No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
The History and Sociology of Genocide. Analyses and Case Studies
The British Journal of Sociology
... It also provided traction for prosecutors seeking justice through the international legal system (Schneiderhan 2013: 284;Boghossian 2010: 70). Lemkin's United Nations' definition remains widely accepted, even canonical, despite growing concerns over its limitations (see for example: Tatz and Higgins 2016: 27-32;Kuper 1981;Chalk and Jonassohn 1990;Herman andPeterson 2010). One limitation of this definition is its perceived exclusion of political groups (and therefore tends to exclude 'cultural genocide'). ...
... The sociological and anthropological approach studies various kinds of societies and they deal with genocide and genocidal actions primarily in terms of how ethnicities are constructed and then mobilised to eventually eliminate and murder people designated as the 'other' (Jones 2016: 423;Walliman and Dobkowski 2000: xii;Dadrian 1975: 201;Chalk and Jonassohn 1990;Kiernan 2007). Debates concentrate on the identity of the target group, the scope of acts deemed genocide, the identity of the perpetrator, the distinction among types of genocide and whether or how to distinguish their intent (Fein 2009: 44). ...
... As many have observed (see for example : Fein 1979: 7;Fein 1993: 9;Bauman 2003;Arendt 1979;Smith 2000 andChalk andJonassohn 1990) genocide is an act of the State, which means that firstly control of the state machine is critical and that the absence of limits on the controllers is a precondition for its commission. In The Kingdom and the Church, Agamben claims "the foundation of politics is not sovereignty, but government, it is not the king, but the minister, it is not the law, but the police, while 'the modern state' is that which takes upon itself this 'double structure of the governmental machine'" (Agamben 2011: 142). ...
Genocide is a complex, multi-faceted phenomenon. Scholars disagree as to what should be properly encompassed by the term, but even when it is agreed that genocide has in fact occurred the explanations for its occurrence are contested. The primary argument of this thesis is that the current prevailing theories of genocide, whilst undeniably relevant, do not provide an overarching, fully encompassing analysis of genocide. Much of this current scholarship takes the Holocaust as both the historical phenomenon and paradigm for defining and explaining genocide. However, this thesis aims to develop an alternative approach by focusing on two recent examples of genocide from the late twentieth century: Rwanda in 1994 and the Bosnian War from 1992-1995. The currently dominant international interpretation of these two genocides is that they are to be understood in terms of ‘primordial conflict’ and ‘ancient ethnic hatreds’ where one or both are posited as being in large part to blame for these conflicts. While this thesis pays due heed to this interpretation it moves away from it to develop an analysis that explores genocide from a biopolitical perspective.
To do this, the thesis argues for an explanatory approach based on the biopolitical works of Italian political philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, in particular Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (1998), as well as his texts Remnants of Auschwitz (2002) and State of Exception (2005). The thesis critically examines Agamben’s biopolitical approach, paying particular attention to his concepts of ‘bare life’, ‘homo sacer’, the ‘state of exception’ and the ‘camp’. It develops a biopolitical framework for understanding and evaluating the genocides in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina. While the thesis draws on these two events of the late twentieth century to illustrate its arguments, the focus is not solely a study of genocide as such, as it is not concerned with solving the ‘problem’ of genocide. Nor is its concern to argue that Agamben’s theories enable a determination of the ‘correct causes’ of modern genocide. Rather, the analysis developed in this thesis is concerned to argue that an Agambenian approach has the explanatory power to help us understand genocide as a phenomenon of biopolitical power relations. In so doing the thesis aims to provide a more inclusive analysis and understanding of genocide.
This study provides a number of contributions to both biopolitical theory and genocide scholarship. Whilst aiming to develop a more holistic analysis of genocide it demonstrates a link between ‘ethnic cleansing’ and biopolitics, something that is not focussed on by Agamben. This thesis demonstrates the value of Agamben’s biopolitical theory for developing an approach, an Agambenian framework, that can enhance our understanding of the twin phenomena of ‘ethnic cleansing’ and genocide. By focussing on the more ‘recent’ genocides of Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this thesis demonstrates that an Agambenian approach can in fact advance our capacity to make sense of the phenomenon of genocide and the complexities surrounding it.
... With the contributions from Kuper (1982), Fein (1990) and the book by Chalk and Jonassohn (1990) over these two decades, the sociology of genocides reached its maturity. The works by these authors are the foundational books of the sub-discipline. ...
... Furthermore, Fein, in alignment with Dadrian, stated that the victims pose no threat. Chalk and Jonassohn (1990) presented a particularly interesting definition of genocide, as they held a non-essentialist view of the social groups that unfortunately became victims. Thus, for them, genocide is: ...
The objective of this article is to present a panoramic image of the sociology of genocides, from its origins to the present. The fundamental thesis defended is that the sociology of genocide would be today reaching a level of maturity that makes it an increasingly thriving and already well-established subdiscipline. Combining the obedience paradigm with the permission paradigm seems a promising option for future research. The assumption that there are two concepts of genocide, the legal concept of genocide and the sociological concept of genocide, allows us to broaden the cases to be considered and to include, in a very primary way, cases of political violence and colonial cases. Palabras clave Genocidio • Teoría social • Teoría sociológica • Violencia • Violencias colectivas Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una imagen panorámica de la sociología de los genocidios, desde sus orígenes hasta el presente. La tesis fundamental que se defiende es que la sociología de los genocidios estaría alcanzando, hoy en día, un nivel de maduración que la convierte en una subdisciplina cada vez más pujante y ya bien asentada. La combinación del paradigma de la obediencia con el paradigma del permiso parece una opción prometedora para futuras investigaciones. Asumir que existen dos conceptos de genocidio, el concepto jurídico de genocidio y el concepto sociológico de genocidio, permite ensanchar los casos a considerar e incluir de una manera muy principal a los casos de violencias políticas y los casos coloniales.
