement-internal polarization, and (b) the discur-sive subordination of solidarity frames and activities to the "realm of necessity" as prescribed by the rationality of continuing austerity politics.
... This has made work an unreliable source of income, resulting in increasing difficulties in maintaining one's right to work and sense of belonging (Frayne, 2015). One consequence of these developments is the spread of new forms of social unrest, exemplified by the creation of such movements as Occupy and Indignados (Lewis and Luce, 2012;Antentas, 2015). Thus, the 'labour question' has become topical again (Chhachhi, 2014). ...
Work is a fruitful site to reflect various responsibilities deriving from the notion of the Anthropocene. Previous research on labour studies has discussed both labour and employee agency as potentialities of worker activities in the current, interconnected capitalist system. We bring these conceptualisations with varying historical roots together as ‘worker agency’, which could influence the sphere of globalised work and eventually the undesired developments that sustain the Anthropocene. We provide empirical examples of the idea of worker agency from two work organizations that promote sustainability and operate with recycled materials in the Global North. Based on the previous literature and these empirical illustrations, we reflect on the potential of the new worker agency to challenge the contemporary ways of organizing work, social relations, and the economy.
Keywords: Anthropocene, responsibility, work, employment, agency, global production networks, global destruction networks.
... The Indignados did a great job in creating both critical awareness and the social construction of new subjectivities. As Antentas (2015) holds, "15M has had what Giugni calls a strong 'awareness impact,' that is, the dissemination of a particular worldview and of what we could call in Gramscian terms an alternative common sense" (p. 155). ...
The global economic crash of 2007, the “structural reforms” and “austerity” policies, together with neoliberal processes have led, in recent years, to the emergence in Spain of a number of social movements, which are demanding greater democracy. One such movement is the “Green Tides” for the State Education in Spain, which has developed a series of proposals, from critical discourses in education, in the form of practices of resistance against neoliberal logic. In this article, we analyze this initiative, in particular in connection with some of the basic dimensions of critical pedagogy. Based on a critical analysis of discourse approach, we link the Green Tides’ manifesto and beliefs to dimensions of critical pedagogy. In addition, we show how these groups have developed what Flesher Fominaya calls practices of “prefigurative politics,” which aim to find social alternatives to the mantra of cuts in social rights, austerity policies, and other neoliberalization processes.
... Its initiators comprised a group of political scientists based at the Complutense University in Madrid: Carlos Monedero, Pablo Iglesias and Íñigo Errejón. The rise of Podemos is related to the 2008 great recession (Ramiro and Gomez 2016) and has its origins in the 15M or Indignados 2 movements (Hughes 2011;Pastor Verdú 2011;Castañeda 2012;Tormey and Feenstra 2015;Antentas 2015;Nez 2017). It is motivated by the crisis of trust in politics produced by economic turmoil and the widespread political corruption (Gomez Fortes and Urquizu 2015;Pavía, Bodoque, and Martín 2016;Díaz-Parra, Roca, and Romano 2015). ...
This article explores how the MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) in Italy and Podemos in Spain thematise the role of the State. We draw from a qualitative analysis of speeches of party leaders and party manifestoes in recent national elections. We argue that Podemos and the M5S coincide in reasserting the principle of popular sovereignty to overcome the present “post-democratic” condition and the distance between citizens and the State. However, they differ in their understanding of the State’s intervention on the economy and society. Podemos proposes a new interventionist state reminiscent of post-war social democracy. M5S has a more liberal view, conceiving of the State as a neutral arbiter of the free market. Furthermore, the two parties have different conceptions of the relationship between the State and the Nation. While adopting a patriotic discourse, Podemos has catered for demands of local autonomy, framing Spain as a “nation of nations” and has been adamant in defending migrants and refugees. The M5S has instead proposed a more nationalist discourse, as seen in tirades by party leaders against migrants and refugees. These divergences reflect the different positioning of these formations along the Left/Right axis and how this results in a more inclusive/exclusive view of the State.
