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The History of Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies
... tiempos, la persecución de la eliminación física de un grupo social completo es muy difícil de encontrar en el mundo antiguo (por más esfuerzos que hacen Chalk y Jonassohn, 1990: 57-139, y van Wees, 2010, y, en general, en cualquier otro momento previo a la modernidad (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
... It is only necessary to consider this issue from two perspectives: the total number of killed and the dynamic that pursues, not the subjugation or exploitation -or the maintaining of the subordination and inequality which prevents the realization of mankind's potential, as in the Galtung (1969) model-but rather, the physical elimination of a specific population sector. Although violence, mass killings and massacres have taken place throughout history in different times and places, the pursuit of the physical elimination of an entire social group is very difficult to find in the ancient world (see the efforts made by Chalk andJonassohn, 1990: 57-139 andvan Wees, 2010: 256-257), and, generally speaking, at any other moment prior to modern times (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
... This can be done through a double movement towards concreteness and inclusivity. Considering the more sub-stantial sociological critiques of the concept of genocide (Fein, 1990b;Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990;Hinton, 2002;Feierstein, 2014Feierstein, /2007 it is relevant to discuss a sociological concept of genocide, which may be labeled under the heading of genocide in the broadest sense, referring to the cases of massive violence against certain groups, their cultures and beliefs (be they groups created by the perpretators or by themselves). As Hinton (2002: 4-6) and Fein (1990b: 24) stated, what distinguishes genocide is that it is the intentional effort to annihilate a specific social group (whichever it may be). ...
El énfasis en la violencia simbólica o estructural y en los efectos del neoliberalismo está oscureciendo un tema de investigación urgente: la violencia física exterminista. Podríamos considerar añadir la violencia exterminista a otras violencias contemporáneas, como aquellas derivadas del giro neoliberal, para entender de manera más completa la modernidad y nuestro tiempo. A pesar del número de muertos en los últimos doscientos años y la extensión de la lógica violenta exterminista en nuestro tiempo, la violencia física parece haber desaparecido demasiado fácilmente de los esfuerzos por comprender el presente desde las ciencias sociales. Reconceptualizando el concepto de «exterminismo» de Frase y Thompson y considerando críticamente las investigaciones clásicas y contemporáneas sobre los genocidios y la violencia es posible generar una nueva agenda de investigación: una sociología del exterminismo.
... Because a subordinate group or groups remain "outside the universe of obligation of the dominant group," any crimes committed against them are subsequently perceived as acceptable by the dominant group (Fein 1979b(Fein : 9, 1993. More generally, the causal role of a pluralized society in group conflict is an assumption that is shared by many of the studies that specifically address the causes of genocide and those which focus more exclusively on the factors that precipitate conflict between ethnic groups (see for example the studies by Fein 1979b, Melson 1992, Chalk and Jonassohn 1990, Gurr 1993, Horowitz 1985, Morrison and Stevenson 1972, Van den Berghe 1981and Tilly 1978. 18 This is also an assumption that is made by studies that apply more of an institutionalist perspective to the conflict in Rwanda and Burundi (see for example Lemarchand 1970, 1994a, and Mamdani 2001. ...
... 25 Among the studies which Uvin suggests apply a soft Malthusian approach to the cases of Rwanda and/or Burundi are the studies by Prunier (1995), Percival and Homer-Dixon (1995), Olson (1995), Ford (1995) and his own 1996a study. 26 This particular argument is firmly grounded in the literature on genocide and ethnic conflict which assumes that economic distress in fragmented societies aggravates tensions between dominant and subordinate groups (see for example the studies by Zenner 1987, Fein 1979b, Chalk and Jonassohn 1990, Mazian 1990, Harff 1987, Gurr and Harff 1994, Staub 1989and Melson 1992. those in Rwanda. ...
... genocide in Rwanda specifically, see Uvin (1998), Prunier (1995), Des Forges (1999), African Rights (1995), Harff (1998), andScherrer (2002). For examples of structural genocide and conflict studies that use this typology (in varying forms), see Fein (1979b), Melson (1992), Mazian (1990), Staub (1989), Chalk and Jonassohn (1990), Harff (1987Harff ( , 2003, and Gurr and Harff (1994b). One of the factors left out of this typology is ideology, which is examined in closer detail in later chapters of this study in association with the application of prospect theory. ...
... It is only necessary to consider this issue from two perspectives: the total number of killed and the dynamic that pursues, not the subjugation or exploitation -or the maintaining of the subordination and inequality which prevents the realization of mankind's potential, as in the Galtung (1969) model-but rather, the physical elimination of a specific population sector. Although violence, mass killings and massacres have taken place throughout history in different times and places, the pursuit of the physical elimination of an entire social group is very difficult to find in the ancient world (see the efforts made by Chalk andJonassohn, 1990: 57-139 andvan Wees, 2010: 256-257), and, generally speaking, at any other moment prior to modern times (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
... This can be done through a double movement towards concreteness and inclusivity. Considering the more sub-stantial sociological critiques of the concept of genocide (Fein, 1990b;Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990;Hinton, 2002;Feierstein, 2014Feierstein, /2007 it is relevant to discuss a sociological concept of genocide, which may be labeled under the heading of genocide in the broadest sense, referring to the cases of massive violence against certain groups, their cultures and beliefs (be they groups created by the perpretators or by themselves). As Hinton (2002: 4-6) and Fein (1990b: 24) stated, what distinguishes genocide is that it is the intentional effort to annihilate a specific social group (whichever it may be). ...
... Nº 167, Julio -Septiembre 2019, pp. 57-72 tiempos, la persecución de la eliminación física de un grupo social completo es muy difícil de encontrar en el mundo antiguo (por más esfuerzos que hacen Chalk y Jonassohn, 1990: 57-139, y van Wees, 2010, y, en general, en cualquier otro momento previo a la modernidad (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
Emphasis on simbolic or structural violence and on the nowadays effects of neoliberalism are neglecting an urgent topic of research: exterminist physical violence. We may consider adding exterminist violence to other contemporary violences, as those derived from the neoliberal turn, to fully understand modernity and our own contemporary times. Despite the number of mortal victims in the last two hundred years and the extension of the exterminist violent logic within our times, physical violence seems to have disappeared too easily from the social sciences recent accounts of the present. Reframing Frase's and Thompson's concept of "exterminism" while considering contemporary research on genocides and violence may give birth to a new research agenda: a sociology of exterminism. Palabras clave Exterminismo • Genocidio • Teoría sociológica • Violencia Resumen El énfasis en la violencia simbólica o estructural y en los efectos del neoliberalismo está oscureciendo un tema de investigación urgente: la violencia física exterminista. Podríamos considerar añadir la violencia exterminista a otras violencias contemporáneas, como aquellas derivadas del giro neoliberal, para entender de manera más completa la modernidad y nuestro tiempo. A pesar del número de muertos en los últimos doscientos años y la extensión de la lógica violenta exterminista en nuestro tiempo, la violencia física parece haber desaparecido demasiado fácilmente de los esfuerzos por comprender el presente desde las ciencias sociales. Reconceptualizando el concepto de «exterminismo» de Frase y Thompson y considerando críticamente las investigaciones clásicas y contemporáneas sobre los genocidios y la violencia es posible generar una nueva agenda de investigación: una sociología del exterminismo.