... Mais, la situation des Islamistes est plus grave parce qu'ils n'ont pas autant d'avantages et de défenseurs, que les Chrétiens. Pour sauver l'Etat de la destruction, l'auteur propose d'établir un système « libre », « légitime » et convenable, lequel éliminerait l'oppression, satisfaisant toutes les espérances des sujets, malgré leur appartenance religieuse et rétablirait l'ancienne harmonie178 . En général, entre les approches de Mustafa Fazil Pacha et les autres « Nouveaux Ottomans », il n'y a pas de grande différence. ...
... M., p. 65. 177 Z. Şakir, Büyük Türk inkılâbı. İstanbul, 1956, s. 68-78.178 Ibid., s.70-72. ...
Dans la monographie, les programmes de génocide dans l'Empire ottoman sont étudiés de manière approfondie dans la perspective d’études théoriques du génocide. Le livre est destiné aux spécialistes et pour des cercles plus larges de lecture publique.
... L'auteur, dans un deuxième temps, fait des liens entre le contexte politique de l'État nazi et l'organisation bureaucratique de l'État alle-mand qui ont présidé à l'Holocauste, le génocide réputé emblématique de tous les génocides depuis. Les études de la Shoah (Bass, 2000 ; Bauman, 2000 ; Chalk et Jonassohn, 1990 ; Power, 2002 ; Ratner et Abrams, 2001) peuvent par exemple être pensées en lien avec une autre théorie criminologique qui rationalise l'agir criminel de groupe à partir de la thèse de l'association différentielle. Selon cette thèse, chaque individu apprend à voir la réalité conformément à l'idéologie collective du groupe et intègre des techniques de neutralisation des interdits qui permettent de concevoir ses gestes criminels dans le groupe en dissociation de la moralité générale de la société. ...
... D'ailleurs, le concept a donné lieu à l'examen rétrospectif de cas historiques pour en faire une lecture nouvelle ; on a ainsi parlé de génocide au sujet du massacre des habitants de Mélos par les Grecs au V e siècle av. J.-C., de l'extermination des Amérindiens en Amérique du Nord et au sujet du massacre des Arméniens lors de la Première Guerre mondiale (Chalk et Jonassohn, 1990). Chose certaine, depuis les massacres survenus en ex-Yougoslavie et au Rwanda, d'autres massacres, anciens et nouveaux, sont dénoncés comme étant des « génocides » dans les protestations publiques, parfois en dissociation de toute vérité historique ou vérifi cation empirique et indépendamment de toute forme de reconnaissance judiciaire de cette dénomination, pourrions-nous ajouter. ...
... Религиозная группа -объединение людей, целью которого является совместное исповедание, распространение веры и поклонение. 4 The victim of the act is therefore a member of a group, chosen as such as, which, hence, means that the victim of the crime of genocide is the group itself and not only the individual. The prosecutor versus Jean-Paul Akayesu, Judgement, ICTR, chamber I, ICTR-96-4, 1998, para 521. 5 Thus, the victim is chosen not because of his individual identity, but rather on account of his membership of a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. ...
The article investigates on the history and context of the development and origin of the concept of genocide in international law, its codification and establishment as an international crime. The evolution of the crime of genocide in international instruments and in practice is also analyzed. The content of the crime the crime of genocide is analyzed in accordance with the general theory of international criminal law, as well as the Russian theory of criminal law. Also, great attention is being paid to the need to refine the normative definition of genocide, especially at the international level, to include other groups that may be targeted members of the genocide and identified groups affected by the genocide, to facilitate the interpretation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, in particular its 2-nd article containing the Convention’s definition of genocide. Attempts by some foreign countries to improve the barrowed definition of genocide in national criminal laws are under consideration, and the conclusion proposes legal mechanisms to fill the gaps in the definition of genocide in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
... Roth's analysis on the "Logic of Racism" as he states: 112 Racial differentiation, usually traceable ultimately to physical differences such as skin color, has typically entailed distinction between superiority and inferiority. Attempts to justify such distinctions have often appealed to "nature" or to allegedly corroborations, but deeper inquiry into their origins indicates that such appeals have been rationalizations and legitimations for conceptual frameworks that have been constructed to ensure hegemonies of one kind or another. ...
... Neste último caso, os principais estudosos do xenocidio que tenden a expandir a temporalidade e espacialidade da aplicación do concepto, inclúen nas súas análises de xeito frecuente os casos do exterminio dos pobos orixinarios de América -sexa no contexto amplo da colonización do continente dende 1492 ou xa no marco concreto das prácticas das novas repúblicas americanas do século XIX-, e tamén os casos sinalados da poboación orixinaria de Tasmania ou a violencia exercida contra os hereros e namaqua nos albores do século XX. Diversos elementos conflúen nestas prácticas de exterminio coloniais, que inclúen os elementos devanditos de homoxeneización e tamén as teorías de superioridade racial que as xustifican (Chalk e Jonassohn, 1990). ...
... Waytz et al. (2010) explains that individuals can be dehumanized animalistically by denying them of agency human abilities, like planning and thinking. Animalistic dehumanization usually occurs at the intergroup level (studied mostly in non-workplace settings) and has been linked to situations of race, immigration and genocide (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990;Kelman, 1973). Bandura (1999) suggests that people rationalize their prejudice and discrimination toward out-groups through dehumanization. ...
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to examine the mediating effect of psychological well-being between organizational dehumanization and two outcome variables: service recovery performance and service sabotage. This research also investigates whether organizational tenure moderates the relationship between organizational dehumanization and psychological well-being.
Design/methodology/approach
Using survey methodology, 200 hotel frontline service employees (FLEs) in Turkey were sampled over two time points. Additionally, employees’ direct supervisors rated their service recovery performance. The partial least squares method, specifically SmartPLS 3.3.3, was used for data analysis.
Findings
The results indicate that organizational dehumanization negatively influences employees’ psychological well-being. However, organizational tenure moderates this relationship, in which organizational dehumanization has less of a negative effect on employees’ psychological well-being in those with longer tenure. Psychological well-being was found to mediate the relationship between organizational dehumanization and service recovery performance. Finally, psychological well-being mediates the relationship between organizational dehumanization and service sabotage.