... Similarly, Danish union revitalisation processes occur mainly at national and local levels, while forming external coalitions is rarely considered among their strategic actions (Arnholtz et al., 2016). And in Spain, Antentas (2015) showed how the Indignados movement's protest against bankers and politicians failed to forge a coalition between trade unions and the social movement. Time will tell whether further decline in these countries will make external coalitions more plausible as they have become in other countries. ...
In this article, we review and assess research on the role of trade unions in labour markets and society, the current decline of unions and union revitalisation. The review shows three main trends. First, trade unions are converging into similar strategies of revitalisation. The ‘organising model’ has spread far beyond the Anglo-Saxon countries and is now commonplace for unions as a way to reach new worker constituencies. Thus, even in ‘institutionally secure’ countries like Germany and the Nordic countries, unions are employing organising strategies while at the same time trying to defend their traditional strongholds of collective bargaining and corporatist policy-making. Second, research has shown that used strategies are not a panacea for success for unions in countries that spearheaded revitalisation. This finding points to the importance of supportive institutional frameworks if unions are to regain power. Third, especially in Anglo-Saxon countries, unions are building external coalitions with other social movements, including across borders, to compensate for the loss of power resources that were tied to national collective bargaining and policy-making. Research has shown that unions, even in adverse institutional contexts, can be effective when they reinvent their repertoires of contention, through political action or campaigning along global value chains.
... When 15M broke out, its general criticism of the political elite was not accompanied by a push for electoral and institutional activity, although its rejection of mainstream politics was profoundly political and was influenced by the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt and the events in Iceland. 13 However, the deepening of the economic and social crisis, the onset of political and regime crisis and the difficulty in securing significant social victories after more than three years of resistance, gradually posed the institutional and electoral question. Progressively, the political question and debate on the need to construct political tools to intervene in the political-electoral-institutional arena began to gain prominence, particularly under the influence of the outbreak of Syriza in Greece in the summer of 2012. ...
15 May 2011 marked the beginning of a major political and regime crisis in Spain. It has since passed through different stages – the last being the emergence of Podemos, which has become a major player in Spanish politics. The crisis of traditional mechanisms of political representation has become a crisis of hegemony of the ruling class, in the Gramscian sense of the term. The mass support for the ruling class and its traditional form of political representation has been withdrawn. This has led to an open situation with no clear outcome that can be read in terms of Walter Benjamin’s non-linear and deterministic sense of political and historical time.
... It would take almost a year, until 15 May 2011, for the social malaise to be transformed into mass upsurge. 2 'When the Spanish State was dead, Spanish society was full of life, and every part of it overflowing with powers of resistance' wrote Marx in his aforementioned chronicles of Spain's revolution of 1854. 3 This is a good starting point for assessing the current political crisis that began in 2011. It has become the first global questioning of the institutional order and its corresponding social model of what historically can be defined as the second Bourbon restoration established in 1977-1978 4 -the first of which happened from late 1874, from the failure of the first Republic until the proclamation of the second in April 1931. ...
Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain.
Artykuł poświęcony jest hiszpańskiemu alterglobalistycznemu ruchowi społecznemu Indignados. Podzielony został na dwie główne części. Pierwsza stanowi zarys ujęcia teoretycznego ruchów i klas społecznych. Druga skupiona
jest na problematyce Indignados jako alterglobalistycznego ruchu społecznego. W artykule przedstawiono także inspirację członków ruchu oraz społeczno-
-gospodarczo-polityczne tło jego powstania, jak też to, co w ostatecznym rozrachunku się z nim stało w schyłkowym momencie okresu 2011–2015.
The paper is dedicated to Spanish, alterglobalistic social movement Indignados. The paper is divided into two main parts. The article is divided into two
main parts. The first is an outline of the theoretical approach to social movements and classes. The second focuses on the problem of Indignados as an
alter-globalist social movement. The article also presents the inspiration of the
members of the movement, as well as the socio-economic and political background of its creation and what ultimately happened to it at the declining point
of the 2011–2015 period.