... tiempos, la persecución de la eliminación física de un grupo social completo es muy difícil de encontrar en el mundo antiguo (por más esfuerzos que hacen Chalk y Jonassohn, 1990: 57-139, y van Wees, 2010, y, en general, en cualquier otro momento previo a la modernidad (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
... It is only necessary to consider this issue from two perspectives: the total number of killed and the dynamic that pursues, not the subjugation or exploitation -or the maintaining of the subordination and inequality which prevents the realization of mankind's potential, as in the Galtung (1969) model-but rather, the physical elimination of a specific population sector. Although violence, mass killings and massacres have taken place throughout history in different times and places, the pursuit of the physical elimination of an entire social group is very difficult to find in the ancient world (see the efforts made by Chalk andJonassohn, 1990: 57-139 andvan Wees, 2010: 256-257), and, generally speaking, at any other moment prior to modern times (Fein, 1990b: 21). ...
... This can be done through a double movement towards concreteness and inclusivity. Considering the more sub-stantial sociological critiques of the concept of genocide (Fein, 1990b;Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990;Hinton, 2002;Feierstein, 2014Feierstein, /2007 it is relevant to discuss a sociological concept of genocide, which may be labeled under the heading of genocide in the broadest sense, referring to the cases of massive violence against certain groups, their cultures and beliefs (be they groups created by the perpretators or by themselves). As Hinton (2002: 4-6) and Fein (1990b: 24) stated, what distinguishes genocide is that it is the intentional effort to annihilate a specific social group (whichever it may be). ...
Exterminismo • Genocidio • Teoría sociológica • Violencia Resumen El énfasis en la violencia simbólica o estructural y en los efectos del neoliberalismo está oscureciendo un tema de investigación urgente: la violencia física exterminista. Podríamos considerar añadir la violencia exterminista a otras violencias contemporáneas, como aquellas derivadas del giro neoliberal, para entender de manera más completa la modernidad y nuestro tiempo. A pesar del número de muertos en los últimos doscientos años y la extensión de la lógica violenta exterminista en nuestro tiempo, la violencia física parece haber desaparecido demasiado fácilmente de los esfuerzos por comprender el presente desde las ciencias sociales. Reconceptualizando el concepto de «exterminismo» de Frase y Thompson y considerando críticamente las investigaciones clásicas y contemporáneas sobre los genocidios y la violencia es posible generar una nueva agenda de investigación: una sociología del exterminismo. Abstract Emphasis on simbolic or structural violence and on the nowadays effects of neoliberalism are neglecting an urgent topic of research: exterminist physical violence. We may consider adding exterminist violence to other contemporary violences, as those derived from the neoliberal turn, to fully understand modernity and our own contemporary times. Despite the number of mortal victims in the last two hundred years and the extension of the exterminist violent logic within our times, physical violence seems to have disappeared too easily from the social sciences recent accounts of the present. Reframing Frase's and Thompson's concept of «exterminism» while considering contemporary research on genocides and violence may give birth to a new research agenda: a sociology of exterminism. Cómo citar Ribes, Alberto Javier (2019). «Teoría de la violencia exterminista. Sobre la centralidad de la violencia física legitimada». Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 167: 57-72. (http://dx.doi. org/10.5477/cis/reis.167.57) La versión en inglés de este artículo puede consultarse en http://reis.cis.es
... This animalistic dehumanization (Haslam, 2006) or infrahumanization (Leyens et al., 2000) is conveyed, for instance, in historical depictions of Black people as 'apes' or 'monkeys' (Kendi, 2016). Another example is that Jews and Bosnians were thought of as 'vermin' during their respective killings in the Holocaust and Srebrenica genocide (Chalk & Jonassohn, 1990;Kelman, 1973). The second form of dehumanization is referred to as mechanistic dehumanization, through which people are denied the qualities of human nature such as personal depth, emotional responsiveness and agency; thus, one would think of someone as an object, cold, lacking emotions and indifferent to most things. ...
... Predatory killing therefore offers a putative evolutionary forebear to warfare, with surplus killing the natural predecessor to human genocide. Chimpanzee killing reduces competitor populations (Goodall, 1986;Nishida, Hiraiwa-Hasegawa, Hasegawa, & Takahata, 1985;Williams, Lonsdorf, Wilson, Schumacher-Stankey, Goodall, & Pusey, 2008), and historical genocides, massacres, and slaughters are documented globally for diverse ethnicities (e.g., Chalk & Jonassohn, 1990;Flexner & Flexner, 2000;Kiernan, 2007;Las Casas, 1542Levene, 2000;Smith, 1975;Stannard, 1992;Thucydides, 1998;Thornton, 1987;Van de Mieroop, 2003;Waller, 2007;White, 2012a;2012b). ...
The divergence of Hominini and Panini from a common ancestor approximately 4-8 million years ago resulted in Homo sapiens sapiens' apparent uniqueness. An intergroup, intraspecific predatory niche is herein hypothesized to have driven many of the interdependent adaptations characterizing modern humanity. Hominini are species that systematically and collectively prey upon members of their own genera, paradoxically necessitating acute sociability, cranial expansion, and tool use as responses to both predatory tactics and prey defenses. Furthermore, the social dynamics of intergroup, intraspecific predation and its parasitic and parasitoid variants describe and predict important contemporary human responses in select individual and group contexts, including interpersonal cooperation and aggression, warfare, genocide, torture, slavery, and the rise of nations, states, and empires. The present account is a theoretical synthesis of data on human evolution with implications for psychology, anthropology, medicine, politics, economics, and interpersonal as well as interstate relations.
... Reyes (2016) asserts that by targeting their bodies as a spectacle of humiliation and violence, the war on drugs has banished 'criminals and addicts' outside the benefit of state protection and sends a political message of intimidation to the rest of the population. A genocide, for example, need not be based on the victims' characteristics such as race or ethnicity but based on categorical definitions constructed by the perpetrator (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990). Analyzing Duterte's speeches, government issuances, and news articles, Simangan (2018) qualifies the war on drugs as a genocide according to Gregory Stanton's stages of genocide: classification, symbolization, dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation, extermination, and denial. ...
