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The Carnival of Edo: Misemono Spectacles From Contemporary Accounts

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... Het 'testikelmeisje' kwam echter te overlijden na een geslachtsoperatie waarbij gepoogd werd om de testikels te verwijderen. 31 Onder invloed van het neoconfucianisme was het Japan van vroeger een hiërarchische en patriarchale maatschappij waarbij het ene lichaam ondergeschikt is aan het andere lichaam. De persoon met een vulva werd beoordeeld op haar schoonheid of reproductieve kwaliteiten. ...
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Hoe werd het intersekse lichaam verbeeld in premodern Japan? Wie maakten die verbeelding en welke rol spelen zij in hoe er vroeger - en nu - wordt gekeken naar gender, geslacht en seksualiteit? Een visuele analyse van shunga en shunpon verklaart de rol van makers met een penis in het verafschuwen, bespotten of erotiseren van intersekse lichamen.
... 16-17). The bussankai was thus part of a broader culture of public display that complemented two other Edo Period exhibition forms: on the one hand, kaichō 開帳 "temple fairs" that were typically a temporary exhibition of otherwise sequestered but efficacious relics or images by shines and temples for the benefit of pilgrims and other patrons; and on the other hand, misemono 見世 物 "carnivals" that often showcased "monsters" and human oddities for public viewing (see Furukawa 1970;Markus 1985). ...
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Setting out from Okakura Kakuzō and Ernest Fenollosa’s famous “discovery” of the Yumedono Kannon, this article will trace the contested construction of the categories of “religion” (shūkyō) and “fine art” (bijutsu) in Meiji Japan. In religious studies circles, it has become commonplace to think of “religion” as the only disciplinary master category with issues. However, not only was “religion” invented in Japan, but “fine art” was invented there too. Indeed, categories from “culture” to “society” to “politics” have similar issues. Attending to these will help refocus crucial debates away from an obsession with translation and onto more fundamental issues about “cultural categories” as such. This paper will advance the debate by explaining the attendant constructions of “religion” and “fine art” as process social kinds. In doing so, it will showcase the museum and the temple as central sites of materialized disputation over global categories and their local instantiation. It will show how assimilation to the world-system in the long nineteenth century was a complex multi-generational process of negotiation and contestation, producing new hybrid spaces, returns, transformations, and innovations that then reflected back on global systems, changing them in subtle but profound ways.
... W ten sposób w Tokio w budkach misemono zaprezentowano m.in. piłę oscylacyjną (1866), wiertarkę pionową (1866), bębenek wybijający rytm impulsów telegraficznych (1869) i napędzane parą koło zamachowe (1874) 15 . ...
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English: The article discusses the transformations that took place in the form and functions of the magic lantern shows in Japan during the 19th century. The paper distinguishes three breakthrough moments: the development of a local variant of the entertainment shows of the magic lantern (utsushi-e) at the beginning of the 19th century, the emergence of the idea of employing a modern version of this apparatus (gentō) for educational purposes in the 1870s and its use for spiritual and economic mobilization of Japanese citizens during the First Sino-Japanese War. The part concerning utsushi-e outlines the specifcity of this kind of shows, the formal treatments applied in them and the properties of the projection apparatus itself, made not of metal, as in the case of western projectors, but of light wood. In the section on educational presentations, it was noted that the idea of using a magic lantern for this purpose was put forward by Seiichi Tejima in 1874, and the Japanese authorities quickly accepted the idea. The differences in the form of entertainment