This article deploys the notion of ‘employable femininity’, by which we refer to the mystification along postfeminist lines of an idealized womanhood suitable to be employed and worked upon, in order to explore how women’s relation to employment is currently being articulated and contested in contemporary Spain. Structural transformations during neoliberalism have promoted women’s rising involvement into labor markets while, simultaneously, reinforcing the systemic relevance of women’s unpaid work in the domestic arena. A hegemonic, media-constructed model of femininity has thus emerged where participation into paid employment is presented as a path towards liberation and economic independence for certain women who, nonetheless, cannot do away with the care-related responsibilities traditionally allotted to them. The current Spanish conjuncture provides a paradigmatic case in point to observe how women’s relation to employment is being reconfigured, insofar as attempts to ‘re-domesticate’ women in the aftermath of the Great Recession have been confronted by a resurgent feminist movement which, nowadays, figures as the main vector of social contention in contemporary Spain.
In 2011, there were intense protest movements around the world. These protest movements were not limited to underdeveloped or less developed countries. Likewise developed or developing countries with relatively high level of democracy experienced protest movements and new social movements emerged. The angry crowds occupying the important squares of the countries they live in both expressed their socioeconomic problems and revealed the political systems of their countries and the problem of democracy within this system. In this study, the Indignados/15M movement that emerged in Spain during this period is evaluated. In the study, first of all, the birth of the movement and the conditions that led to the birth of the movement are revealed. Then, the meaning of square occupations as public spaces, the organizational structure of the movement and its impact on Spanish politics are discussed. The Indignados/15M movement, which initially emerged online through digital media applications in the virtual world and then went offline with the square occupations, is subjected to an analytical examination in the context of Spain.
Drawing upon interview material, together with extensive data from the authors’ original social movement database, this book examines the development of social movements in resistance to perceived political “regression” and a growing right-wing backlash. With a focus on Italy and the reaction to increasing inequalities and welfare state retrenchment policies, it examines opposition to the government and state authorities on a number of issues. Triangulating different types of data, it sheds light on the ability of citizens to organise in the streets and addresses crucial matters in social movement research, including the significance to political mobilization of grievances, class, gender, and generational differences, as well as considering the network dynamics of micro-mobilization, visions of Europe, and the role of interactions with major political institutions. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in social movements and political mobilization. © 2022 Donatella della Porta, Niccolò Bertuzzi, Daniela Chironi, Chiara Milan, Martn Portos and Lorenzo Zamponi
This article builds on the efforts by geographers and regional scientists aimed at adding a geographical dimension to the analysis and understanding of happiness and well-being. In particular, the article explores the changes in observed subjective wellbeing measures of residents in countries and regions that were mostly hit by the severe economic crisis and austerity measures. To that end, we present a multilevel modelling approach to the analysis of suitable secondary data derived from the European Social Survey (ESS), as well as relevant contextual regional-level data from Eurostat. The article first presents a brief overview of the state of the art in happiness and well-being research, with particular emphasis on the relatively limited but rapidly growing geographical studies, as well as studies by economists regarding the impact of austerity and inequality upon happiness and well-being. We then present key findings from a comprehensive analysis of European Social Survey data combined with austerity related data at the regional level in order to explore the geography of happiness and well-being in Europe amid times of economic gloom and severe austerity measures. The research presented in this article involves analysis of data before, during and after (or in towards the end of) the crisis and it is aimed at identifying geographical as well as individual socio-economic and demographic factors that may be affecting happiness and well-being and their possible interactions. The model outputs suggest that living in one of the ‘crisis countries’ has a negative impact on subjective happiness around the time when the short, medium and long term effects of the recession would be mostly felt, when compared to ‘Northern European’ countries (controlling for an extensive number of important covariates selected on the basis of previous work). In addition, the results suggest that the happiness levels in ‘crisis countries’ were higher than the Baltic countries in 2014 and 2016 and higher than the Central and Eastern European countries in 2016. An additional interesting finding is that at the time when the effects of the crisis would be mostly felt, populations born in the country where the ESS took place are on average (after controlling for all other covariates) less happy than those born abroad in one of the years (2014) after the breakout of the crisis.