The article problematizes state penality as a mechanism of repression of precarious workers through a war on drugs in the Philippines. The narratives of 27 arrested ‘drug personalities’ in Metro Manila tell of how methamphetamine energizes bodies and motivates minds for productive work. Bidding to be classified as willing and able workers and family men, the study’s participants orient to a moral stratification that pits the ‘moral versus immoral’ and the ‘hardworking versus lazy’. Qualifying their drug use as strategic and calculated, they uphold the neoliberal values of individual choice and accountability. Their support for the anti-drug campaign stems from their recognition of a drug problem and the socioemotional toll of the dysfunctions of living in the slums. While trade liberalization facilitates methamphetamine inflow, a war on drugs fuels an authoritarian populism. As the state reaffirms symbolic mission to protect its citizens, it blames precarity to a problem population.
... He admonishes us that the conditions that created Auschwitz still exist and so it could happen again (Bauman 2000, p. 11). He is lamentably right-at least five genocides have occurred since the Jewish Holocaust (Chalk and Jonassohn 1990). ...
This paper investigates border-making dynamics in the two political arenas where my subjectivity is most acutely implicated across time—the Jewish Holocaust (as an intergenerational victim) and the Aboriginal genocide (as an unwitting beneficiary). Albeit that there are many differences between the drivers of antisemitism and racism against Indigenous Australians, I investigate both of these racist structures through the lens of border-thinking as theorised by Walter Mignolo as a method of decolonisation (2006). The article has been formatted as an example of discursive border-crossing by juxtaposing theoretical ideas (particularly inspired by Zygmunt Bauman and Deborah Bird Rose) with interjections from my personal journal. I explore my own performative storytelling as a means for me to take responsibility to question power structures, acknowledge injustice, and to enact the potential for ethical dialogue between myself and others. This responsibility gestures to the possibility of border crossing as an ‘act of liberation’ that resides in the acknowledgement of historical injustices and their continued impact on both the beneficiaries and the victims of coloniality in the present.
... Chalk and Jonassohn define genocide as 'a form of one-sided mass killing in which a state or other authority intends to destroy a group and membership in it as defined by preparator' (Chalk and Jonassohn 1990). Curtin argues these definitions certainly fit to what is occurring to the Rohingyas today. ...
... Die kanadischen Genozidforscher F. Chalk und K. Jonassohn, die im Jahre 1979 mit der vergleichenden Genozidforschung begannen, zeigten sich sehr überrascht, dass es zum damaligen Zeitpunkt weltweit nur eine Handvoll Experten in diesem Bereich gab. 3 Dazu gehörte der amerikanische Soziologe I. L. Horowitz, dessen Monografie über die entscheidende Rolle der Staatsmacht beim Völkermord zu dem Zeitpunkt schon veröffentlicht war. 4 Des weiteren ist der US-amerikanische Soziologe und Historiker armenischer Herkunft W. Dadryan zu nennen, der seine bemerkenswerte Forschung über grundlegende Probleme des Phänomens des Völkermords damals bereits begonnen hatte, die er über ein Vierteljahrhundert später zum Abschluss brachte. 5 Zehn Jahre danach stellte der amerikanische Gelehrte W. K. Ezzel fest, dass es nur ein Dutzend theoretischer Arbeiten über Völkermord in englischer Sprache gab. ...
Die emotionalen und politischen Aspekte sowie die Komplexität des vielgestaltigen
Phänomens des Völkermordes erschweren eine wissenschaftlichtheoretische
Untersuchung und stellen ein erhebliches Hindernis für das Entwickeln
von systematisierenden Fragestellungen dar. In der Tat wurde bisher
noch keine allgemein anerkannte Theorie über Völkermord als konkretes historisches
Phänomen formuliert, die für die Mehrzahl der mit dem Thema befassten
Spezialisten akzeptabel wäre.
... In addition, the overseeing process is undertaken during the leader's term office. 9 As Asmaram point out, Buqqisuu (uprooting) was undertaken at different time in Borana by Gumii (Assembly) on Gadaa officials. He mentioned for instance, the case of Abbaa Gadaa Wale Wachu (Walee Waccuu) whose term office was from 1722 to 1730. ...
This article is about Oromo’s restless long walk struggle for freedom, equality, and democracy.
The article clearly shows the cruelty, inhumanity and horrific administration of Amharan-Tigray
tyrant/fascist/dictator governors against democratic and peace loving Oromo nation in the horn
of Africa. Also the article indicates that the restless and uninterrupted struggles of Oromo for
generations were not successful especial to addresses basic issues of self governance and
equitable representation. In other way Oromo’s colonized by Amhara-Tigray
tyrant/fascist/dictator governors unable to clear them out completely even though they are
fighting fiercely and restlessly for generations to ultimate victory. On the other side the article
mainly addresses the magnitude role of golden heroic Oromo youth (Qeerroo fi Qaarree) that
embrace the world because of its historic and irreversible victories over the
tyrant/fascist/genocider TPLF within a short period of time, and the consequences of its
victories. To addresses all these issues the writer as methods and materials mainly based on
analysis of secondary source of data and documents, and including the writers observation.
... Animalistic dehumanization is characterized by the denial of attributes that separate humans from animals, that is, perceiving someone as less civil, moral, or capable of higher order cognition, but still able to express emotion. This form of dehumanization typically arises at the intergroup level and is often discussed in the context of race and in situations dealing with immigration and genocide (Chalk & Jonassohn, 1990;Kelman, 1976). For example, immigrants are commonly compared to animals and infectious diseases, and Black players have been treated as apes and pummeled with bananas during European football games (McGowan & Gittings, 2014). ...
The current research examines the link between subjective preferences and humanity. Six studies (n = 2920) find that people dehumanize others who are perceived to lack subjective preference. Establishing the basic effect, a person without preferences is perceived as less human than someone with preferences, which is driven by the perception that the person lacks a distinct identity (Studies 1–4). The effect occurs regardless of whether the preference is positive or negative (Study 3) and is observed through measured (Studies 1–3) and manipulated distinctiveness (Study 4). Examining downstream consequences, a service representative lacking preference was evaluated more negatively, which was stronger for tasks requiring human mindfulness (i.e., creativity and emotion; Study 5). The dehumanization effect extends beyond person perception to negatively affect perceptions of the work a person produces (Study 6). Overall, the present article identifies a novel determinant of dehumanization and discusses implications for social interactions and impression management.
