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A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East.
... Instead it prepared the ground for the Second World War, and the Middle Eastern Settlement of 1922 provided David Fromkin with the best book title I know from the field of international history: A Peace to End All Peace. 24 My brother Johan has reminded me of a question he asked our father, Kåre Tønnesson, a historian of the French Revolution, in 1971 when we were both revolutionary teenagers: "How come you are not a revolutionary when you study revolution?" The answer, which annoyed us at the time but humours us today, was: "Precisely for that reason." ...
... The combination of first-rate academic articles with the PRIO Blog and other means of research communication to a general audience represents a continuing effort to live up to the institute's ambition to achieve what is now called 'engaged excellence'. 24 Johan Galtung at 90 … 497 [Galtung] stressed that peace research should not be limited to an evaluation of existing policies; 'it should also be peace search, an audacious application of science in order to generate visions of new worlds'. ...
When first arriving in Yunnan, China, the anthropologist Åshild Kolås (b. 1961) learned that the Tibetan county of Zhongdian had asked to change its name to Shangri-La. How this led to a reformulation of Tibetan culture became the topic of her doctoral thesis. This interview presents her memories of a life in peace anthropology. She deplores the tendency for academics to share their findings mainly with other academics and not with their local research participants.
... Instead it prepared the ground for the Second World War, and the Middle Eastern Settlement of 1922 provided David Fromkin with the best book title I know from the field of international history: A Peace to End All Peace. 24 My brother Johan has reminded me of a question he asked our father, Kåre Tønnesson, a historian of the French Revolution, in 1971 when we were both revolutionary teenagers: "How come you are not a revolutionary when you study revolution?" The answer, which annoyed us at the time but humours us today, was: "Precisely for that reason." ...
... The combination of first-rate academic articles with the PRIO Blog and other means of research communication to a general audience represents a continuing effort to live up to the institute's ambition to achieve what is now called 'engaged excellence'. 24 Johan Galtung at 90 … 497 [Galtung] stressed that peace research should not be limited to an evaluation of existing policies; 'it should also be peace search, an audacious application of science in order to generate visions of new worlds'. ...
The book Lives in Peace Research begins and ends with PRIO’s main founder. This article by Nils Petter Gleditsch, written on the occasion of Galtung’s 90th birthday in 2020, takes stock of Galtung’s momentous contributions to peace research and his influence over the years. PRIO’s motto today, ‘Independent • International • Interdisciplinary,’ clearly reflects a heritage from its founder.
... Dette er i stor grad et resultat av Sykes Picot-avtalen. Som David Fromkin (1989) så godt formulerte det, ble alle beslutninger tatt med lite kunnskap om, eller hensyn til, verken landene og folkene de berørte. Disse skillelinjene har også kommet tydeligere til uttrykk de senere år, mye på grunn av at såkalte etniske eller sekteriske entreprenører i økende grad utnytter dem til å oppnå egne politiske mål (se for eksempel Hashemi & Postel 2017). ...
Sammendrag Hvordan forstå Midtøsten i dag? Til tross for et enormt litterært landskap som forsøker å belyse denne komplekse regionen, er dette et spørsmål man ikke bør ta lett på. Dette bokessayet diskuterer hvordan de tre bøkene Brennpunkt Midtøsten: Byene som prisme (Butenschøn & Maktabi 2018), Fra opprør til kaos: Midtøsten etter den arabiske våren (Nordenson 2018) og Israel: Historie, politikk og samfunn (Heian-Engdal 2018) bidrar til vår forståelse av Midtøsten i dag. Selv om bøkene har ulike hovedfokus, har de til felles at de beskriver og analyser tilstanden til en rekke av regionens territorialstater. Selv om begreper som suverenitet og territoriell integritet ikke nødvendigvis gir mening i regionen i dag, redegjør bøkene for hvorfor det likevel ikke ser ut til at vi kommer til å se noen endringer i eksisterende statsdannelser i tiden som kommer. Abstract in English How to understand the contemporary Middle East? Despite a growing literary landscape attempting to illuminate this complex region, this question should not be taken lightly. This essay discusses how the following books contribute to our understanding of the region today: Brennpunkt Midtøsten: Byene som prisme (Butenschøn & Maktabi 2018), Fra opprør til kaos: Midtøsten etter den arabiske våren (Nordenson 2018) and Israel: Historie, politikk og samfunn (Heian-Engdal 2018). While the books have different thematic approaches, all three describe and analyse the current state of the region’s territorial entities. Although concepts such as sovereignty and territorial integrity do not necessarily make much sense in the region today, the authors explain why it is unlikely that we are going to see any changes in existing state formations in the foreseeable future.
... Marian Kent wrote that Mallet, unlike his predecessor and acting at the beginning of the war dragoman Andrew Ryan, tried to find a conciliation with Turks by goodwill 52 . David Fromkin noted that Mallet sympathized to Young Turks and his reports to the Foreign Office were too optimistic 53 . These characteristics of Mallet correspond to assessments in the article of "The Times". ...