and educational shows were also discussed, noting that in the latter, the spontaneity of reception was eliminated. In the section on the war between Japan and China, it was stated that the magic lantern was one of the many media involved in the process of reporting and depicting military actions. In the section on the war between Japan and China, it was stated that the magic lantern was one of the many media involved in the process of reporting and depicting military operations. It was also emphasized that, contrary to previous educational shows, during these war ones the audience reacted spontaneously to the projected images and the narration of the speaker. Polski: W artykule omówione zostały przeobrażenia, jakie dokonały się w formie i funkcjach pokazów latarni magicznej w Japonii na przestrzeni XIX wieku. Wyróżniono w nim trzy przełomowe momenty: wykształcenie się lokalnego wariantu rozrywkowych pokazów latarni magicznej (utsushi-e) na początku XIX w., pojawienie się idei zaprzęgnięcia nowoczesnej wersji tego aparatu (gentō) do celów edukacyjnych w latach 70. XIX w. i wykorzystanie go do duchowej i ekonomicznej mobilizacji obywateli w czasie I wojny chińsko-japońskiej. W części dotyczącej utsushi-e nakreślono specyfikę tego rodzaju pokazów, stosowane w nich zabiegi formalne oraz właściwości samego aparatu projekcyjnego, wykonywanego nie z metalu, jak miało to miejsce w przypadku projektorów zachodnich, lecz lekkiego drewna. W części poświęconej pokazom edukacyjnym wskazano, że pomysł wykorzystania latarni magicznej w tym celu przedstawił w 1874 roku Seiichi Tejima, a władze Japonii szybko się do tego pomysłu przychyliły. Omówiono też różnice w formie pokazów między pokazami rozrywkowymi i edukacyjnymi, wskazując, że w tych drugich wyeliminowana została żywiołowość odbioru. W części dotyczącej wojny między Japonią i Chinami wskazano, że latarnia magiczna stanowiła wówczas jedno z wielu mediów zaangażowanych w procesy relacjonowania i obrazowania wojny. Podkreślono także, że w przeciwieństwie do wcześniejszych pokazów edukacyjnych, podczas pokazów wojennych widownia żywiołowo reagowała na rzutowane obrazy i narrację prowadzącego.
... In his Glimpses of an Unfamiliar Japan, Hearn introduces his chapter about Japanese ghosts and goblins as a first hand encounter: "I have seen Japanese goblins, and I do not like them" (Hearn 1894, 637). When Hearn speaks here of having seen Japanese ghosts and goblins, he is not actually talking about real ghosts and goblins, but a tableau of Japanese media forms that made ghosts and goblins visible and tangible, a monstrous media mix, which he encountered in a sideshow exhibition, a misemono (Markus 1985;Figal 1999, 21-25). 2 He begins with oral narratives of legendary y okai like Yuki-Onna (the snow woman) (1894, 637-639). Hearn asks his friend Kinjuro: "And what is the Yuki-Onna?" ...
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This article approaches the writings of Lafcadio Hearn, an exotic, wandering, homeless "ghost of no place" (Nabae 2014), born in Greece, raised in Ireland, who became a fiction writer famous for turning both New Orleans and Japan into weird, haunted, literary landscapes. Hearn always insisted his writings should be examined in their own terms as a transnational, transmedia and trans-species aesthetics of "weird" contact between worlds. There are three kinds of contact between worlds: transnational, a traffic in spirits across spaces in an orientalist imaginative geography; transmedia, as the monstrous qualities of ghosts, goblins and fairies bleed into and across media forms; and trans-species, as monstrous qualities moves across species, between humans, goblins and insects. The forms of representation of monsters take on the properties of the monsters they are most associated with, ghostly photographs and colorful fairylands, that I will call monstrous media. At the same time, this transnational and transmedia aesthetics of the weird moves from images on Japanese fans to the wings of insects, from Japanese cemeteries to insect ecologies and Buddhist cosmologies in which humans are reborn as goblins, insects, or hybrid goblin-insects.