... Mucha y variada ha sido la doctrina que ha remarcado la veta eminentemente política que caracteriza el análisis de las causas que explican y motivan la perpetración de un genocidio (Chalk y Jonassohn, 1990;Fein, 1979;Bjornlund et al., 2005;Charny, 1994;Churchill, 1997). La esencia del genocidio es, por tanto, política, dimensión no recogida ni admitida por la Convención. ...
... Mucha y variada ha sido la doctrina que ha remarcado la veta eminentemente política que caracteriza el análisis de las causas que explican y motivan la perpetración de un genocidio (Chalk y Jonassohn, 1990;Fein, 1979;Bjornlund et al., 2005;Charny, 1994;Churchill, 1997). La esencia del genocidio es, por tanto, política, dimensión no recogida ni admitida por la Convención. ...
... In addition, the overseeing process is undertaken during the leader's term office. 9 As Asmaram point out, Buqqisuu (uprooting) was undertaken at different time in Borana by Gumii (Assembly) on Gadaa officials. He mentioned for instance, the case of Abbaa Gadaa Wale Wachu (Walee Waccuu) whose term office was from 1722 to 1730. ...
This article is about Oromo’s restless long walk struggle for freedom, equality, and democracy. The article clearly shows the cruelty, inhumanity and horrific administration of Amharan-Tigray tyrant/fascist/dictator governors against democratic and peace loving Oromo nation in the horn of Africa. Also the article indicates that the restless and uninterrupted struggles of Oromo for generations were not successful especial to addresses basic issues of self governance and equitable representation. In other way Oromo’s colonized by Amhara-Tigray tyrant/fascist/dictator governors unable to clear them out completely even though they are fighting fiercely and restlessly for generations to ultimate victory. On the other side the article mainly addresses the magnitude role of golden heroic Oromo youth (Qeerroo fi Qaarree) that embrace the world because of its historic and irreversible victories over the tyrant/fascist/genocider TPLF within a short period of time, and the consequences of its victories. To addresses all these issues the writer as methods and materials mainly based on analysis of secondary source of data and documents, and including the writers observation.
... By excluding their victims from the "universe of obligation" that defines our common humanity (Fein, 1990: 36), they did not view their acts as wrong or criminal. By placing their targets "outside the web of mutual obligation" (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990: 28), they were able to "morally disengage" (Bandura, 1999;Bandura et al., 1975) and so to feel no pity-stress, perhaps, but not pity-when they had to kill them. Researchers therefore made a significant leap by transferring the concept of dehumanization to the act of killing. ...
This article discusses the shared idea that dehumanization plays a fundamental role in mass killings, helping executioners in no longer perceiving as fellow human beings those they had to kill. Using perpetrators’ letters and judicial interrogations from German people involved in the War in the East between 1941 and 1944, the article questions what some of the killers say about their victims’ attitudes and actions, and their observations of them. It examines the recognition of attitudes of humanity by some of the executioners themselves and asks a simple question: What are we to do with these traces? The answer is that these last exchanges between some executioners and their victims deserve our attention because they compel us to argue that the executioners killed in spite of having sometimes recognized the humanity of their victims. Such an argument (killing nonetheless) has strong implications for interpretations of extreme violence.
The 1948 Genocide Convention is a vital legal tool in the international campaign against impunity. Its provisions, including its enigmatic definition of the crime and its pledge both to punish and to prevent the 'crime of crimes', have now been considered in important judgments by the International Court of Justice, the international criminal tribunals and domestic courts. Since the second edition appeared in 2009, there have been important new judgments as well as attempts to apply the concept of genocide to a range of conflicts. Attention is given to the concept of protected groups, to problems of criminal prosecution and to issues of international judicial cooperation, such as extradition. The duty to prevent genocide and its relationship with the doctrine of the 'responsibility to protect' are also explored.
The article examines the sociology of genocide as a new and important area of sociological research that emerged in response to numerous challenges related to mass violence, humanitarian crises, hate speech, and their devastating impact on modern societies. Special attention in the article is devoted to the Ukrainian context, particularly the experience of Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine, which is accompanied by numerous crimes that could be classified as acts of genocide. The authors analyze the reasons behind the insufficient development of this subject in Ukrainian academia. Among the key factors identified are the colonial legacy, which has restricted the development of the humanities for decades; the traumatic nature of such studies, which complicates scholars' work; and the lack of an interdisciplinary approach necessary for a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon. One of the key elements of the article is Gregory Stanton’s model, which describes ten stages of genocide organization—from classification to denial, the latter being the final stage of the process. The authors note that this model is not only a tool for analyzing historical events but also a powerful instrument for preventing crimes against humanity, as it allows for the identification of dangerous trends at early stages. At the same time, the article highlights some of the model’s shortcomings. The article also discusses potential post-genocide transformations in societies that have suffered catastrophic losses and the importance of overcoming them. A key aspect here is overcoming collective trauma, restoring social ties, addressing the consequences of the marginalization of victimized groups, and developing memorialization policies that help preserve the memory of these tragedies. Particular importance is given to Claudia Card's concept of social death, which provides a broader understanding of the impact of genocide on identity, cultural memory, and the life prospects of future generations. The authors emphasize the importance of deeply studying genocide in the Ukrainian context to develop effective reconciliation policies, protect the rights of vulnerable groups, form a strong national identity, preserve historical memory, and open pathways for further development of genocide sociology and deepening academic discussions.
Within the scholarly debates in political science and genocide studies, an increasingly prevailing view posits that the most adequate explanation for the occurrence of genocide is the strategic approach. According to this view, the main impetus behind the decision to use violence against civilians is not irrational barbarism but rational choices to realize strategic interests. However, how and under what circumstances genocide becomes a rational choice for aggressors in pursuing their strategic objectives has remained largely unexplored. Through a comparative analysis of the cases of Srebrenica and Khojaly, this study seeks to uncover the strategic, political, and ideological factors that underpin the rationale for genocide. The findings show that the viability of genocide as a low-risk option is underpinned by three interrelated factors. These are the recognition of the limited capacity of the victims to mount armed resistance, resulting in a reduced or negligible risk of counterattack; the awareness of the international community's reluctance to intervene; and the expectation that demographic transformation through ethnic cleansing and genocide could be preserved as a beneficial post-conflict resource.