The article is devoted to the publication of “A Mortifying Disclosure” in the British newspaper “The Times” on August 24, 1917, with criticism of British foreign policy towards the Ottoman Empire, in particular the actions of Louis Mallet, the British ambassador in Constantinople. The mentioned publication, as well as the discussion caused by it, are little covered in historiography. Much more information is provided by the primary sources, represented by the documents of the British National Archives (The National Archives, TNA), and also by the memoirs of the participants of researched events. In the mentioned article, Louis Mallet was criticized for short-sightedness and excessive credulity. According to the author of the publication, the Turkish grand vizier deceived the British ambassador, even when the choice of the Ottoman Empire in favor of entering the war on the side of the Central Powers became obvious. In turn, the fact that British diplomats failed to find out about the existence of the German-Turkish treaty became the basis for sharp criticism of the Foreign Office at all. In response to this publication, Louis Mallet spoke in defense of his actions in Constantinople. He was supported by other Foreign Office officials, including former Foreign Secretary Edward Grey. They argued that the Foreign Office was fully aware of the pro-German course of the Porte, but intended to delay the state of war with her as far as possible in order to prepare for the defense of Egypt, the Suez Canal and India. These circumstances led to the accommodating position of British diplomacy. The characteristics of both Mallet himself and the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, Said Helim, are separately analyzed from the point of view of historiography and their contemporaries. Also the importance of the defense of India and Egypt, its importance as a key factor in shaping the course of British diplomacy was researched. Finally, the work contains the author's interpretations and evaluations of the analyzed events
... Founded June 1920; 101 years ago (Fromkin, 2010 ...
The aviation industry in the Gulf Cooperation Council has surpassed most other regional markets. Excellent national airlines such as Emirates Airline, Etihad Airways, and Qatar Airways have risen to international prominence as a result of the sector's commercial activity. The GCC countries' advantageous geographical locations have made them accessible to airlines serving almost two-thirds of the world population, as the region operates as a central hub and serves a vital link between the Eastern and Western economies (GCC Aviation Infrastructure Market - Growth, Trends, COVID19 Impact, and Forecasts (2022 - 2027), n.d.); In recent years, airports like Dubai, Doha, and Abu Dhabi have considerably outpaced conventional hubs like Hong Kong, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, and London in terms of passenger traffic growth (Aviation in the Gulf region, n.d.).
Over the last century, the Gulf has exploited its fortunate geographical location by developing cutting-edge airport infrastructure. Therefore, it has a long history as a global aviation hub. The UAE and Qatar, in particular, are bathing in this glory, with advanced airports in cities such as Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Doha. Consequently, it's no wonder that such countries are home to the world's fastest emerging airlines, including Emirates, Etihad Airways, and Qatar Airways. In terms of passenger traffic, Dubai International Airport is the largest airport in the GCC and one of the busiest in the world (Aviation in the Gulf region, n.d.).
Currently, The UAE and Saudi Arabia are the region's two most critical aviation markets, accounting for nearly 73% of the total fleet size of the GCC aviation sector (GCC Aviation Infrastructure Market - Growth, Trends, COVID-19 Impact, and Forecasts (2022 - 2027), n.d.). Air Arabia, Fly Dubai, and Jazeera Airlines are the region's low-cost carriers (LCCs), whereas the rest are full-service carriers (FSCs).
The Major commercial airlines of the GCC countries include the following:
- UAE: Emirates Airline, Etihad Airways, Air Arabia, and flydubai
- Qatar: Qatar Airways
- Saudi Arabia: Saudi Arabian Airlines (Saudia) and flynas
- Bahrain: Gulf Air
- Oman: Oman Air
- Kuwait: Kuwait Airways and Jazeera Airlines
This airline market analysis report will provide information on the airline market in the GCC area. It will also describe the many types of aircraft applications (passenger/cargo/VIP). Additionally, it will identify the fleet size and types of aircrafts flown in each airline's fleet. Similarly, it will cover significant characteristics of each GCC country's military air forces, such as fleet size and origin, aircraft type and variants, the number of aircrafts in service, engine type, series used, etc. Lastly, it will show the airline's leadership hierarchy for all airlines within a GCC country.
... 7000 fős csendőrség támogatását, ügynökei pedig a lakosság egyötödét kitevő törzsek körében agitáltak. 11 Titkos szerződést is kötött a kormánnyal, amelynek értelmében fegyvereket, muníciót, pénzt és politikai függetlenséget ajánlott a Németországgal való együttműködésért cserébe. London és Petrográd természetesen értesült a megállapodásról és mindent megtett, hogy a közel-keleti országot az ellenőrzése alatt tarthassa. ...
On the eve of the World War I, Persia was the subject of rivalry between Tsarist Russia and Britain. Although the treaty of 1907 separated their spheres of interest, it was then that the Central Powers tried to gain influence in the county. At the beginning of World War I, Persia, which was struggling with serious internal problems, declared its neutrality. Nevertheless, fighting erupted in its territory, on the one hand between the British and the rebel tribes of southern Persia, and on the other hand in the northern border area between Ottomans and Russians. The clashes with varying success involved smaller forces than those fought on either the battlefields in Europe or the Middle East, but the stakes were high here as well. The British and Russians were particularly troubled by the ever-intensifying Persian nationalism after their influence was enshrined in another treaty in the summer of 1916. After the victory of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Russians withdrew from the country, and the British tried to take their place. Meanwhile, the requests of the Persian government were not taken into account, nor was it able to participate in the Paris peace conference. In addition, the war caused extremely severe famine, epidemics, and general impoverishment for Persian society.