Practical implications
Managers should consider the negative effect organizational dehumanization has on FLEs’ psychological well-being and aim to establish an organizational culture that values these employees as individuals and as invaluable resources for the organization. Further, this study has found that less tenured employees are less likely to have the psychological resources to cope with organizational dehumanization and are more susceptible to decreased productivity (i.e. service recovery performance) and engaging in counterproductive work behaviors (i.e. service sabotage) due to mistreatment in the workplace.
Originality/value
This study furthers our understanding of organizational dehumanization, an understudied concept in hospitality research, which influences employee outcomes. The findings of this study contribute to the advancement of the self-determination theory and how organizational dehumanization impacts psychological well-being. It also contributes to the conservation of resources theory and current literature on service recovery performance and service sabotage.
... Dehumanization and the concept of "humanness" have received a considerable amount of attention from social psychologists. 2 The notion of dehumanization has most often been studied in relation to ethnicity and race. More specifically, scholars studied phenomena like immigration and genocide and how within intergroup conflict, some groups dehumanize other groups (Chalk and Jonassohn 1990). Other work within the dehumanization literature has focused on the dehumanization of people with disabilities (O'Brien 1999), in the medical field (Barnard 2001), in technology (Montague and Matson 1983), and on the dehumanization of women in pornography (MacKinnon 1987). ...
Objectification and dehumanization are topics often discussed within the social psychology and feminist theory literature. Research on objectification has largely focused on the sexual objectification of women’s bodies, whereas the dehumanization literature has focused on dehumanization in the context of racial and ethnic groups. Extant political science research has only recently begun to engage with these concepts. In this manuscript, we build upon these literatures and apply these insights to questions relevant to politics. In particular, we argue that objectifying and dehumanizing portrayals of women impact how voters evaluate women politicians and how much they support gender parity in politics. Through a proposed experimental design, we test our hypothesis that the objectification of women as a group can decrease positive evaluations and likelihood of electoral support for women political candidates.
... Reyes (2016) asserts that by targeting their bodies as a spectacle of humiliation and violence, the war on drugs has banished "criminals and addicts" outside the benefit of state protection and sends a political message of intimidation to the rest of the population. A genocide, for example, need not be based on the victims' characteristics such as race or ethnicity but based on categorical definitions constructed by the perpetrator (Chalk and Jonassohn, 1990). Analyzing Duterte's speeches, government issuances, and news articles, Simangan (2018) qualifies the war on drugs as a genocide according to Gregory Stanton's stages of genocide: classification, symbolization, dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation, extermination, and denial. ...
The article problematizes state penality as a mechanism of repression of precarious workers through a war on drugs in the Philippines. The narratives of 27 arrested ‘drug personalities’ in Metro Manila tell of how methamphetamine energizes bodies and motivates minds for productive work. Bidding to be classified as willing and able workers and family men, the study’s participants orient to a moral stratification that pits the ‘moral versus immoral’ and the ‘hardworking versus lazy’. Qualifying their drug use as strategic and calculated, they uphold the neoliberal values of individual choice and accountability. Their support for the anti-drug campaign stems from their recognition of a drug problem and the socioemotional toll of the dysfunctions of living in the slums. While trade liberalization facilitates methamphetamine inflow, a war on drugs fuels an authoritarian populism. As the state reaffirms symbolic mission to protect its citizens, it blames precarity to a problem population.
Genocidio • Teoría social • Teoría sociológica • Violencia • Violencias colectivas Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una imagen panorámica de la sociología de los genocidios, desde sus orígenes hasta el presente. La tesis fundamental que se defiende es que la sociología de los genocidios estaría alcanzando, hoy en día, un nivel de maduración que la convierte en una subdisciplina cada vez más pujante y ya bien asentada. La combinación del paradigma de la obediencia con el paradigma del permiso parece una opción prometedora para futuras investigaciones. Asumir que existen dos conceptos de genocidio, el concepto jurídico de genocidio y el concepto sociológico de genocidio, permite ensanchar los casos a considerar e incluir de una manera muy principal a los casos de violencias políticas y los casos coloniales. Abstract The objective of this article is to present a panoramic image of the sociology of genocides, from its origins to the present. The fundamental thesis defended is that the sociology of genocide would be today reaching a level of maturity that makes it an increasingly thriving and already well-established subdiscipline. Combining the obedience paradigm with the permission paradigm seems a promising option for future research. The assumption that there are two concepts of genocide, the legal concept of genocide and the sociological concept of genocide, allows us to broaden the cases to be considered and to include, in a very primary way, cases of political violence and colonial cases. Cómo citar Ribes, Alberto Javier (2025). «Las tres olas de la sociología de los genocidios». Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 191: 97-112. (doi: 10.5477/cis/reis.191.97-112) La versión en inglés de este artículo puede consultarse en http://reis.cis.es Alberto Javier Ribes: Universidad Complutense de Madrid | ajribes@cps.ucm.es
The article examines the sociology of genocide as a new and important area of sociological research that emerged in response to numerous challenges related to mass violence, humanitarian crises, hate speech, and their devastating impact on modern societies. Special attention in the article is devoted to the Ukrainian context, particularly the experience of Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine, which is accompanied by numerous crimes that could be classified as acts of genocide. The authors analyze the reasons behind the insufficient development of this subject in Ukrainian academia. Among the key factors identified are the colonial legacy, which has restricted the development of the humanities for decades; the traumatic nature of such studies, which complicates scholars' work; and the lack of an interdisciplinary approach necessary for a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon. One of the key elements of the article is Gregory Stanton’s model, which describes ten stages of genocide organization—from classification to denial, the latter being the final stage of the process. The authors note that this model is not only a tool for analyzing historical events but also a powerful instrument for preventing crimes against humanity, as it allows for the identification of dangerous trends at early stages. At the same time, the article highlights some of the model’s shortcomings. The article also discusses potential post-genocide transformations in societies that have suffered catastrophic losses and the importance of overcoming them. A key aspect here is overcoming collective trauma, restoring social ties, addressing the consequences of the marginalization of victimized groups, and developing memorialization policies that help preserve the memory of these tragedies. Particular importance is given to Claudia Card's concept of social death, which provides a broader understanding of the impact of genocide on identity, cultural memory, and the life prospects of future generations. The authors emphasize the importance of deeply studying genocide in the Ukrainian context to develop effective reconciliation policies, protect the rights of vulnerable groups, form a strong national identity, preserve historical memory, and open pathways for further development of genocide sociology and deepening academic discussions.