This paper explores the role of information and communication technology (ICT) in
leadership and decision making in social movements. To do so, this study examines
the 2013 Shahbag protests in Bangladesh through the lens of new social movement
theories. The study employs a multi-level and multi-method approach in analyzing
the protests. It finds that, along with traditional communication tools, ICT played an
important role in the leadership and decision-making process in the first three days
of the protests that made it an example of new social movement. However, when the
political party members captured the protests, it became a hybrid. I argue that
the new network society formed by using ICT changes the communication pattern
among activists, the nature of leadership, and the process of decision making of a
movement and that this differentiates it from other conventional social movements.
This paper examines the relationship between democracy and space by investigating the spaces produced by the explosion of democratic desire during the 15M movement in Spain in 2011. It argues that participants produced a space that was more an agora than a parliament, more a plaza than a factory floor, and space that was more for use than for exchange. The paper argues that if the project for democracy is to thrive, it should be unceasingly attentive to the spaces that democratic desire produces, both in spectacular movements like the 15M and in the more quotidian practices of ordinary inhabitants all over the world. This paper examines the relationship between democracy and space by investigating the spaces produced by the explosion of democratic desire during the 15M movement in Spain in 2011. It argues that participants produced a space that was more an agora than a parliament, more a plaza than a factory floor, and space that was more for use than for exchange. The paper argues that if the project for democracy is to thrive, it should be unceasingly attentive to the spaces that democratic desire produces, both in spectacular movements like the 15M and in the more quotidian practices of ordinary inhabitants all over the world.
Militant democracy can be seen as a useful theoretical category. Its main objective is to preserve the regime by eliminating its opponents through the legal means. They may affect fundamental civil rights and freedoms including freedom of the press. There are two objectives of the article. The first is to determine the differences between the declaratory level, based on national legislation and legal acts adopted between 2008-2017, and actual level of freedom of the press in Spain, based on press freedom status presented in reports of Freedom House. This comparison will provide an answer to the question if Spain is becoming a militant democracy or not. The second objective is to explain the reasons for these differences as well as to formulate conclusions related to the adoption of the attributes of militant democracies by Spain with special reference to freedom of the press.
The main hypothesis reads as follows: legislative changes referring to the functioning of the media in the form of national legislation affected the indicator value of the press freedom status in Spain presented by Freedom House. This dynamic proves that elements of militant democracy are being implemented into the Spanish political system.
Following a demonstration and some encounters with the police, a crowd of around 130,000 people occupied Plaza Puerta del Sol in Madrid on 15 May 2011, in light of coming—local and regional—elections the following week. They protested against policymaking in an austerity-ridden scenario and demanded “real democracy now!”. Given the mainstream media’s initial lack of coverage, information diffused through social media and digital tools. The occupations quickly snowballed to other Spanish cities and grew larger. Within less than 24 hours, outraged crowds (of varying sizes) occupied the main squares of many Spanish cities.
After a general campaign that aimed at changing the political and socioeconomic system, the 15M/Indignados abandoned the visible occupation of central squares decentralized through neighborhood assemblies, and specialized around different issues, such as housing, and the health and public education systems. Although often cohabitating amid tension, feminist activists of different generations forged internal and autonomous spaces that prioritized feminist aspirations and permeated dissent in the shadow of the Great Recession, sharing arenas with people who would not have been reached otherwise. Despite the feminist movement(s)’ heterogeneity, intersectional character, and organization through polycephalous networks, it has in recent times grown to stand out as the movement with the highest mobilization capacity in the country. Based on original qualitative data from 12 semi-structured interviews with key informants and activists, the piece of research sheds light on the tensions between different generations of feminists. It will explain the continuities and discontinuities between veteran and younger activists’ world views when it comes to their forms of politicization, theoretical underpinnings, strategic priorities, organizational configuration and resource mobilization, repertoires of action and cultural foundations. In addition, it contends that the ability of veteran and new activists to forge arenas of encounter, fostering debate and synergies during the antiausterity cycle of protest, were key to account for the cross-generational alliance-building processes, which have hitherto seldom been explored in the feminist movement(s) and beyond.