... Bir başka önemli veri, Henry Lynch'ın 1859'da kurduğu ve 20. yüzyıla taşıdığı ticaret ağının 1903 yazında 200.000 ton ticaret yapabilecek kapasiteye değerlendirilmiştir. (Fromkin 2009;Fromkin 2004;Yapp 1987;Yapp, 1996;Cleveland 2000). 3 Davutoğlu, Ortadoğu kavramını geniş bir açıdan değerlendirmek suretiyle jeokültürel, jeoekonomik ve rimland (kenar bölge) kuşağının merkezî hattı olarak tanımlamıştır. ...
İNGİLİZ İSTİHBARAT BELGELERİ ÜZERİNDEN ORTADOĞU’YA ORYANTALİST BİR BAKIŞ
... 126 The Great Game, namely the Anglo-Russian rivalry over Turco-Persian lands in Asia, was in many ways reanimated in the aftermath of the First World War. 127 Yet, it was Muslim internationalism, revolutionary struggles on the ground and diplomatic alliances against great power interventions that shaped the Northern Tier of the Middle East as a distinct geopolitical region. 128 The absence of the 'Arab South' in these calculations demonstrates the limited reach of Bolshevik agitation and Soviet diplomacy. ...
Through bilateral treaties between Moscow, Ankara, Tehran and Kabul, revolutionary diplomacy shaped the ‘Northern Tier’ of the Middle East in the early 1920s. This article argues that the infamous Young Turk leaders, though in exile after the First World War, remained at the centre of a significant moment in transnational revolutionary diplomacy in Eurasia. Based on a hitherto underutilised collection of published and unpublished private papers in juxtaposition with other archival sources, this article illustrates the working of a dual process of internationalism. While campaigning for Muslim internationalism, the Young Turk leaders were able to partake in international politics, but ironically reduced their own legitimacy and capacity as non-state actors by championing revolutionary bilateralism between Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan and Soviet Russia.
... The Sykes- Picot-Sazonov Collusion (1916) Plans, during the War, were drawn up to divide Ottoman territories without taking much notice of the peoples affected. Before WWI ended, the peoples of the Middle East had already been destined to accept the new boundaries bargained in the Sykes-Picot-Sazonov collusive deal (May 15-16, 1916) (Fromkin 2001), 12 officially known as the Asia Minor Agreement. Britain, France, and Tsarist Russia had split up the Ottoman territories: Cilicia, Lebanon, and Syria for France; Iraq and Palestine for Britain; Istanbul and the straits for Russia (Palmer 1994, 239-240); and the southwest Ottoman portion for Italy. ...
In August 1920, the political fate of the Kurdish nation, along with its territory, Kurdistan, were on the line, after the Allies asserted their interest in national rights to self-determination following World War I. Under the Treaty of Sèvres, Kurds were acknowledged as an ethno-political entity in the Wilsonian perspective, yet the ideal of self-determination failed to crystallize as a full legal right to independent nationhood. Thus, Kurdish statehood was annulled. In contrast, the drawing of states' boundaries in Europe took place mostly along national lines. The result has been an untenable diversity across regions affected by the War in the varieties of self-determination, arguing that some peoples' nationhood was credited with less legitimacy than others. The departure of imperial powers and subsequently the League of Nations from self-determination for achieving territorial independence came as a result of imperialist world policies to reorder political influence. With the adoption of self-determination as one of the purposes of the UN in 1945, and with the crystallization of self-determination as a legal right in 1966 and the subsequent campaign of decolonization, it could be argued the Kurds' status was not repositioned and in some way is invisible to the law of self-determination, as applied.
... The last decades of the 19th century were characterized by independence movements in the Ottoman Empire (Fromkin 1989), which was finally destroyed by the First World War. With the mass destruction of Jewish society in Europe, the Second World War also led to the call for an immediate home for Jews. ...
Drawing on approaches from the history of emotions, Eve Tignol investigates how they were collectively cultivated and debated for the shaping of Muslim community identity and for political mobilisation in north India in the wake of the Uprising of 1857 until the 1940s. Utilising a rich corpus of Urdu sources evoking the past, including newspapers, colonial records, pamphlets, novels, letters, essays and poetry, she explores the ways in which writing took on a particular significance for Muslim elites in North India during this period. Uncovering different episodes in the history of British India as vignettes, she highlights a multiplicity of emotional styles and of memory works, and their controversial nature. The book demonstrates the significance of grief as a proactive tool in creating solidarities and deepens our understanding of the dynamics behind collective action in colonial north India.
This magisterial new history elucidates a momentous transformation process that changed the world: the struggle to create, for the first time, a modern Atlantic order in the long twentieth century (1860–2020). Placing it in a broader historical and global context, Patrick O. Cohrs reinterprets the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 as the original attempt to supersede the Eurocentric 'world order' of the age of imperialism and found a more legitimate peace system – a system that could not yet be global but had to be essentially transatlantic. Yet he also sheds new light on why, despite remarkable learning-processes, it proved impossible to forge a durable Atlantic peace after a First World War that became the long twentieth century's cathartic catastrophe. In a broader perspective this ground-breaking study shows what a decisive impact this epochal struggle has had not only for modern conceptions of peace, collective security and an integrative, rule-based international order but also for formative ideas of self-determination, liberal-democratic government and the West.