The field of Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) was launched in the mid-twentieth century with revolutionary aspirations for explaining, describing and understanding protracted violent conflicts. The field’s architects called for inquiry into the “whole person” of conflict actors that required inquiry into the social, psychological and political spheres of their lives. But the proposed research perspectives for carrying out such inquiry were devoid of revolutionary prescription. Regarding such perspectives, they set the stage that continues to this day for disciplinary conservatism by invoking research traditions from the positivist social sciences and from the interpretative social sciences. A third research tradition that underpins certain areas of inquiry in PCS is Phronesis research, according to which the social sciences are fundamentally pragmatic endeavors that are organized around strategies to address pressing social and political challenges of society. Yet, importantly, Phronesis research has garnered little theoretical attention among conflict analysts. No conflict analyst has ever explicitly cited Phronesis as a basis of their research practice.
With this chapter, we offer the first theoretical reflection of Phronesis research in PCS. From this perspective, PCS constitutes forms of research praxis, that is, an objective inquiry into the critical conditions—personal, social, and political—for the liberation of conflict actors from the internal drives and external forces that lead to mass violence. Genocide Studies serves as a prototype of such praxis. After providing critical remarks about positivist and constructivist research traditions in the social sciences (section 1), we offer a short genealogy of social science as praxis, including the contributions of Critical Theorists of the Frankfurt School (section 2). We then present the defining elements of Phronesis research in the social sciences generally (section 3). Such elements are realized in the research praxis of Genocide Studies (section 4).
Genocidio es varias cosas al mismo tiempo: 1) un crimen codificado en la Convención de Naciones Unidas de 1948; 2) un término analítico desarrollado por académicos en distintas disciplinas; y, 3) un concepto vernacularizado que adoptan, habitan y despliegan de diversas formas individuos, grupos de víctimas y actores políticos. En los usos del término anida siempre una paradoja que me propongo desgranar en este artículo. Por un lado, permite que quienes sufrieron la violencia se reconozcan, nombren, y se entiendan como parte de una historia común. Facilita la visibilización y articulación de demandas de justicia y reparación al grupo que ha sido objeto de persecución. Sin embargo, en la medida que el crimen genocida conlleva necesariamente la designación de un grupo perpetrador y un grupo víctima, su recuerdo naturaliza y perpetúa en el tiempo las arbitrarias demarcaciones creadas o exacerbadas por los ideólogos y ejecutores de la violencia (por ejemplo: «alemanes» y «judíos, «hutus» y «tutsis», «serbios» y «bosnios»). Este ensayo introduce la historia del concepto y explora sus efectos sobre subjetividades, la transmisión intergeneracional y las relaciones inter-grupales.
---- This book is available open access: https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-mono/10.4324/9781003202158/epistemic-injustice-genocide-denialism-melanie-altanian ----
The injustice of genocide denial is commonly understood as a violation of the dignity of victims, survivors, and their descendants, and further described as an assault on truth and memory. This book rethinks the normative relationship between dignity, truth, and memory in relation to genocide denial by adopting the framework of epistemic injustice.
This framework performs two functions. First, it introduces constructive normative vocabulary into genocide scholarship through which we can gain a better understanding of the normative impacts of genocide denial when it is institutionalized and systematic. Second, it develops and enriches current scholarship on epistemic injustice with a further, underexplored case study. Genocide denialism is relevant for political and social epistemology, as it presents a substantive epistemic practice that distorts normativity and social reality in ways that maintain domination. This generates pervasive ignorance that makes denial rather than recognition of genocide appear as the morally and epistemically right thing to do. By focusing on the prominent case of Turkey’s denialism of the Armenian genocide, the book shows the serious consequences of this kind of epistemic injustice for the victim group and society as a whole.
The Epistemic Injustice of Genocide Denialism will appeal to students and scholars working in social, political, and applied epistemology, social and political philosophy, genocide studies, Armenian studies, and memory studies.
Evil affects human beings and society at large. From ancient times onward, philosophers, theologians, and leaders in the East and West have been wrestling with the question of the nature of evil and its impact on the world. From the dawn of civilization, great thinkers have been intrigued by the concept of evil, its nature, existence, and effects on the civilization of life. The analysis of evil has thrived around polarizing concepts such as Good versus Evil, God versus Satan, Individual versus State, Light versus Darkness, and Flesh versus Spirit. Like many animals, human beings experience violence, fear, loss, and pain. Yet, they are the only species able to reflect on those experiences, name the sources of evil, and create various understandings of the nature of evil. Tracing the notions of the nature of evil from various perspectives, such as historical, philosophical, religious, and spiritual, enables one to appreciate the complexity and multifaceted approach toward grasping the nature of evil and ways to overcome it with spiritual intelligence. Understanding the nature of evil will help us to find creative and effective ways of overcoming evil and thus pave the way for the flourishing of goodness.
In this article ethnic cleansings and genocides — as general social facts, which have very similar roots — are analysed and explained by constructing the draft general model. The model of the process of ethnic cleansings and genocides escalation includes six elements: chauvinist mobilization, mass hostility, security dilemma, myths, emotions (positive, e.g. pride, and negative, e.g. fears) and public discourse (author refers to Stuart J. Kaufman’s model of processes of ethnic conflict escalation). There are two variants of this process: elite-led and mass-led. The keys to explanation on the origin of ethnic cleansings and genocides are myths and emotions, which drive people to hostilities. Therefore, important part of the text are considerations on sociology of genocidal emotions.
Although genocide is an expression commonly used today in relation to the dramatic challenges faces by indigenous peoples around the world, the significance of the Guarani–Kaiowa genocidal experience is not casual and cannot be merely sloganised. The indigenous genocide unfolding in the Brazilian State of Mato Grosso do Sul – Kaiowcide – is not just a case of hyperbolic violence or widespread murdering, but it is something qualitatively different from other serious crimes committed against marginalised, subaltern communities. Kaiowcide is actually the reincarnation of old genocidal practices of agrarian capitalism employed to extend and unify the national territory. In other words, Kaiowcide has become a necessity of mainstream development, whilst the sanctity of regional economic growth and private rural property are excuses invoked to justify the genocidal trail. The phenomenon combines strategies and procedures based on the competition and opposition between groups of people who dispute the same land and the relatively scarce social opportunities of an agribusiness-based economy. Many lessons must be learned and could directly contribute to improve democracy, justice and the rule of law in the country.
In diesem Kapitel wird erörtert, warum Spanien während der Inquisition die Kriterien für ein totalitäres Land erfüllt, Frankreich während der Inquisition jedoch nicht. In ähnlicher Weise wird erörtert, warum Deutschland während der Nazizeit die Definition von Totalitarismus erfüllt, Schweden jedoch nicht.