In this article we position ourselves as socially and politically committed anthropologists, thinking about the possible ways research and activism come together in contemporary anthropology. We emphasize how critical social sciences have contributed to this debate mainly around two key ideas: the democratization of knowledge production and the politicization of that knowledge. We examine our experiences in the Spanish 15M movement and share four examples -two ‘failed’ and two ‘successful’ experiences- in which we discuss two key aspects of being activist academics. First, the difficulties and advantages of doing activism and research as a combined anthropological engagement; and, secondly, the usefulness of combining a long-term commitment to social justice as an effort to democratize mechanisms of knowledge production.
This paper aims to explore the current trend of social movements in Bangladesh. It also tries to contribute in the growing debate on the role of communication technologies in shaping the nature of social movement and the relationship between the organiser and the supporter. To do so this paper examines the recent Shahbag Protest through the lens of new social movement theory. The protest was launched on 5 February in 2013 by some young bloggers and online activists at Shahbag intersection in Dhaka, which later spread over the whole country and across the world where Bangladeshis are residing. Thousands of people gathered at the busy Shahbag intersection and took position for 17 consecutive days demanding the trial of the war criminals who killed and assisted the Pakistani occupied army to kill three million innocent Bengalis during Bangladesh War of Liberation in 1971. The ‘unexpected’ protest has already been considered as a milestone for Bangladesh politics. Through the protest, young generation not only showed their love for the country but also proved that they can use the new communication technologies in an effective way. When most of the people are disappointed on the current trend of politics and avoiding political parties, they took the non-partisan protest as a new space to raise their voices. Communication technologies especially social media played an important role here. People from all walks of life joined the protest and expressed their solidarity with the movement by demanding capital punishment of the infamous war criminals. Many people, who do not have internet access, also joined the protest as the platform was open for all. The protest has forced the politicians to change their media strategy and the strategy on motivating young generation. The paper addressed following empirical questions. What does motivate people to join a protest in the age of market? Who are the main users of communication technologies in the country and how it is being used in social movements? Are the communication technologies changing the conventional concept of leadership and the relationship between organisers and supporters? The study engages a multi-level, multi-methods approach to the analysis of the protest and identifies three major characteristics which make it different from conventional movements in the country. Firstly, the protest began in the name of morality rather than the direct interests of particular social groups; Secondly, it was organised in informal, loose, and flexible ways avoiding hierarchy, and qualifications for membership; Thirdly, Internet enabled communication technologies were important part in initiating the protest and spreading it across the world though the number of Internet users is very low in the country. The New Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) changed the conventional ways in which activists communicate, collaborate, and demonstrate. I argue that the new communication pattern among activists determined the new characteristics of the Shahbag Protest and led it to be different from conventional movements.
Wind energy is often portrayed as a panacea for the environmental and political ills brought on by an overreliance on fossil fuels, but this characterization may ignore the impact wind farms have on the regions that host them. Power Struggles investigates the uneven allocation of risks and benefits in the relationship between the regions that produce this energy and those that consume it. Jaume Franquesa considers Spain, a country where wind now constitutes the main source of energy production. In particular, he looks at the Southern Catalonia region, which has traditionally been a source of energy production through nuclear reactors, dams, oil refineries, and gas and electrical lines. Despite providing energy that runs the country, the region is still forced to the political and economic periphery as the power they produce is controlled by centralized, international Spanish corporations. Local resistance to wind farm installation in Southern Catalonia relies on the notion of dignity: the ability to live within one's means and according to one's own decisions. Power Struggles shows how, without careful attention, renewable energy production can reinforce patterns of exploitation even as it promises a fair and hopeful future.
Negli ultimi anni la crisi economica ha colpito con forza l’intero Sud Europa, esasperando dinamiche di impoverimento e precarizzazione di lungo periodo. In Italia e in Spagna, tra gli altri, si è assistito a mobilitazioni contro la precarietà lavorativa e esistenziale. In questo contributo vengono presi in esame i movimenti contro la precarietà in Italia e in Spagna, allo scopo di analizzarne la genesi, gli sviluppi e le prospettive future. In particolare, il paper si concentra sulle rivendicazioni dei movimenti, l’autorappresentazione, la struttura delle alleanze e le strategie di azione, mettendo in luce i risultati delle proteste e i repertori discorsivi e di azione. | In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements’ claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action.