Bu makalede, 1995 genel seçimlerinden sonra kurulan Anayol hükümetinin devam edememesi ile kurulan Refahyol hükümetinin, Temmuz 1996’da başlayıp, 11 ay süren dış politikalarının analizinin yapılması amaçlanmıştır. Necmettin Erbakan liderliğinde kurulan koalisyon hükümeti sonrasında uygulanacak olan dış politikalar yurtiçinde ve yurtdışında çeşitli endişelere yol açmıştır. Burada, Refahyol hükümetinin icraatları sonrası oluşan endişenlerin ne ölçüde gerçekleştiği veya gerçekleşmediği ile ilgili günümüze gelen bilgi ve belgeler ışığında değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Çalışmamızda yapılan teknik ve dökümante analizler sonrasında, devlet geleneğine sahip Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kurumsal yapıları, sivil toplum örgütleri, özgür basını, yetişmiş değerli devlet adamları ve dış politika uzmanları (büyükelçi, ateşe) ile; kurulan hükümetlerin ideolojik eğilimleri ne olursa olsun dış politikalarda tek başlarına karar verme yetkileri sınırlı kalmaktadır. Ayrıca koalisyon hükümetlerinde hükümeti oluşturan digger parti veya partilerin farklı görüşlerinin olması, liderlerin güvenoyu endişesi taşıması ile dış politikalarda daha çok ortak görüşe dayalı kararlar verdikleri görülmüştür. Bu doğrultuda Türk dış politikasının Refahyol döneminde realist rasyonel-aktör yaklaşım çerçevesinde şekillendiğini, karar alma sürecinin ise Allison’un “bürokratik siyaset” modeline uygun olduğu sonucuna erişilmiştir.
After the final phase of drawdown of U.S. troops in Iraq, it is important to do what we can to help maintain a level of stability and to look ahead to emerging security threats. Strategic Water: Iraq and Security Planning in the Euphrates-Tigris Basin by Frederick Lorenz and Edward J. Erickson makes an important contribution to this effort by taking a close look at a serious problem that is often neglected—the decline in freshwater availability and its impact on regional security.
Mengkaji dan menganalisis pola-pola respon masyarakat dunia Islam terhadap dua peristiwa penting dalam rangkaian kampenye Perang Melawan Terorisme di dua Masa kepemimpinan Presiden George W. Bush, yang meliputi Serangan Retaliasi AS ke Afghanistan dan Invasi AS di Irak
This article considers the British response to the Tel Hai affair, within the wider setting of British security policy in north-east Palestine. It sheds light on lesser-known aspects of British policy in the period such as the extensive use of Indian forces, the development of the region’s transport infrastructure, and the British military administration’s general concern about the threat of an Arab invasion across the Jordan river basin. Turning attention to the largely forgotten battle between British and Arab forces at Samakh in late April 1920, the article argues that this was the decisive military engagement of the period in Palestine.
Savaşlar insanlık tarihinin bir parçasıdır. Hatta insanlık tarihini savaşlar tarihi, kültürü de bu savaşların deyim yerindeyse bir sonucu olarak ele alan paradigmalar mevcuttur. Savaş paradigmalarına karşı konumlanan ve bunları dönüştürmeyi amaçlayan barış çalışmalarının bize gösterdiği, iletişim araçlarının savaş kültürünün meşrulaştırılmasında olduğu gibi, doğallaştırılıp yaygınlaştırılmasında da büyük payının olduğudur. Zira fiziksel kültürel ve yapısal şiddet tarafından sistemli bir biçimde örülen bir savaş kültürü mevcuttur ve bu kültürün yerini barış kültürüne bırakabilmesi için barış gazeteciliğinin varlığı büyük önem taşır. Neredeyse başlangıcından bu yana savaş gazeteciliği olarak icra edilegelmiş olan gazetecilik mesleğinin, barış kültürünün inşasında ne tür işlevler ve sorumluluklar üstlenebileceği sorusu ise her savaş döneminde tekrar sorulmaktadır. Gazeteciliğin barış ile bağlantılı etiği bir yana, diğer bir taraftan teknoloji adeta Marshall McLuhan’ın “araç mesajdır” ifadesinin altını çizercesine olayları biçimlendirmektedir. Nitekim savaşların, teknolojik gelişmelerle birlikte bir gösteriye dönüşmesi bildiğimiz bir şey olsa da özellikle bu röportaja konu olan Rusya-Ukrayna Savaşından hareketle savaşın imgeleştirilmesinin tamamıyla dijitalleştiğini söylemek mümkün. Daha açık bir ifadeyle, bu savaş örneğinde savaşın imgeler üzerinden verildiğini, tarafların kamuoyu desteği almak için adeta bir iletişim savaşı sürdürdüğünü izleyebiliyoruz. Biz de Moment Dergi olarak, sahada neler oluyor, bu savaşı yeni kılan ne, bizi neler bekliyor ve dahası biz bu savaşı nasıl okumalıyız sorularını Ümit Bektaş’a sorduk.