This chapter seeks to bridge the gap between the social and legal interpretations of genocide by exploring the complex processes that define and transform targeted groups through mechanisms of stigmatization, othering, and dehumanization. It critically examines how legal frameworks, particularly those rooted in the Genocide Convention, often compartmentalize the phenomenon of genocide into rigid judicial constructs that may overlook the broader sociological realities. The chapter argues for a more integrative approach that considers the continuum of genocide, from initial targeting and othering to the ultimate destruction of the group, and underscores the importance of understanding the dynamic and trans-subjective nature of group identity in the context of genocide. By engaging with both legal and non-legal perspectives, the chapter highlights the challenges and necessities of aligning legal norms with the social realities of genocidal processes to ensure both justice and the protection of vulnerable groups
Exactly 80 years after Raphael Lemkin introduced the concept of genocide, it has returned strongly in public debate and in major legal cases. Yet the concept remains very controversial and influential figures like the historian Dirk Moses and the international lawyer Philippe Sands have recently renewed the questioning which has long accompanied it. This NIOD annual Holocaust and Genocide Lecture, delivered in Amsterdam on 17 October 2024, offers a vindication of 'genocide' as a socio-historical and legal idea, applied to the conflict in Gaza since 7 October 2023.
В данной книге с точки зрения современного геноцидоведения подробно анализируются программы геноцида.
Книга написана на основе широкого использования первоисточников, в том
числе, богатых фондов российских архивов.
Within the scholarly debates in political science and genocide studies, an increasingly prevailing view posits that the most adequate explanation for the occurrence of genocide is the strategic approach. According to this view, the main impetus behind the decision to use violence against civilians is not irrational barbarism but rational choices to realize strategic interests. However, how and under what circumstances genocide becomes a rational choice for aggressors in pursuing their strategic objectives has remained largely unexplored. Through a comparative analysis of the cases of Srebrenica and Khojaly, this study seeks to uncover the strategic, political, and ideological factors that underpin the rationale for genocide. The findings show that the viability of genocide as a low-risk option is underpinned by three interrelated factors. These are the recognition of the limited capacity of the victims to mount armed resistance, resulting in a reduced or negligible risk of counterattack; the awareness of the international community's reluctance to intervene; and the expectation that demographic transformation through ethnic cleansing and genocide could be preserved as a beneficial post-conflict resource.
The field of Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) was launched in the mid-twentieth century with revolutionary aspirations for explaining, describing and understanding protracted violent conflicts. The field’s architects called for inquiry into the “whole person” of conflict actors that required inquiry into the social, psychological and political spheres of their lives. But the proposed research perspectives for carrying out such inquiry were devoid of revolutionary prescription. Regarding such perspectives, they set the stage that continues to this day for disciplinary conservatism by invoking research traditions from the positivist social sciences and from the interpretative social sciences. A third research tradition that underpins certain areas of inquiry in PCS is Phronesis research, according to which the social sciences are fundamentally pragmatic endeavors that are organized around strategies to address pressing social and political challenges of society. Yet, importantly, Phronesis research has garnered little theoretical attention among conflict analysts. No conflict analyst has ever explicitly cited Phronesis as a basis of their research practice.
With this chapter, we offer the first theoretical reflection of Phronesis research in PCS. From this perspective, PCS constitutes forms of research praxis, that is, an objective inquiry into the critical conditions—personal, social, and political—for the liberation of conflict actors from the internal drives and external forces that lead to mass violence. Genocide Studies serves as a prototype of such praxis. After providing critical remarks about positivist and constructivist research traditions in the social sciences (section 1), we offer a short genealogy of social science as praxis, including the contributions of Critical Theorists of the Frankfurt School (section 2). We then present the defining elements of Phronesis research in the social sciences generally (section 3). Such elements are realized in the research praxis of Genocide Studies (section 4).
Inequalities suffered by indigenous peoples around the world constitute one of the most dramatic examples of socio-spatial violence and ethnic-related marginalisation, as a localised expression of global social problems. The range of injustices experience by the Guarani-Kaiowa indigenous people in the Brazilian State of Mato Grosso do Sul is not just a case of hyperbolic inequality, but it is something qualitatively different from other serious crimes committed against marginalised, subaltern communities in the rest of the country. Lasting processes of land grabbing and labour exploitation have intensified in recent decades due to the advance of export-oriented agribusiness since 1990s. The consolidation of agro-neoliberalism represents the reincarnation of old genocidal practices of agrarian capitalism that once again targets the Guarani-Kaiowa indigenous people because of the agronomic value of their land. The focus in recent years may have shifted from assimilation and confinement to abandonment and confrontation; coordinated intents to destabilise and eliminate the original inhabitants of the land through the asphyxiation of their religion, identity and, ultimately, geography seem to rage unabated. Considering the politico-spatial nexus of inequality, land and racism, the chapter examines the basis and the trajectory of the genocidal violence, relating it with other international experiences and the related theorisation of genocide, and also discusses the mobilisation and reaction of Guarani-Kaiowa communities, especially the organisation of regular assemblies and protests, the enhancement of family-based networks and the coordination of demands with other segments of the working class. Many lessons must be learned and could directly challenge the hegemony of agribusiness and contribute to improve the rule of law, democracy and socio-environmental justice.