First suggested in the Netherlands, in the late-1980s, the notion of Social Movement Unionism was ?rst applied in South Africa, where it had both political and academic impact. The South-African formulation combined the class and the popular: a response to this combined class and new social movement theory/practice. The Class/Popular understanding was, however, more widely adopted, and applied (to and/or in Brazil, the Philippines, the USA, internationally), receiving its most in?uential formulation in the work of Kim Moody (USA). A Class/New Social Movement response to this was restated in terms of the New Social Unionism. The continuing impact of globalization and neo-liberalism has had a disorienting e?ect on even the unions supposed by the South African/USschool to best exemplify SMU, whilst simultaneously increasing trade union need for some kind of such an alternative model. Use and discussion of the notion continues. The development of the global justice and solidarity movement (symbolized by Seattle, 1999), and in particular the World Social Forum process, since 2001, may be putting the matter on the international trade-union agenda. But is this matter a Class/Popular alliance, a Class/New Social Movement alliance? Or both? Or something else? And are there other ways of recreating an international/ist labour movement with emancipatory intentions and e?ect? What is the future of emancipatory or utopian labour strategy in the epoch of a globalized networked capitalism, and the challenge of the Global Justice and Solidarity Movement?
This chapter explores the relationship between the indignados movement in Madrid and other mobilizations that have arisen at the local level in recent years. It suggests the existence of a learning process which on the basis of certain collective experiences, both failed and successful, links past mobilizations with the construction of an inclusive frame, the respect for a deliberative process of decision-taking and the strategic use of humor at the heart of the new movement. The analysis of this process aims to contribute to a better understanding of the early success of the indignados in terms of social support and participation.
Spanish trade unions are going through a process of transformation with uncertain outcomes. The Spanish trade union movement is having to face up to problems and challenges such as globalization, offshoring, and technological and organizational restructuring, while operating in a somewhat different situation to many of its European counterparts. The particular development of the Spanish industrial relations system since Spain’s transition to democracy, the structure of the Spanish economy and the 15-year (1994—2008) boom in start-ups and employment all shape the background to current union strategies. Following a short outline of the current situation the article focuses on the problems of recruiting and integrating new membership groups from a wide range of previously untapped sectors, and new trends in collective bargaining related to these new sectors.
Shows how social change affects political mobilization indirectly through the restructuring of existing power relations, comparing the impact of the ecology, gay rights, peace, and women's movements in France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Of interest to students and researchers in political science and sociology.
Up to a decade ago many labour movement strategists and analysts would probably have thought (though not necessarily said) that they were witnessing the beginning of the end of organized labour as a major political force. ‘There is no alternative’ was not just a triumphalist slogan of the political right but a palpable feeling across the political spectrum. But by the turn of the century the mood began to shift as the labour movement regained some ground after the long night of neo-liberal onslaughts. Maybe we were now at the ‘end of the beginning’ of a new era where the workers and their organisations will begin to impact on the new global order they have helped to create through their labour? That is, anyway, the premise of this presentation. It is not, however, a simple proclamatory vision, but rather seeks to present a realistic appraisal of the challenges of globalisation and possible responses by the labour movement. The challenges are many: from informalization to international migration, from routinization of labour practices to a sustained attempt by capital to make the world’s workers pay for the collapse of the neoliberal globalization model in 2008. It is arguably time for a sober appraisal of where global labour is in terms of a fight-back or perhaps, even in terms of offering an alternative vision for humanity.