Syria is one of the significant examples in the literature of conflict studies. Although there are many reasons for the events in Syria, sectarian identities, material gains related to these identities and a cycle of violence may remain. When the violence in Syria ends or turns into a different form, the emphasis on identity and sectarian identities will continue to find a place in political and social life in the post-conflict processes as well as before and during the conflict. For this reason, it is necessary to consider identities and identity transformations in processes such as post-conflict resolution and reconciliation, and to prevent identities from becoming an element of conflict by instrumentalizing them. This is necessary for genuine peace to come in the country and to avoid a cycle of violence. One of the most critical issues in conflict resolution and reconciliation literature is the necessity of realizing identity transformations together with concrete solutions. If these processes are not carried out in appropriate ways, it is common that cycle of violence recurs in certain periods. In this study, sectarian identities in Syria, the place of identity in post-conflict resolution and reconciliation processes, identity transformations and possible social reconciliation approaches in Syria will be discussed.
In Section 1.4, I summarized the situation before 1914 like this: “In the last three decades before World War I, attention to national distinctions and feelings of national pride or imperial supremacy were extremely common, but by and large they peacefully coexisted—if I may put it like this—with increasing contact and collaboration among scientists from different empires or countries.”
The 1930s may well be the most difficult decade of the twentieth century to come to terms with. Given what humanity was about to be led into, i.e. World War II, one may be tempted to consider it a “morbid age”.
Todays International Mathematical Union (IMU) derives its greatest visibility among mathematicians world wide from the International Congresses. Its very foundation was an integral part of the mounting of the first postwar ICM at Harvard in 1950. It is via the experience of the quadrennial ICMs and the published traces they leave behind that an image of mathematics continues to be framed and projected for the mathematical community at large, and for the whole world to see. In this final chapter we present a data-based study of how the most exquisite layer of this image has evolved over the past seventy years.
Turning now to a period which coincides with my own life, I cannot deliver a historical account; the minimum distance to many of the events studied is missing. This is one of the reasons why the style of this third and final part of the book will become increasingly different from that of the preceding chapters.
Today the International Commission for Mathematical Instruction (ICMI) is by far the most prolific of the three commissions of the IMU. But treating ICMI just as a commission of the current IMU misses its peculiar historic significance.
The US-based activities that we briefly recall in this chapter are an important reminder, within the crystalline sphere of scientific endeavors, of the truly global transformation that World War I had wrought.
In each of the three parts of this book we present a characteristic feature that highlights the state of mathematics in the corresponding period.
The foundation of the IAA was discussed in Section 1.3.2. Its structural peculiarities were highlighted by remarks made by one of its architects, the physicist Arthur Schuster, Fellow of the Royal Society. The upshot was that, as an international science consortium, the IAA was somehow suspended in mid-air between nations and disciplines because the member Academies each had their own international network of corresponding fellows, independently of their being part of the IAA, and each one of them tried to represent all disciplines as well as possible. And yet, taken together, these Academies did not count among their individual members all the relevant researchers, even for some of the most prestigious international projects.
This book is about Science International , and what it meant for mathematics over the past two centuries. The emergence of the particular kind of Science International at work in the twentieth century hinges on the concept of Nation States, i.e., states which claim to be political and cultural units at the same time. Science International thus originated from European, especially continental European developments in the nineteenth century.
The delicate dualism of nationalist and internationalist orientations that characterized the pre-war period, as described in Section 1.4 above, came to an abrupt end once war was declared, at the beginning of August 1914. The pride and interest of the nation left no room for ‘internationalist jokes’, as Debussy put it. We will first, in Sections 3.1 and 3.2, document this new state of mind with respect to science, and mathematics in particular. World War I was not only marked by this surge of exclusive nationalism; it was also a modern, technical war which mobilized scientists, including mathematicians; this is the subject of Section 3.3. A short final section considers the (im)possibility of organizing international congresses during the war.
لە ڕۆژی 10 ی ئاگۆستی ساڵی 19 20 دا ڕێک لە سەدەیەک لەمەوبەر چارەنووسی سیاسی نەتەوەی کورد و وڵاتەکەی واتە کوردستان، کەوتە ناوەندی سەرنجەکانەوە بەتایبەتی پاش ئەوەی هێزەکانی هاوپەیمان، دوای شەڕی یەکەمی جیهانی پشتیوانییان لە مافی نەتەوەکان بۆ دیاریکردنی چارەنووس کرد. سەرۆک کۆمار ویڵسۆن 14 خاڵی لە ژانڤییەی 1918 سەبارەت بە ئاشتیی جیهانی نووسی: ئەو بەشە تورکانەی ئیمپراتووریی عوسمانیی « ئێستا دەبێت مافی دەسەڵاتدارێتییان بۆ دابین بکرێت و بەڵام بۆ نەتەوەکانی تری ژێر دەسەڵاتی ئێستای تورکەکان گەرەنتیی ئەمنییەتی گیانی و دەرفەتی جیا لە دەستێوەردان بۆ گەشەسەندی سەربەخۆ بدرێت. لە ڕۆژی 9ی نۆڤەمبری ساڵی 1918دا، فەڕەنسا و بریتانیا لە ڕاگەیێنراوێکی هاوبەشدا بەڵێنی ڕزگاریی تەواو و کۆتایییان بەو خەڵکە دا کە بۆ ماوەیەکی زۆر لەلایەن تورکەکانەوە سەرکوت دەکران و ئەوەش لە ڕێگەی حکوومەت و ئیدارەی تایبەت بە خۆیانەوە دەستەبەر دەکرا. ئەم ڕێوشوێنگەلە کاتێک دامەزرا کە بڕیار بوو نەتەوەکان بە ویست و خواستی ئازادانەی خۆیان. سەبارەت بە پرەنسیپەکانی دیاریکردنی مافی چارەنووس، کردەوەیان هەبێت.