The large-scale use of semantic transfer and inversion as rhetorical tactics is particularly prevalent in right-wing discourses and populist »alternative knowledge« production. The contributors to this volume analyze processes of re-semanticizing received meanings, effectually re-coding those meanings. They investigate to what extent rhetorical maneuvers serve to establish new and powerful belief systems beyond rational and democratic control. In addition to the contemporary rightwing and conspiracy narratives, the contributions examine the discursive fields around conceptions of human nature and the deep past, population politics, gender conceptions, use of land, identity politics, nationhood, and cultural heritage.
In the first part of this paper, the author proceeds to identify and clarify three categories that are distinctive for the social philosophy of genocides: aim, subject, and method. The clarification of these categories makes meaningful the social philosophy of genocides. This makes it possible to distinguish between the social philosophy of genocides — and the scientific objectification of this phenomenon — and the social philosophy of genocide — alongside other philosophical disciplines — using the empirical material of genocides. It is argued that the subject of the social philosophy of genocides is the definition of genocide and the epistemically problematic in genocides; the aim of this discipline is to prevent genocides by criticizing the determinants (pre-reasons) that precede decision-making; the method of social philosophy of genocides is a parallax vision and a critical attitude towards the search for the "dark" in modernity. Each of the thematized categories defines the social philosophy of genocide as an independent discipline, distinct through its subject from scientific objectivations of genocide and through its method and aim from objectivations of genocide by moral philosophy and philosophy of religion. The first part concludes with a brief definition of the discipline: the social philosophy of genocides is a cluster of critical philosophical studies which examine the epistemically problematic in genocides, the definition of genocide, the causes of genocide, with the aim of preventing genocides through critical reflection. In the second part, the author situates the methodological problems of the research within the social philosophy of genocides and proposes a program of this discipline consisting of three projects: genealogy of genocides, studies of pre-modern genocides, and a catalogue of family resemblances of genocides.
Dieses Kapitel erklärt, warum Frankreich nicht totalitär wurde, obwohl es eines der ersten Länder war, das eine Inquisition einführte. Es analysiert den Staatsbildungsprozess des Landes sowie die Beziehungen zwischen der Monarchie und der katholischen Kirche. Sie weist darauf hin, dass die Behauptung, die französische Inquisition sei nicht mit der spanischen Inquisition vergleichbar, zu einfach ist, da die französische päpstlich war, während die spanische vom Staat kontrolliert wurde (daher die Großschreibung von Inquisition im spanischen Fall). Stattdessen wird argumentiert, dass die Beziehungen zwischen den lokalen Kirchenbehörden, dem Papst und der Monarchie in beiden Fällen kompliziert waren. Da die Inquisition in Frankreich jedoch nicht Teil einer Strategie zur Staatsbildung war, hatte die Monarchie keinen Anreiz, sie zur Einigung des Landes hinter einer totalitären Ideologie zu nutzen. Das Kapitel zeigt auch, dass die Inquisition im Gegensatz zu Spanien nicht auf einer ethnischen Grundlage beruhte, weshalb sie auf viel größeren Widerstand stieß als in Spanien. Außerdem war in Frankreich das Blut für die Aristokratie nicht so wichtig wie in
Edited volume In greek
Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δομείται στη βάση θεμελιωδών αρχών και αξιών, που στοχεύουν μεταξύ άλλων στην προάσπιση της δημοκρατίας, του κράτους δικαίου και του σεβασμού των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Σε περιόδους «κρίσης», όπως αυτή που συντελέστηκε το 2015 με την άφιξη ενός εκατομμυρίου και πλέον προσφύγων, το θεμελιακό υπόβαθρο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης φάνηκε να κλυδωνίζεται. Η ιδέα της ενωμένης Ευρώπης ως εγγυήτριας των δικαιωμάτων όσων αναζητούν προστασία αμφισβητήθηκε, καθώς η αλληλεγγύη, ο επιμερισμός των ευθυνών και η προσφορά φιλοξενίας δεν προσεγγίστηκαν ούτε προσεγγίζονται έως σήμερα με τον ίδιο τρόπο από τα κράτη μέλη. Παρότι οι ευρωπαϊκές αξίες εμφανίζονται στο δημόσιο διάλογο ολοένα και περισσότερο, η ερμηνεία τους διαφοροποιείται. Η ελαστικότητα στην απόδοση του ακριβούς νοήματος τους επέτρεψε και συνεχίζει να επιτρέπει την επίκλησή τους συχνά με ένα ασύμβατο φάσμα πολιτικών. Αυτή την ιδιαιτερότητα επιχειρεί να αναδείξει η παρούσα έκδοση. Υιοθετώντας μια διεπιστημονική προσέγγιση, οι συγγραφείς του τόμου, επιχειρούν να φωτίσουν την αντίφαση μεταξύ του προβεβλημένου αξιακού πλαισίου και της μεταναστευτικής πολιτικής που εξακολουθεί να εφαρμόζεται, τόσο στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση όσο και στην Ελλάδα. Φιλόσοφοι, πολιτικοί επιστήμονες, κοινωνιολόγος, κοινωνικοί ανθρωπολόγοι, διερευνούν με ένα πρωτότυπο συνδυασμό κοινωνικής επιστημονικής ανάλυσης και νομικής και φιλοσοφικής θεωρίας το θέμα των αξιών και αρχών, στην εφαρμογή πολιτικών φιλοξενίας, υποδοχής, και προστασίας της περιόδου 2015-2021.