Following times of great conflict and tragedy, many countries implement programs and policies of transitional justice, none more extensive than in post-genocide Rwanda. Placing Rwanda's transitional justice initiatives in their historical and political context, this book examines the project undertaken by the post-genocide government to shape the collective memory of the Rwandan population, both through political and judicial reforms but also in public commemorations and memorials. Drawing on over two decades of field research in Rwanda, Longman uses surveys and comparative local case studies to explore Rwanda's response both at a governmental and local level. He argues that despite good intentions and important innovations, Rwanda's authoritarian political context has hindered the ability of transnational justice to bring the radical social and political transformations that its advocates hoped. Moreover, it continues to heighten the political and economic inequalities that underline ethnic divisions and are an important ongoing barrier to reconciliation.
The genocide of indigenous peoples is one of the most evident attributes of the ever-expanding agribusiness, as it releases land, labour and resources then used for the production of commodities and the circulation of capital. Contemporary genocides actualise and maintain processes characterised by intense violence, given that the underlying logic of agribusiness seems to be ‘let’s end everything before everything ends’. The genocidal basis of colonisation continues, therefore, to evolve in order to meet the present-day needs of an agri-food sector dominated by corporations, land speculators and banks (rentier capital).
El presente trabajo propone una nueva perspectiva biopoética en los estudios cognitivos del texto "La Deshumanización del Arte" (1925) del filósofo modernista español José Ortega y Gasset. Dentro de este espacio temporal hubo una gran influencia en el pensamiento mundial sobre los conceptos de ARTE, CULTURA, HUMANO, PROGRESO. Las referencias directas las encontramos en autores estadounidenses como T.S. Eliot y en autores españoles, especialmente del Grupo Poético de 1927, e indirectamente en los trabajos artísticos.
This project proposes a new method in the cognitive analysis of the concept HUMAN as it is embodied in the thoughts of the Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset, and lexicalized in his essay "the dehumanization of art". The HUMAN element is here understood through cognitive mappings of metaphorical and metonymic projections. We will try to show the importance of the concept DEHUMANIZATION and its application to the notion of social evolution in the 21st century.
Bir hedef grubu yok etmeye yönelik belirli bir kasıt üzerine gerçekleştirilen ve Uluslararası Ceza Hukuku’nda işlenen suçlar arasında en ağırı olma niteliğini haiz olan soykırım suçu, başta etnik, inanç ve siyasi temelli işlenen imha fiilleri olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Birçok farklı etken sebebi ile sosyal topluluklara yönelik gerçekleştirilen saldırılar, bireylerin psikolojik yapıları bağlamında aşağılayıcı, fiziksel bütünlüklerine yönelik ise her türlü vahşet ediminin sergilendiği ve insanlık suçu olarak addedilen soykırım, insan hakları ihlalleri ile birlikte, toplumların sosyal, ekonomik ve siyasal düzenlerini zayıf düşürmeye yönelik tahrip edici eylemler bütünüdür. Kültür, etnik köken, kimlik, inanç ve soy birliğine dahil olan toplumların sosyal düzenlerini tehlikeye düşürme ve dahi varlıklarını yok etmeye yönelik eylemler bütününü oluşturan soykırım suçu, uluslararası hukuka karşı işlenen suçlar olarak kategorize edilmektedir. Toplumlara karşı işlenen soykırım vahşeti, uluslarüstü bir tehlikeyi de beraberinde getirmektedir. Çatışma, savaş, toplu imha, katliam, etnik temizlik ve insanlık suçu gibi pek çok terim ile ifade edilen soykırım kavramı, insanlık tarihine koşut olarak gerçekleştirilen, kendilerinden olmayanlar ile çatışma süreçleri neticesinde ortaya çıkan imha fiilleri olmasına rağmen, bir suç olarak addedilmesi 20. yüzyıla tekabül etmektedir. 21. yüzyılda, yaşadığımız dönemin en büyük mezalimlerinden biri olan Srebrenica Boşnak Soykırımı, Avrupa coğrafyasının mihver bölgesinde, salt İslam inancına mensup olmaları sebebi ile Müslüman Boşnaklara dair gerçekleştirilen ve tüm insanlığın soğukkanlılık ile tanıklık ettiği bir katliamdır. Günümüzde Batı Balkan ülkeleri olarak addedilen, eski Yugoslavya vatandaşları arasında çoğunluğu oluşturan, askeri, ekonomik ve siyasi gücü uhdelerinde barındıran Sırp etnik kökenine mensup güçler tarafından kendilerinden farklı olduklarına inandıkları Müslüman Boşnaklar üzerinde gerçekleştirilen ve tarihe Bosna Savaşı (1992-1995) sürecinde işlenen Srebrenica Boşnak Soykırımına dair literatürde eksikliği hissedilen çalışmalara duyulan ihtiyaç, Srebrenica Boşnak Katliamını irdeleme motivasyonunu doğurmuştur. Nefret söyleminin yarattığı dönüşümün sorgulanması, çokkültürlülük süreçlerinin değişiminin tespit edilmesi noktasında önem arz etmektedir. Çalışmanın temel konusunu oluşturan Srebrenica Boşnak Soykırımı’nın nefret söylemi bağlamında incelenme motivasyonu, dönemin şartları ve tarafların yapıları ile temellendirilerek, literatüre katkı sağlama çabasından kaynaklanmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Nefret söylemi, Srebrenica, Soykırım, Etnik temizlik, Boşnak, Balkan.
MAIN FACT THAT FORMS THE BASIS FOR BOSNIAK GENOCIDE IN SREBRENICA: HATE SPEECH
The crime of genocide, which is committed with a specific intent to destroy a target group and is the most serious crime among the crimes committed in International Criminal Law, is defined as acts of destruction firstly committed on ethnic, religious and political grounds. Genocide, which means attacks against social communities because of various different factors, humiliating within the context of the psychological structure of individuals, all kinds of atrocities that are exhibited against the physical integrity of individuals, is considered a crime against humanity, and set of actions that determines weakening the social, economic and political order of societies. The crime of genocide, which consists of actions that intend to endanger the social order and even destroy the existence of societies included in the unity of culture, ethnicity, identity, belief and family roots, is categorized as crimes against international law. Atrocity of genocide committed against societies leads to international danger. The concept of genocide, which is described with many terms such as conflict, war, mass destruction, massacre, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, was considered a crime only in the 20th century, although there had been acts of destruction that occurred as a result of conflict processes with those who had been different from them. In the 21st century, the Srebrenica Genocide, one of the greatest atrocities of the era we live in, is a massacre perpetrated against Muslim Bosnians in the Axis region of the European geography due to their only Islamic faith, and witnessed by all humanity in cold blood. The need for studies on the Srebrenica Genocide that was registered as The Bosnian War (1992-1995), which was carried out on Muslim Bosniaks whom they believed to be different from themselves, by forces connected to Serbian ethnic origin, who had military, economic and political power, and formed the majority among Yugoslav citizens during the breakup process of the former Yugoslavia that is considered as the Western Balkan countries today, led to the motivation to study Srebrenica Genocide which was committed during the ethnic-based war process. To question the transformation caused by hate speech is important in determining the change in multicultural processes. The motivation to examine the Srebrenica Genocide within the context of hate speech, which constitutes the main subject of the study, derives from the effort to contribute to the literature based on the conditions of the period and the structures of the parties.