This chapter examines whether good markets have political aspects, based on unique data for daily prices in İstanbul between 1918 and 1924. To set a convincing causal estimate for the impacts of political uncertainty on good prices, we focus on political risk changes during this historical episode that was not related to confounding factors, such as economic depression. Our findings shed light on the presence of higher political risk due to the resignations of governments, leading to good price fluctuations through sudden changes in supply and trade disruptions. Based on a natural experiment relating to the end of the Ottoman Empire, our results fill the gap in the literature, which covers limited research on the positive link between political events and fluctuations in commodity market prices.
This dissertation demonstrates how the relationship between the United States and the State of Israel underwent a significant transformation during 1970s and 1980s. After more than two decades of limited American aid since Israel declared its independence in 1948, the United States under Presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan dramatically increased its support for Israel in the wake of the October War of 1973. This increased level of support is most apparent in the level of U.S. military aid provided to Israel, which Israel received under extremely favorable terms. The deepening of U.S.-Israeli ties from 1973 onwards occurred despite the fact that there were very real differences between U.S. and Israeli national and strategic interests, differences that sometimes erupted into fierce disagreements between American and Israeli officials. U.S. support for Israel was based on several factors, including Israel’s perceived value as a strategic ally during the Cold War, Americans’ vision of Israel as a fellow democracy with similar political, cultural, and religious values, and the large number of Jewish and Christian supporters in the United States. The 1970s and 1980s are also important for the U.S.-Israeli relationship because these years saw an important shift among Israel’s supporters in the United States. While American Jews had traditionally been Israel’s strongest backers, from the 1970s onwards American evangelical Christians emerged as some of Israel’s most vocal champions in the United States. Adviser: Thomas Borstelmann
The fall of the Ottoman Empire during World War One and the emergence of the modern state system in the Middle East have received significant attention in academic literature. However, the impacts that the proliferation of state borders in the 19th and 20th centuries have had on political and economic integration within the Middle East is often ignored. This study argues that between the mid-19th and mid-20th centuries the region underwent significant structural changes. Furthermore, these changes were driven by external intervention and internal decline. A number of theoretical assumptions are posited concerning the importance on integration and cooperation of the following: the increase in borders and claims to sovereignty and the separation of peoples/markets. The conclusions drawn are that the change from a system characterised by large political actors and integrated markets to one which is characterised by smaller states and separated markets led to the disintegration of the region's internal relations.
The Ottoman Empire built, trained, organized, led, and sustained her army over a period of more than 600 years, during which had a significant effect on the history of the modern world. It underwent several transformations. In this context, the Mekteb-i Fünûn-ı Harbiyye-i Şâhâne (Turkish Military Academy) was established in 1834 in İstanbul to provide officers for the army, where cadets were given professional military education and training. Unfortunately, the Military Academy was closed in 1914 following the start of World War I. There was an urgent need to train and educate cadets to provide necessary junior officers to the units for the Turkish War of Independence. Therefore, to satisfy this need, the first officer educating and training facility in Ankara was opened in Abidinpaşa Mansion (Sunûf-ı Muhtelife Zabit Namzetleri Talimgâhı) on July 1, 1920, i.e. the Military Academy was moved to Ankara, like most of the Ottoman institutions during Turkish War of Independence. The system is very similar to the German reserve officer system. The education was based upon on-the-job training and application of the technical and tactical staff, so the officer candidates tried to learn how to use infantry rifles and individual soldier's equipment, and later on, they practiced how to command squads, and then platoons. This study aims to put forward and reveal very unknown historical facts about this temporary military facility, and its benefits during times of poverty and lack of resources. Hence, it proves the motto “desperate times call for desperate measures”.
The book questions how French, Israeli and Palestinian filmmakers between 1960 and 2010 have dealt with the Middle East conflict and with audiovisual representations concerning Israel-Palestine. It examines the transgressive strategies of essay films by Chris Marker, Dan Geva, Jean-Luc Godard/Anne-Marie Miéville, Ariella Azoulay, Udi Aloni, Ula Tabari und Elia Suleiman and provides a detailed analysis of their historical and aesthetic context.
You can also download a PDF of the book under a CC-BY 4.0 license at: https://www.magentacloud.de/lnk/JmiFBroH#file.