Faced with an economic crisis, people took to the streets and camped in urban plazas throughout Spain in May 2011. Many people were successfully mobilized by a generalized sense of frustration, indignation and impotency in the face of coming elections where many citizens felt there were no real alternative economic and social policies offered, nor the possibility to vote for government programmes that would deal with the crisis in a way that prioritized the concerns of the population. In online discussions, concerned proactive participants called for ‘A Real Democracy Now’ that represented the concerns and priorities of regular Spanish citizens. In order to make their discontent visible, they called for people to camp and ‘occupy’ public spaces together in order to force politicians and elites to face the generalized discontent with the dire economic prospects. This paper builds on non-participant observation of the Indignados movement in Barcelona, Spain, conducted in the summer of 2011. It looks at the consolidation of the ‘occupy’ contentious performance to protest income inequality and economic policy. It argues that this movement is a direct precedent to the Occupy Wall Street movement in the USA. The 15 May movement showed that not only people in North Africa had reasons to take the streets and engage in collective action, but many citizens in the developed world also had reasons to take public squares and show their dissatisfaction with the economic and political status quo.
Moral emotions represent a key element of our human moral apparatus, influencing the link between moral standards and moral behavior. This chapter reviews current theory and research on moral emotions. We first focus on a triad of negatively valenced "self-conscious" emotions-shame, guilt, and embarrassment. As in previous decades, much research remains focused on shame and guilt. We review current thinking on the distinction between shame and guilt, and the relative advantages and disadvantages of these two moral emotions. Several new areas of research are highlighted: research on the domain-specific phenomenon of body shame, styles of coping with shame, psychobiological aspects of shame, the link between childhood abuse and later proneness to shame, and the phenomena of vicarious or "collective" experiences of shame and guilt. In recent years, the concept of moral emotions has been expanded to include several positive emotions-elevation, gratitude, and the sometimes morally relevant experience of pride. Finally, we discuss briefly a morally relevant emotional process-other-oriented empathy.
In recent decades the study of social movements, revolution, democratization and other non-routine politics has flourished. And yet research on the topic remains highly fragmented, reflecting the influence of at least three traditional divisions. The first of these reflects the view that various forms of contention are distinct and should be studied independent of others. Separate literatures have developed around the study of social movements, revolutions and industrial conflict. A second approach to the study of political contention denies the possibility of general theory in deference to a grounding in the temporal and spatial particulars of any given episode of contention. The study of contentious politics are left to 'area specialists' and/or historians with a thorough knowledge of the time and place in question. Finally, overlaid on these two divisions are stylized theoretical traditions - structuralist, culturalist, and rationalist - that have developed largely in isolation from one another. This book was first published in 2001.
Economic outcomes have long been neglected by students of social movements. However, recently a number of studies have emerged addressing this topic. This chapter reviews works on economic outcomes of social movements. Economic impacts of social movements are defined here as pertaining to the economic sphere either in terms of government actions to regulate the economy/impose redistribution/reform the practices of companies and corporations, or to changes in social practices and individual behavior with respect to consumption. As such, the current review addresses scholarship on movements’ attempts to attain government regulation in markets, governments’ direct interventions in markets, and changes in market rules and practices in the social sphere.
Parmi les précurseurs des sciences sociales, la double question de l'individualisation et de l'individualité a beaucoup occupé, parallèlement à "la question sociale", Karl Marx et Emile Durkheim. Pourtant, ils ont souvent la réputation de s'être essentiellement intéressés au collectif et de parler au nom du collectif. On verra qu'il n'en est rien et que les aventures modernes de l'individu ont particulièrement attiré leur attention. J'ajouterai à ces deux noms illustres dans les sciences sociales un auteur moins connu et qui n'est pas à proprement parler un précurseur de la sociologie, Max Stirner, l'auteur de l'Unique et sa Propriété. Mais il sera aussi question de Proudhon. Je ne chercherai pas à resituer, à la manière d'un historien ou d'un sociologue, les textes de Proudhon dans leur époque, mais j'essayerai, en philosophie politique, d'extraire des ressources utiles pour les débats politiques contemporains. Ce ne sont là que quelques pistes. Le débat ne fait que commencer...
Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain.
The concepts of power and democracy have been extensively studied at the global, national and local levels and within institutions including states, international organizations and political parties. However, the interplay of those concepts within social movements is given far less attention. Studies have so far mainly focused on their protest activities rather than the internal practices of deliberation and democratic decision-making. Meeting Democracy presents empirical research that examines in detail how power is distributed and how consensus is reached in twelve global justice movement organizations, with detailed observations of how they operate in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and the UK. Written by leading political scientists and sociologists, this work contributes significantly to the wider literature on power and deliberative democracy within political science and sociology.