... Unlike some of the finer examples of iki ningyō that have teeth made of bone or ivory, the teeth of the majority of these masks are part of the wooden mask structure.The iki ningyō art form emerged in Osaka during the 1850s and quickly spread throughout Japan.[26] Displays featuring these dolls (or figures) were massively popular components of misemono ( ), literally meaning "show" or "attractions," which can be understood as "private exhibitions of unusual items, individuals, or skills, conducted for a limited span ofPontsioen: The Alexander Graham Bell Collection of Japanese Masks at the Smithsonian Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide 17, no. 2 (Autumn 2018)time inside a temporary enclosure for the purposes of financial gain."[27] There was a rapid increase in the number of misemono shows throughout the major urban centers of Japan during the latter half of the nineteenth century. ...
... Mniej więcej w tym samym czasie Vachel Lindsay stwierdził, że najważniejszą ze społecznych właściwości kina jest jego zdolność do przekształcania zróżnicowanych mas ludzkich w jednolity naród amerykański 18 . Zaduma nad edukacyjno-wychowawczym potencjałem kina nieobca była i przedstawicielom przemysłu filmowego -David Wark Griffith lubił powtarzać, że film w jeden tylko wieczór może przekazać widzowi tyle prawdy o historii, ile osiąga się przez miesiące studiów 19 . Nieco wcześniej na japońskim gruncie do podobnych wniosków doszedł socjolog Yasunosuke Gonda, który na kartach Teorii i praktycznego zastosowania ruchomych obrazów (Katsudō shashin no genri oyobi ōyō, 活動写真の原理及応用) określił film mianem nosiciela nowej cywilizacji i wieścił mu rolę medium dostarczającego rozrywki masom, przy jednoczesnym podnoszeniu ich wiedzy. ...
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Artykuł poświęcony jest skandalowi – jego przebiegowi, przyczynom i konsekwencjom – wywołanemu w Japonii w drugiej dekadzie XX. w. za sprawą premiery francuskiej serii kryminalnej Zigomar. Punkt wyjścia artykułu stanowi syntetyczne omówienie formuły francuskiego filmu seryjnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem jego wariantu kryminalnego. Druga część artykułu poświęcona została szczegółowemu omówieniu okoliczności i przebiegu japońskiej premiery pierwszej odsłony cyklu filmów poświęconych postaci Zigomara – początkowej niechęci importera do wyświetlenia filmu i jego niespodziewanego sukcesu. Następnie przeanalizowane zostały przyczyny skandalu, jaki stał się udziałem serii: refleksja nad społecznymi właściwościami kina, burza medialna wywołana przez prasę oraz promowanie przez japońskie władze koncepcji „edukacji popularnej”. W kolejnej części artykułu omówiona została najważniejsza konsekwencja „Skandalu Zigomarowskiego”, jaką było stopniowe wykształcenie się scentralizowanych i w pełni autonomicznych regulacji z zakresu cenzury filmowej. Artykuł wieńczy omówienie wpływu nowych przepisów na funkcjonowanie japońskiego przemysłu filmowego.
... In the 1820s, P. F. von Siebold made reference to the story of a fisherman claiming to have caught a mermaid that, with its dying breath, predicted a time of great prosperity but also a fatal epidemic that could be averted by owning a likeness of the mermaid (see Busk 1841). 3 With this encouragement, examples of manufactured ningyo began to appear alongside a variety of attractions and goods at Misemono carnivals of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (see Markus 1985). Moreover, it might be expected that they would conform to a narrow set of depictions, since they were meant to be in the likeness of the original. ...