Klappentext:
Die raum-zeitliche Konfiguration «Israel-Palästina» ist das hochmediatisierte und affektiv aufgeladene Wahrnehmungsobjekt par excellence. Immer wieder stellt sich das «Nahostproblem» auf der Ebene von kinematographischen und massenmedialen Bildern und Tönen. Peter Grabhers Studie untersucht, wie sich die audiovisuelle Repräsentationen Palästina-Israels und die visuellen Kulturen seit 1960 verändert haben und wie darauf die Essayfilme von Filmautor*innen der Avantgarde reagieren. Welche transgressiven Strategien entwickelte das zwischen Dokument und Fiktion changierende essayistische Kino? Was vermögen diese in Richtung einer Transfiguration der Wahrnehmung des Chronotopos «Palästina-Israel»? Grabher untersucht einen exemplarischen Korpus von Essayfilmen, die am Blick arbeiten und ihn verändern.
Im ersten Teil der Untersuchung arbeitet er Fragestellungen und filmanalytische Methoden aus und referiert die Entfaltung der seit dem frühen Kino virulenten Idee eines «denkenden Bildes». Ausgehend von Eisenstein, Astruc und Richter wird die Poetik des filmischen Essayismus bis hin zur aktuellen Diskussion dargestellt. Die Analyse von vier filmischen «Kraftfeldern» bildet schließlich den Kern der Arbeit. In dichten Beschreibungen wird gezeigt, wie französische (Chris Marker, Jean-Luc Godard/Anne-Marie Miéville), israelische (Ariella Azoulay/Udi Aloni) und palästinensische Filmautor*innen (Ula Tabari/Elia Suleiman) in ihren Filmen auf dominante Repräsentationen und kollektive Narrative eingehen und diese ästhetisch überschreiten. Die Analyse setzt 1960 ein, dem Jahr der Verhaftung Adolf Eichmanns, die jüngsten Filmbeispiele gehören der «Post-9/11-Welt» an. Produktionsgenealogie, Poetik und Rezeption von emblematischen Filmen wie Chris Markers BESCHREIBUNG EINES KAMPFES (1960) und des titelgebenden HIER UND ANDERSWO (1976) von Jean-Luc Godard und Anne-Marie Miéville werden erstmals umfassend dargestellt. Mit Ariella Azoulays THE ANGEL OF HISTORY (2000) und Udi Alonis MECHILOT (2006) werden zwei radikale Werke des aktuellen israelischen Kinos analysiert; mit Ula Tabaris JINGA48 und Elia Suleimans THE TIME THAT REMAINS (2009) zwei Schlüsselwerke des aktuellen palästinensischen Kinos. Im Kontext der medialen Repräsentation des israelisch-palästinensischen Problems, in dem Bilder Mittel und Schauplatz des Krieges sind, die als affektauslösende Objektivitätsbehauptungen die Wahrnehmung kapern, kommt diesen Beispielen einer essayistischen Ästhetik eine radikale politische Bedeutung zu.
https://www.schueren-verlag.de/programm/titel/624-hier-und-anderswo-msm-82.html
Há um consenso literatura acadêmica sobre a criação dos Estados modernos no Oriente Médio cujo ponto de partida para compreensão desse processo se dá no momento da desintegração do Império Otomano e sua substituição pelas potências europeias. No caso do Iraque, a campanha militar e os períodos de ocupação (1914-1920) e de mandato britânico (1920-1932) na Mesopotâmia prepararam o caminho para a criação do estado do Iraque, influenciando de forma significativa seu desenvolvimento político-histórico posterior. No entanto, para além das ações diplomáticas estabelecidas por acordos e tratados internacionais sob a partir das diretrizes estabelecidas pela Liga das Nações, esse processo não ocorreu num espaço vazio como, frequentemente, é mencionado nessa mesma literatura. Os embates por acessos ao petróleo da região, exemplificado pela disputa da região de Mosul, demonstram o caráter político-econômico da construção das novas fronteiras. Além disso, esse resultado não foi unicamente consequência de uma ação política planejada pelo Império Britânico, mas derivou também das revoltas anti-imperialistas em toda a região. Desta forma, o resultado político no Estado Iraque, e seu desenvolvimento subsequente, refletiu não apenas a presença das estruturas de poder imperiais, mas também devido a participação das comunidades e grupos locais, em conexão com movimentos internacionais.
With a focus on the key developments and critical junctures that shaped and reshaped the relationship between the Ottomans and its non-Muslim subject communities, this paper seeks to understand the dynamics and the rationale behind the Ottoman policies and practices vis-a-vis non-Muslim communities. It will do so by offering a periodisation of Ottoman rule along four major pathways, each of which also provides the title of the respective section. The first period is referred to as structural exclusion by toleration over centuries, from the conquest of the respective territories to their incorporation into the imperial domain. The second phase is entitled integration via politics of recognition which basically covers the Tanzimat era (1838-1876). The third period is put under the heading of coercive domination and control, roughly corresponding to the Hamidian Period (1876-1908). And finally, the last period is concerned with the Young Turks regime (1908-1918), discussing its politics and policies towards non-Muslims communities framed under the title of nation-building by nation-destruction. The chapter titles act both as hypothesis and structuring elements of the periodisation presented. As such they shall help identify the dominant paradigm of each period pertinent to the status and situation of the communities under consideration, while connecting them in a plausible manner. This paper is motivated by a non-Orientalised decolonial approach to the study of the Ottoman empire as well as the nation-states established in the post-Ottoman political geographies.