Συγγραφείς: Σάμυ Αλεξανδρίδης | Ρόζα Βασιλάκη | Φιλύρα Βλαστού-Δημοπούλου | Αναστάσιος Γιουζέπας | Αγγελική Δημητριάδη | Λουκία Κοτρωνάκη | Κώστας Ν. Κουκουζέλης | Χάρης Μαλαμίδης | Ρεγγίνα Μαντανίκα | Κωνσταντίνος Α. Παπαγεωργίου | Εύα Παπατζανή | Χαρίλαος Πλατανάκης| Νίκος Σερντεδάκις | Αλεξάνδρα Σιώτου | Αννα Τριανταφυλλίδου | Αναστασία Χαλκιά | Πάνος Χατζηπροκοπίου
To understand the significance of more recent changes in fertility, it is important to have some knowledge of fertility in the distant past. In this chapter, I therefore very briefly describe what is known about fertility from the onset of human existence up until the nineteenth century. I discuss the intertwined relationships between fertility, mortality, and population growth and some reasons why historically fertility was often below natural fertility (due to traditional contraceptive methods, abortion and infanticide, and the European pattern of marriage). Finally, I discuss the positive relationship between social status and family size prior to the nineteenth century.
En el presente artículo se busca realizar una aproximación sucinta al estado vigente de los estudios sobre genocidio, a partir del rastreo bibliográfico y el acercamiento a algunos de los principales textos de la línea de estudios, específicamente a aquellos que en el ámbito latinoamericano y en Colombia, han contribuido en los últimos años al desarrollo de la disciplina en este lado del continente. Los estudios sobre genocidio en Colombia, si bien se han venido desarrollando desde hace un poco más de una década, su progreso aun es incipiente, existiendo un vacío en la literatura científica que dé cuenta del estado del arte y de la divulgación de la existencia de la disciplina misma en el ámbito académico colombiano. En ese sentido, el presente artículo tiene como propósito fundamental saldar falencias que contribuyen a ese exiguo despliegue de la disciplina.
Purpose: The paper seeks to demonstrate that genocide is not a phenomenon marginal to the world of management and organizations, but one from which these disciplines stand to learn a lot and one to which they must contribute their own insights.
Approach: A historical and sociological review of some of the voluminous literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust.
Findings: Genocide is a highly organized process, requiring bureaucratic resources to initiate, sustain and, often, cover it up. It generates resistance and compliance, it makes use of material and social technologies, it is imbued with its own cultural values and assumptions and calls for its own morbid innovations and problem solving. Genocide requires the collaboration of numerous formal organizations, including armies, suppliers, intelligence and other services, but also informal networks and groups.
Limitations: Given the vast literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust, obviously only a small sample of crucial texts were reviewed and cited. All the same, they are enough to demonstrate that democide is not carried out by sadistic maniacs or by impersonal bureaucrats in line with the banality of evil hypothesis. It is carried out by organizational members, managing and problem-solving realities whose horrors do not impede them in their decision making.
Practical implications: At the same time, the authors argue that genocide cannot be studied outside historiography and that doing so leads to all kinds of gravely mistaken conclusions, even when theorized by distinguished scholars like Arendt and Bauman.
Originality: The article debunks some widely espoused theories of genocide, including the adiaphorization and banality of evil theses.
Numerous issues ranging from the absence of justice, religious violence and dehumanization are significant in
light of the illegitimate allegations of Western nations. Human quest for some identities is seen as a legitimate
right, as it is imbued with religious teachings; some people believe it is a key towards their social identification
and national sovereignty; while in a time it is seen by others as step towards the process of dehumanization. In
this regard, it is necessary to know about the very reasons behind this bias judgment. This sense of bigotry, vis-àvis
the Islamic foundations, remains in place as long as the misunderstanding of Islam exists. Therefore, Islamic
sovereignty becomes subject to misinterpretations and connotations. In reality, Islam promotes peace and justice
as it preserves human essence through its teachings.
The problem is, therefore, how Islam can contribute to the explanation of human relationships within a world
where human beings are classified and differentiated. This vertical conception of human beings’ nature denies
the specific properties that define individual identities and/or collective identities. What is prompt to discuss is
the collective mental endeavour to understand how human beings behave in relation to one another.
This end would pose the question of how could Islam be read and adequately interpreted to reach a religious
compromise since that people all over the world do not forcibly share the same religion. Yet to have a human
society, based on human values and to have a collective horizontal human identity beyond any other non-human
considerations, it would be important to infuse human mind with the idea that individuals are the spine of society
and that the latter is the natural form of being of human individuals.
This essay focuses on Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s speech delivered in December 2018 regarding his intent to wipe out the communist elements in the country. It first provides a background on the fifty-year-long communist insurgency in the Philippines and the peace process under Duterte’s administration. It then historically reflects on the case of coordinated killings of communists in Indonesia during Suharto’s regime to examine whether Duterte’s plan of an “all-out war” and “strategic hamletization” mirrors the rhetoric and strategies carried out by the Indonesian military. The last section surveys the potential outcome of Duterte’s proclamation and less violent options for his administration in addressing the communist insurgency in the Philippines.
This represents one of several sections of "A Bibliography Related to Crime Scene Interpretation with Emphases in Geotaphonomic and Forensic Archaeological Field Techniques, Nineteenth Edition" (The complete bibliography is also included at ResearchGate.net.). This is the most recent edition of a bibliography containing resources for multiple areas of crime scene, and particularly outdoor crime scene, investigations. It replaces the prior edition and contains approximately 10,000 additional citations. As an ongoing project, additional references, as encountered, will be added to future editions.
Terrorist actions, mass suicides, and "ethnic cleansings" unfortunately continue to make headlines with their massive losses of life. In the United States, the attacks on September 11, 2001 placed terms associated with terrorism within our everyday lexicon. In countries like Israel, Ireland, Lebanon and others, such terms were already in daily use. Where such news was once limited to commercial aircraft disasters or natural disasters, it seems to increasingly include the results of criminal acts requiring the services of multi-disciplinary teams of forensic experts. This section of the bibliography includes references mostly developed from the work of experts at mass graves in places like Kosovo, Rwanda, or Gautemala, or air disasters and explosions around the globe. Included among these references are those about high speed aircraft crashes involving one or two victims. Even though one or two victims may have been lost, the nature of the scene, trauma and wreckage was similar to that encountered with larger numbers of victims in commercial aircraft crashes. Not included are references to forensic engineering or mechanical aspects of mass transportation disasters. Recoveries involving known political, or human rights type, tortures of single victims are listed below. Whether the loss of life involves the search and recovery of a single victim, or those of an entire community, the disciplined and contextual collection of evidence must be carried out. For this reason, many of the resources listed in sections such as Reconnaissance, Surveying, and Mapping Techniques, or Excavation and Recovery Techniques, or Geophysical/Remote Sensing and Applications are applicable at mass fatality scenes. The use of proper search, recording, and collection protocols at many of the above ground settings demonstrates the applicability of formal archaeological techniques which were once thought only relevant in subterranean settings. The reader interested in methodologies at large scenes should review the other sections of this bibliography.