Spatial organization interacts significantly with contentious politics, but figures uncertainly in current theories of the subject. A review of writing on the subject permits a rough distinction among bare space analyses using location and time-distance for non-spatial effects, textured space analyses introducing location and time-distance as explicit causes and effects, and place analyses treating interaction among location, time-distance, and representations of spaces as explicit causes and effects. Drawing chiefly on examples from England and France between 1750 and 1900, observations on four varieties of space-contention interaction—the geography of policing, safe spaces, spatial claim making, and control of places as stakes of contention—illustrate the promise of place analyses for new investigations. An ample bibliography displays the range of resources available to students of contention.
This article analyses the Portuguese mobilizations that started with the Geração à Rasca in March 2011. The author argues that international events and the import of ideas from movements abroad had an important impact on the organizational structure and the claims of the Portuguese mobilizations. The nation-state, however, remains a very important factor in activism: organizational structures as well as claims are to a great extent country-specific. The article provides also an overview of the protest events and the field of actors involved in the organization of protest. Data come from 10 months of field research, which included participant observations, in-depth interviews and the analysis of websites and mailing-lists.
In an up-to-date account of the black labour movement in South Africa, Webster argues that the unions have made significant industrial advances in the period since their legal registration. He argues, however, that from the point of view of the state the process of recognition accorded to the collective bargaining system will provide an inadequate means of incorporating black workers without the granting of political rights. As this Is still so far from the reform agenda (particularly, we may add, in the wake of the recent all-white general election), the unions are bound to seek to short-circuit the ‘reform’ process by adding to its industrial face, the face of democratic and representative politics. The author assesses how far the creation of the Congress of South African Trade unions can meet this double role.
Trade union membership in Spain has undergone several transformations during the long employment boom (1994–2007) and the following crisis. New generations of workers with different attitudes towards trade unionism, the incorporation of female workers and immigrants have changed the forms and contents of the workers' organisations in Spain.
The literature identifies three key factors that shape attitudes towards immigration: socio-economic
uncertainty, ideology and the institutional framework. The aimof this article is to take a closer look at
the differences in trade union members’ attitudes to immigration and the factors that determine them.
We test three hypotheses by addressing three questions. First, what are the differences between the
attitudesof trade unionmembers and non-memberswith regard to immigration? Second, howare attitudes
affected bymaterial socio-economic variables? Third, howdo different institutional frameworks
and contexts affect trade union members’ attitudes? We conclude that attitudes can be explained by
the interaction between economic and ideological variables. This has important implications for trade
union strategies geared towards the integration of migrant workers.
Traducción de: Ethica ordine geometrico demonstrata
Youth Unemployment 2012
- Eurostat
Generación indignada
- Carles Freixa
Freixa, Carles. "Generación indignada." In #GeneraciónIndignada, edited by Carles Freixa and
Jordi Nofre, 203-207. Lleida: Milenio, 2013.
El Mito de la Transición
- Ferran Gallego
Indignez-vous! Paris: Indigène
- Stéphane Hessel
La dignidad de la indignación
- Mara Negrón
Negrón, Mara. "La dignidad de la indignación." 80grados. September 2, 2011. http://www.80grados.
net/2011/09/la-dignidad-de-la-indignacion
La evolución de Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales en el Estado Español
- Jaime Pastor
Pastor, Jaime. "La evolución de Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales en el Estado Español." In Los
Movimientos Sociales, edited by Perro Ibarra and Benjamin Tejerina, 43 -68. Madrid: Trotta,
1998.
Madrid: Capitán Swing
- César Rendueles
- Sociofobia
Dignidad/Indignación.”SoberanaMente
- Rodríguez Suárez
Le Passé, Modes D'emploi. Paris: Éditions la Fabrique
- Enzo Traverso
El Despertar de la Historia
- Alain Badiou
La Discordance des Temps. Paris: Éditions de la Passion
- Daniel Bensaïd