Keywords: Hate speech, Srebrenica, Genocide, Ethnic cleansing, Bosnian, Balkan.
Numerous issues ranging from the absence of justice, religious violence and dehumanization are significant in light of the illegitimate allegations of Western nations. Human quest for some identities is seen as a legitimate right, as it is imbued with religious teachings; some people believe it is a key towards their social identification and national sovereignty; while in a time it is seen by others as step towards the process of dehumanization. In this regard, it is necessary to know about the very reasons behind this bias judgment. This sense of bigotry, vis-à-vis the Islamic foundations, remains in place as long as the misunderstanding of Islam exists. Therefore, Islamic sovereignty becomes subject to misinterpretations and connotations. In reality, Islam promotes peace and justice as it preserves human essence through its teachings. The problem is, therefore, how Islam can contribute to the explanation of human relationships within a world where human beings are classified and differentiated. This vertical conception of human beings' nature denies the specific properties that define individual identities and/or collective identities. What is prompt to discuss is the collective mental endeavour to understand how human beings behave in relation to one another. This end would pose the question of how could Islam be read and adequately interpreted to reach a religious compromise since that people all over the world do not forcibly share the same religion. Yet to have a human society, based on human values and to have a collective horizontal human identity beyond any other non-human considerations, it would be important to infuse human mind with the idea that individuals are the spine of society and that the latter is the natural form of being of human individuals.
In recent years, genocide scholars have given greater attention to the dangers posed by climate change for increasing the prevalence or intensity of genocide. Challenges related to forced migration, resource scarcity, famine, and other threats of the Anthropocene are identified as sources of present and future risk, especially for those committed to genocide prevention. We approach the connection between the natural and social aspects of genocide from a different angle. Our research emanates out of a North American Indigenous studies and new materialist rather than Euro-genocide studies framework, meaning we see the natural and the social (or cultural) as inseparable, deeply imbricated, phenomena. We argue that those entities designated natural are often engaged in co-constitutive relations with the social and cultural groups that are the focus of genocide studies. Simply put, groups become what they are through interaction—or symbiogenesis—with their natural world(s). Symbiogenetic destruction, then, is the destruction of this symbiogenesis. We use this term to draw attention to how relations with more-than-human entities are integral components of the ongoing formation of group life, and how they are put at risk by genocide. In particular, we examine testimony that centers on the relationship between Khmer people and rice, including rice cultivation and consumption, as it was impacted by the Khmer Rouge. In so doing, we highlight the cultural consequences of social/natural death in the Cambodian genocide.
This article describes the characteristics and scale of Francoist repression in Spain and analyses the potential interpretation of the mass killings of people with leftist ideology as an act of genocide in accordance with the provisions of international law. Focus is placed on the difficulties associated with the inclusion of political groups in the category of genocide victims, and the possibility of a broader interpretation of this categorization is defended. Furthermore, the present study emphasizes the influence of the positivist trend on the configuration of Francoist criminal policy and provides evidence that allows Francoist repression to be considered as genocide in full accordance with international law.
Artykuł mieści się w paradygmacie socjologii historycznej i genocide studies. Omówiono w nim pięć nieformalnych instytucji gwałtu, wyróżnionych na podstawie komparatystyki historycznej dziesięciu przypadków: (1) gwałt jako nagroda dla żołnierzy i innych bojowników; (2) gwałt jako mechanizm inicjacji żołnierzy, integracji grupy zbrojnej oraz dowodzenia męskości przez walczących; (3) gwałt jako instytucja ofensywna, mająca dwie główne funkcje: (3.1) symbolicznego ataku na grupę obcą oraz (3.2) zwiększenia kosztów grupy obcej (leczenia kobiet, wychowania niechcianych dzieci itd.); (4) gwałt jako mechanizm czystki etnicznej; (5) gwałt jako mechanizm ludobójstwa. Wymienione typy dotyczą instytucji, a zatem kulturowo ustanowionych wartości i norm, które określają akceptowane cele i sposoby ich osiągania, osadzone w subkulturze określonych organizacji (armii, policji, bojówek partyjnych itd.). Nie każdy gwałt zależy od wymienionych instytucji. W tym sensie gwałty mogą być postrzegane przez członków danej organizacji jako uprawnione lub nieuprawnione. Sprawcy mogą też odczuwać instytucjonalny przymus, aby zaangażować się w gwałcenie ofiar.
Purpose: The paper seeks to demonstrate that genocide is not a phenomenon marginal to the world of management and organizations, but one from which these disciplines stand to learn a lot and one to which they must contribute their own insights.
Approach: A historical and sociological review of some of the voluminous literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust.
Findings: Genocide is a highly organized process, requiring bureaucratic resources to initiate, sustain and, often, cover it up. It generates resistance and compliance, it makes use of material and social technologies, it is imbued with its own cultural values and assumptions and calls for its own morbid innovations and problem solving. Genocide requires the collaboration of numerous formal organizations, including armies, suppliers, intelligence and other services, but also informal networks and groups.
Limitations: Given the vast literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust, obviously only a small sample of crucial texts were reviewed and cited. All the same, they are enough to demonstrate that democide is not carried out by sadistic maniacs or by impersonal bureaucrats in line with the banality of evil hypothesis. It is carried out by organizational members, managing and problem-solving realities whose horrors do not impede them in their decision making.
Practical implications: At the same time, the authors argue that genocide cannot be studied outside historiography and that doing so leads to all kinds of gravely mistaken conclusions, even when theorized by distinguished scholars like Arendt and Bauman.
Originality: The article debunks some widely espoused theories of genocide, including the adiaphorization and banality of evil theses.