The first generation of genocide scholars emphasized the role of discrimination in the onset of genocide and politicide. However, second-generation scholars discount such claims and have not found quantitative support for the discrimination hypothesis. We return to first-generation theories linking discrimination to genocide and politicide. We argue that while such policies set the stage for genocide, they do not influence the onset of politicide. This is because genocide is a policy aimed at eradicating the “other” while politicide is a policy designed to eliminate violent threat to the regime elites. Therefore, we encourage scholars not to conflate the logics of genocide and politicide. Statistical analysis of discrimination and government mass murder from 1955 to 2005 reveals that while some causes of genocide and politicide are similar, ethnic discrimination influences genocide but not politicide, as we expect.
The article provides the first substantive analysis of the war on drugs in the Philippines under the Responsibility to Protect. It develops in two stages. First, it argues that the war on drugs constitutes crimes against humanity through an analysis of, (i) extrajudicial killings and vigilante justice, (ii), dehumanisation, and, (iii) the exaggeration of threat. Second, it examines the response of the permanent five members of the UN Security Council (p5) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Despite that the US, the UK, and France have expressed public concerns, we show that they prioritise counter-terrorism and trade over the Responsibility to Protect. Meanwhile, China and Russia uphold the view that the war on drugs is a matter of domestic jurisdiction. Regarding ASEAN, we draw on 26 semi-structured elite interviews conducted in South East Asia (2016-2018) to evidence that the elites prioritise state sovereignty and non-interference. The outcome is that there is a significant protection deficit as the government of the Philippines, the p5, and ASEAN are failing to protect those targeted in the war on drugs. We hope that the article will act as a catalyst for a much needed conversation on the international community’s political, legal, and moral responsibilities regarding mass violence against drug users in international relations.
This introductory chapter offers a useful and thorough contextualisation and explication of the central elements in the book: graphic novels, genocide, and kitsch. Outlining her corpus, in ’t Veld puts forward a comparative approach that analyses graphic novels that deal with the Holocaust and the genocides in Armenia, Rwanda, and Bosnia. The chapter positions kitsch as a significant aesthetic mode that constitutes both a “too much” and a “too little” and is often dismissed as meaningless or inappropriate. in ’t Veld offers a fresh perspective on kitsch, arguing that a productive approach to kitsch offers valuable insights into the tensions around representations of genocide in graphic novels.
Following independence in 1948, successive Burmese regimes have fought continuous wars against ethno-religious minorities living on the periphery. The following article analyzes these conflicts through the lens of prospect theory. According to this perspective, regimes are highly sensitive to relative losses and may employ genocidal policies as a means of state-preservation. Our framework applies this theory to three sub-national cases of genocide perpetrated against the Karen, Kachin, and Rohingya ethno-religious groups. Through qualitative case analysis, we unpack multifaceted processes of violence perpetrated against civilians and non-combatants in Burma. Based on our findings, we argue that the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) engaged in genocidal policies, including forced displacement and labor, slash-and-burn tactics, ethno-religious co-optation, and political killings as an instrumental means of preserving the state. Notably, while the military engaged in extreme violence against all three groups, their interest in state preservation varied. Genocidal violence employed against Karen and Kachin, long recognized by the military as “legitimate” groups, was perpetrated to assimilate “hill tribes” into the state. Conversely, violence against the Rohingya evolved with the goal of pushing a perceived “foreign” group out. This study contributes to the growing body of literature within Genocide Studies, linking macro-level theory to sub-national case studies.
Criminal accountability as one of the transitional justice mechanisms should be conducted without violating the principle of legality and the fair trial rights of the accused. This presupposes the existence of comprehensive laws at the time the crimes were allegedly committed which incorporate and define the crimes clearly. This chapter analyzes whether Ethiopia had in place an adequate normative infrastructure when embarking on the extensive prosecutions of Derg officials. To do so the chapter deals with the legal regime of Ethiopia for the prosecution of crimes under international law for which Derg officials and other individuals were prosecuted (or should have been prosecuted).
In March 2017, the New Zealand government recognized the Whanganui River in North Island as having the same legal rights as a human being. The Maori in the region have long understood the river to be an ancestor and its protection to be one and the same as the protection of the Maori. This is an important legal precedent that directs attention to what we describe in this chapter as “symbiotic destruction”, the mutual threat faced by human/other-than--human entities when one or the other is harmed. To date, genocide studies has been largely human-centric in its focus, ignoring that human cultures are often closely entwined with their natures. Moreover, genocide law has failed to fully consider the role of other-than-human actors in the constitution of group life. Given the hybridic entanglements of culture/nature, we propose notions of symbiotic victimhood and symbiotic destruction, drawing upon Indigenous studies, biological notions of mutualism, and actor-network theory to develop these concepts. We go on to illustrate symbiotic destruction through illustrative examples drawn from Canadian settler colonial genocide(s) and the Rwandan genocide, focusing on the role of bison and cattle in each respective genocidal process.