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Many museums and private collections in the UK, Europe, and the USA hold cultural artefacts of the type commonly referred to as mermen or ‘feejee mermaids’. Most of these are accompanied by little in the way of information about their origins, but they are generally associated with Asia and particularly with Japan. Perhaps as a result of their poor provenance, it is unusual for such specimens to be interpreted with reference to stories from their culture of origin; they are thus usually discussed on the basis of their authenticity— or lack thereof. Indeed, they are commonly regarded as hoaxes constructed from monkeys attached to fish, largely on the basis of supposition influenced by historical narratives (see Overmeer Fisscher 1833, Timbs 1867). The most infamous example of such a specimen is the eponymous Feejee Mermaid, exhibited by master showman P. T. Barnum from 1842 until it was probably destroyed in a museum fire between 1865 and 1880 (see Bondeson 1999: 56). The notoriety of Barnum’s Feejee Mermaid was a product of clever and deliberate obfuscation and manipulation of the facts (see Cook 2001), which has served to create an aura of mystery and confusion around feejee mermaids in general. Lack of honest depictions of, and information about, the Feejee Mermaid has allowed speculation that some mermaid figures, such as the specimen at the Peabody Museum (see Levi 1977), or the example discovered in a domestic attic in Southend (see Anonymous 1988) may be Barnum’s famous specimen. Such claims are ill-founded (see Nickell 2005) and blur distinctions between different specimens. With such a background of inveterate misinformation, it is little wonder that museums interpret and care for their feejee mermaids on the unchallenged understanding that they are taxidermy chimeras. With the advent of new technologies, such as computed tomography (CT) and phosphor plate X-radiography, such received wisdom can be put to the test by undertaking detailed non-invasive analysis of specimens. Minimally destructive methods such as sampling of DNA, protein, and hair may also be used to establish what materials have been used in the construction of specimens. Mermaids Uncovered Of course, such methods require expertise, necessitating interdisciplinary collaboration and communication. Such collaboration can inform and inspire more varied and exciting interpretations of objects when they are displayed. In this article we report some of the outcomes from such an approach applied to mermaid specimens held by the Horniman Museum & Gardens and Buxton Museum and Art Gallery. The work was stimulated by the ‘Object in Focus’ loans project run by the Horniman and funded by Arts Council England (formerly MLA). ‘Objects in Focus’ improved access to underutilized objects in the Horniman collection by loaning them to other organizations, along with a display-case and interpretation developed in collaboration with external partners.
... A transgression in a previous life could cause a person to be reborn as an hermaphrodite. See Markus 1985, 529. 35. ...
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This essay introduces the translation of Shimizu Shikin's "Tosei futari musume" (Two Modern Girls, 1897), which follows, and argues that by separating the body from gender, Shikin (1868-1933) effectively threatened the dimorphic ideology of sex that underpinned the literary establishment of Meiji Japan. In an essay written in 1896, Shikin posits an hermaphrodite combining allegedly gendered character traits in a "perfect" body, thus asserting that behavioral traits are not limited to one sex. Shikin calls attention not only to "the second sex" but a third sex decades before twentieth-century writers did in Japan and elsewhere, and she was erased because of it.
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This article addresses the striking resemblance of a late nineteenth-century obstetrical simulator to contemporary commercial paper dolls. This period is often characterised in histories of medicine as one of increasing institutionalisation and professionalisation of childbirth through hospital training and state regulation. But this narrative is only part of the story. It marginalises the perspective of patients and midwives, and those outside of the geographic ‘West’, and it silences aspects of medical culture: social and caring relationships, emotion, play, and humour. While these aspects of medical history are less well represented in textual sources, material objects like Shibata Kōichi’s ‘Obstetrical Pocket-Phantoms’ can help to give a fuller picture. Beginning by situating Shibata’s phantoms in the conventional histories of obstetric training and the intermedial spaces of the clinic and lecture theatre, I then ask how the phantoms might have been used and understood differently outside of these spaces. Using Robin Bernstein’s concept of ‘scriptive things’, I employ a visual and material study of the objects, informed by the wider cultural contexts of dolls and popular print culture in Germany, the USA and Japan, to argue for a history of Shibata’s phantoms as paper dolls that encouraged many forms of play: from learning and explorative, to mothering and caring, to humorous and subversive. By acknowledging that Shibata’s phantoms would also have been recognised as paper dolls, I present a history that centres unrecorded aspects of, and under-studied agents in, medical culture.
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Author Institution: Columbia University, University of Delaware
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