For holistic accounts of past and present genocides to exist, the production of critical geographies of genocide, produced at the interface of human and physical geography, is vital. The emergent area of critical physical geography (CPG) scholarship stands to provide such holistic accounts in addition to providing genocide studies with a much‐needed geographic perspective. One that is grounded in the lived material realities and social relations produced by the material interactions humans have with their environments. With the land, water, and people of Democratic Kampuchea and contemporary Cambodia as subjects, this work demonstrates how a grounded, empirical CPG approach enhances our understanding of genocide and its aftermath. By examining processes of landscape transformation we suggest that violence, agriculture, and water in the context of Cambodia cannot be considered separate “social” or “natural” components of systems that are either exclusively geopolitical or physiographic. Rather, we emphasize the importance of understanding genocide and violence as internally related to the wider geomorphology—and resulting hydrology and agricultural landscape—produced under the Khmer Rouge. Our approach here has two important consequences. First, the resultant empirical knowledge serves to reinterpret how the Cambodian genocide happened, upending normative myths by demonstrating that the Khmer Rouge consistently acted with intentionality in devaluing human life to the point of mass death while transforming physical landscapes to modernize and enter the global capitalist economy. This reinterpretation serves as a framework for reinterpreting how other genocides may also be stories of continuity and acceleration, rather than aberrant rupture. Second, that our CPG approach communicates to genocide studies the need to better situate genocides within their material‐geographic contexts. Specifically, that paying close attention to how humans live and die socio‐politically, relative to the changing physical landscapes around them, can yield significant insights into how and why genocides continue to happen.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the reasons, consequences and remedies of intellectual
deviation from Islamic teachings. The intellectual deviation is a thought that is not binding on
religious rules, social norms and discipline, meaning that it is an extraordinary thought that
separates society from good traditions, and Islam is Hanif and great. It is against the teachings of
values; And this makes clear that Ideological deviation is a violation of collective belief, it does not
have the value of moral values, nor does it have cultural dominance. It is the emergence of
moderation and moderation, either leading to extremes and violence in religion or leading to
excesses and reductions in Shariah obligations. It separates from social life; Because one has ideas
and opinions, and he opposes the ideas prevalent in society. It is against Islam, because the
moderation and moderation that Islam calls for is not stopped, nor is the payment of Shariah
obligations, and the distance from the prohibitions. This article consists on introduction, research
methodology, data analysis and the conclusion.
“National group” is one of four victim groups that is explicitly protected by international criminal law from genocide. At the core of any genocide lies an element of identity. Yet, the fixed group categories that the law provides for seemingly do not conform to the fluidity of group identities. Is the law at all able to account for identity fault lines? By recourse to research on identity construction and otherness, this article argues that the interpretation of the law of genocide can benefit, structurally and legally, from insight into the forces at work before a genocide erupts. In recognizing the perpetrator’s definitional power over the victim group, the courts should increasingly focus their investigation into the mind of the génocidaires and their perception of the national victim group. In addition to discussing the dynamics of intergroup conflicts leading up to a genocide, this article also looks at the jurisprudence of criminal courts on the issues of nationality, national groups, and national identity for the crime of genocide.
This book was written from February to September 2020 (informed by ongoing research projects) as an analysis of the genocidal violence perpetrated against indigenous peoples in Brazil and, specifically, towards the Guarani-Kaiowa (the indigenous groups most severely affected by land grabbing, homicides, suicides and sheer misery). The idea of the book emerged after the election of the neo-fascist President Bolsonaro and was consolidated after the spread of Covid-19 pandemic among the indigenous population. The publication contextualizes those recent developments (Bolsonaro and Coronavirus) in the wider historical and geographical trajectory of the Guarani-Kaiowa since the 17th century. Although the publication does not target an academic audience only, it has one full chapter on the meaning and reinterpretations of genocide and indigenous genocide, which also proposes a new conceptualization. The ongoing indigenous genocide is defined as ‘Kaiowcide’, in place since the 1970s, when the Guarani-Kaiowa mobilized a reaction to land grabbing and oppression in the final years of the military dictatorship. The reaction to grassroots mobilization came in the form of Kaiowcide and it coincides with the consolidation of an agribusiness-based economy. Instead of merely describing the genocidal tragedy, the focus is on the life through genocide and trying to collectively go beyond it.
(First page) "Primeiro ‘eles’ vieram para escravizar, cristianizar e controlar as pessoas que viviam no centro do continente sul-americano e entre os grandes rios. ‘Eles’ eram muito estranhos, com armas perigosas e pesados crucifixos, temperamento agitado e apetites insaciáveis. As pessoas sabiam que viviam no centro da parte mais importante do mundo, mas ‘eles’ eram muito ignorantes e não conseguiam entender. Empunhado esses papéis, ‘eles’ forçaram as pessoas a deixar a terra, expulsaram os espíritos sagrados e confinaram todos em espaços microscópicos. Um grupo dessas pessoas do centro do continente adotou um nome novo e lindo – Kaiowá – como uma espécie de segundo batismo e que serviu para diferenciá-los um pouco dos seus irmãos, as outras famílias Guarani que também viviam no centro do continente. O povo entendeu que as coisas haviam mudado muito e que havia novos chefes para fazer cumprir o que estava impresso em seus muitos livros de regras. ‘Eles’ continuaram tristes e zangados, cada vez mais agressivos com as pessoas do centro do continente, que apesar de tudo ainda estavam lá, observando, sentindo e pensando muito seriamente sobre o que lhes havia acontecido."
This article re-conceptualises genocide on indigenous peoples by disentangling its cultural dimensions. Extractive and similar operations gradually deteriorate lands and environment, exerting severe impacts on territorial rights, eventually on their physical and cultural annihilation. The article approaches the crime of genocide in both its physical and cultural dimensions, demanding its integration into IHRL and criminal law. Recent ethnographic research in Bolivia and Colombia demonstrates how indigenous peoples are gradually exposed to genocidal policies despite strong legal frameworks. Such rights materialise in the form of prior consultation, land rights, prohibition of forced relocation and maintaining of organisational and decision-making procedures.
This article presents a theoretical reflection on genocidal processes. In the first place, we will propose the compatibility of the paradigm of permission with the paradigm of obedience, which would allow us to talk about tolerated genocidal acts, encouraged genocidal acts, and actively pursued genocidal acts. As we open up to the paradigm of permission this would lead us to challenge the explanations which regard genocidal processes as ruptures from civilization, from the moral order, and from the logic in everyday life in modern societies. It will be argued, in second place, that a paradigm of continuities would allow us to explore genocidal processes in a more accurate way. We will go on, then, in our third section, to the details of three processes which operate both in genocidal processes and in everyday life in modern societies: the categorization and construction of ‘others’, the construction of weakness, and the construction of superfluity.
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