Keywords: genocide; genocide law; other-than-humans; nature; culture; relationality
This chapter develops the hypothesis that social death is utterly central to the evil of genocide, not just when a genocide is primarily cultural but even when it is homicidal on a massive scale. It is social death that enables us to distinguish the peculiar evil of genocide from the evils of other mass murders. The evil of genocide falls not only on men and boys but also on women and girls, typically unarmed, untrained in defense against violence, and often also responsible for care of the wounded, the sick, the disabled, babies, children, and the elderly. The damage of war and terrorism is commonly assessed in terms of its ruin of individual careers, body counts, statistics on casualties, and material costs of rebuilding. An injustice becomes an evil when it inflicts harms that make victims' lives unbearable, indecent, or impossible, or that make victims' deaths indecent.
This chapter addresses the question of context in the jurisprudence or case law of the Ad Hoc Tribunals in order to appreciate the position of the contextual elements of the crime from the practical assessment of the definition of the crime. The chapter begins by illustrating the courts’ clear assertion that contextual elements have no place in the literal definition of genocide, and demonstrates the unambiguous acceptance of this position by the courts. However, further analysis demonstrates that despite the lack of reference to contextual elements in the literal definition of the crime, the courts found it irresistible to circumvent the contextual elements in their reasoning without any consistent application of interpretative methods, or any robust demonstration of their choice of arguments or the rules discovery method. Furthermore, the chapter examines how the courts used ambiguous language and tweaked the law in light of the evidentiary challenge presented by the need to prove genocidal intent, and how the courts could have approached the matter without encroaching on the legal ingredients of the crime. The courts supported the characterization of genocide by the individualized intent requirement, yet on the other hand came very close to inclusion of the systematic criminality element, thereby edging dangerously close to the legislators’ sphere. Before the conclusion, the chapter looks at how internationalized and national courts have dealt with the same issue of context to further strengthen its findings.
The article spotlights genesis and essence of genocide concept, nature of contemporary genocide tragedies based on historical and philosophical, chronological and comparative analysis methods, and founds theirs compliance with international legal definition of genocide’s term in the context of not avoiding criminal responsibility for crimes against humanity. It was affirmed that even for the unsteady post-bipolar era roots of tragedies of genocide remains an idea of the nature or historically formed social inequality of ethnic, racial, religious, cultural, linguistic, territorial, social class and other groups and communities, and the desire to increase vital natural or a public resource of one community (group) at the expense of another. It is recognized that term “genocide” is not immediately received wide recognition and was initially not quite identical to the concept of “crimes against humanity”. Generally speaking, lawyers and politicians for some time came out that genocide – only one of the possible crimes against humanity. Therefore, the tragedy of the Armenian people 1915-16 still classified in the world as a crime against humanity. Genocide always aims at complete or partial destruction of a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.
‘Will you kill people, Henri?”
I dropped down beside her. ‘Not people, Louise, just the enemy.”
‘What is enemy?”
In the last decade of the twentieth century the world has witnessed lethal conflict that resulted in genocidal behavior,1 most notably in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Military, social, and political scientists contend that the conditions that foster these behavioral phenomena will persist if not increase in the decades to come. With the intensity of lethal conflict come massacres of noncombatants, characteristics of behavior chronicled in history and visible in prehistoric contexts. Mass graves are often a result of contemporary massacres and known to be scattered throughout both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal provides a much-needed forum for discussion, as it fosters awareness of the atrocities linked to genocide while promoting the necessity of prevention. This peer-reviewed journal publishes articles on the latest developments in policy, research, and theory from various disciplines including history, political science, sociology, psychology, international law, criminal justice, women's studies, religion, philosophy, literature, anthropology, and art history.
This journal's content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal is supported by the University of South Florida Libraries. As a service to the research community, the USF Tampa Library's commitment to true open-access to scholarly information extends to the authors. This means that there are no article or submission charges for Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal. Content is archived in LOCKSS and Portico, in addition to the back-ups at USF and offsite via bepress.
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal provides a much-needed forum for discussion, as it fosters awareness of the atrocities linked to genocide while promoting the necessity of prevention. This peer-reviewed journal publishes articles on the latest developments in policy, research, and theory from various disciplines including history, political science, sociology, psychology, international law, criminal justice, women's studies, religion, philosophy, literature, anthropology, and art history.
This journal's content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal is supported by the University of South Florida Libraries. As a service to the research community, the USF Tampa Library's commitment to true open-access to scholarly information extends to the authors. This means that there are no article or submission charges for Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal. Content is archived in LOCKSS and Portico, in addition to the back-ups at USF and offsite via bepress.
The impact of colonialism on Aboriginal groups in Canada is often described as “cultural genocide” or “ethnocide.” In contrast, this article offers a re-reading of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948) that is sensitive to Aboriginal understandings and experiences of group life and group destruction. Through this re-reading, it is argued that genocide must be understood in a culturally contextualized manner so as to avoid modernist and Eurocentric biases. Only by opening up the conception of genocide will we be able to contend adequately with Canadian Aboriginal experiences of colonialism.
Womit soll begonnen werden, um eine Gesellschaft in der späten Moderne zu begründen: mit Individuen, die sich zusammentun oder mit Gemeinschaften, die nicht in Individuen zerlegbar sind oder schließlich mit einem Vorrang des anderen Menschen vor dem eigenen Ego? Der Liberalismus antwortet: mit Individuen und ihren Assoziationen. Der Kommunitarismus antwortet: mit Gemeinschaften und ihrer Organisation.
El artículo analiza las distintas interpretaciones de la Convención para la Prevención y la Sanción del Delito de Genocidio y sus impactos en la construcción de la memoria colectiva de las sociedades que han vivido esta experiencia histórica de terror masivo estatal. Centrando el eje de análisis en el grupo sobre el que se considera que se ejerció la violencia –y la novedad que implica pensarlo como el conjunto del grupo nacional sobre el que se implementó el terror–, se compara la jurisprudencia internacional con la producida por sistemas jurídicos nacionales –en especial en Argentina, pero con repercusión en Bangladesh, Camboya y Colombia–, con el fin de comprender sus consecuencias en la construcción de las identidades de las sociedades posgenocidas.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.