The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
The consensus in academic literature on the creation of modern states in the Middle East is that the starting point for understanding this process occurs with the Ottoman Empire disintegration and its replacement by European powers. In the case of Iraq, a military campaign and the periods of British occupation (1914-1920) and British mandate (1920-1932) in Mesopotamia paved the way for the creation of the state of Iraq, significantly influencing their later political-historical development. However, in addition to the diplomatic actions established by international agreements and treaties under the guidelines established by the League of Nations, this process did not occur in an empty space, as is often mentioned in that same literature. The clashes over access to the region's oil, exemplified by the dispute over the Mosul region, demonstrate the political-economic character of the construction of new borders. Moreover, this was not only the result of a planned political action by the British Empire, but also resulted from anti-imperialist revolts across the region. In this way, Iraq's final political outcome, and its subsequent development, reflected not only the presence of the imperial powers structures, but also the participation of local communities and groups, in connection with international movements. Resumen Hay un consenso en la literatura académica sobre la creación de estados moder-nos en Oriente Medio en que el punto de partida para comprender este proceso se da en el momento de la desintegración del Imperio Otomano y su sustitución 1. Livre Docente em Relações Inter-nacionais pela PUCSP, Professor da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUCSP), São Paulo, Brasil. Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5674-4197. 2. Mestre em Relações Internacionais pelo PPGRI San Tiago Dantas, Professor da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, São Paulo, Brasil. Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7245-5448. 36 estudos internacionais • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 2317-773X, v. 8, n. 4, (dez. 2020), p. 35-58 por las potencias europeas. En el caso de Irak, la campaña militar y los períodos de ocupación (1914-1920) y el mandato británico (1920-1932) en Mesopotamia allanaron el camino para la creación del estado de Irak, influyendo significativa-mente en su posterior desarrollo histórico-político.Sin embargo, además de las acciones diplomáticas establecidas por acuerdos y tratados internacionales bajo los lineamientos establecidos por la Liga de Naciones, este proceso no se dio en un espacio vacío como suele mencionarse en esa misma literatura. Los enfrenta-mientos por el acceso al petróleo de la región, ejemplificados por la disputa por la región de Mosul, demuestran el carácter político-económico de la construc-ción de nuevas fronteras.Y más, este resultado no fue únicamente el resultado de la acción política planificada por el Imperio Británico, sino que también se derivó de revueltas antiimperialistas en toda la región. De esta manera, el resul-tado político final de Irak, y su posterior desarrollo, reflejó no solo la presencia de estructuras de poder imperial, sino también la participación de comunidades y grupos locales, en conexión con movimientos internacionales. Palabras-clave: Irak. Imperio Otomano. Imperio Británico. Sistemas de manda-tos. Petróleo. Revueltas Árabes. Resumo Há um consenso literatura acadêmica sobre a criação dos Estados modernos no Oriente Médio cujo ponto de partida para compreensão desse processo se dá no momento da desintegração do Império Otomano e sua substituição pelas potên-cias europeias. No caso do Iraque, a campanha militar e os períodos de ocupação (1914-1920) e de mandato britânico (1920-1932) na Mesopotâmia prepararam o caminho para a criação do estado do Iraque, influenciando de forma significativa seu desenvolvimento político-histórico posterior. No entanto, para além das ações diplomáticas estabelecidas por acordos e tratados internacionais sob a par-tir das diretrizes estabelecidas pela Liga das Nações, esse processo não ocorreu num espaço vazio como, frequentemente, é mencionado nessa mesma literatu-ra. Os embates por acessos ao petróleo da região, exemplificado pela disputa da região de Mosul, demonstram o caráter político-econômico da construção das novas fronteiras. Além disso, esse resultado não foi unicamente consequência de uma ação política planejada pelo Império Britânico, mas derivou também das revoltas anti-imperialistas em toda a região. Desta forma, o resultado político no Estado Iraque, e seu desenvolvimento subsequente, refletiu não apenas a pre-sença das estruturas de poder imperiais, mas também devido a participação das comunidades e grupos locais, em conexão com movimentos internacionais. Palavras-chave: Iraque. Império Otomano. Império Britânico. Sistema de Man-datos. Petróleo.RevoltasÁrabes.
Tanulmányomban az első világháború után brit fennhatóság alatt létrejött iraki mandátum, azon belül is az új állam számára sok fejtörést okozó Moszul tartomány helyzetét vizsgálom meg. Ennek során arra a kérdésre keresem a választ, hogy milyen bel- és külpolitikai problémákat okozott Iraknak az, hogy Nagy-Britannia mindenáron az ország területéhez kívánta csatolni a moszuli térséget. Az elemzés során elsősorban az 1920–1932 közötti időszakra, a mandátum fennállásának idejére fókuszálok, azt követően ugyanis a térség által okozott külpolitikai probléma megszűnt. Ugyanakkor a belpolitikai kihívás, a „kurdkérdés” a mai napig fennáll, amelyről egy kitekintésben számolok be. Kutatásomhoz elsősorban a mandátum időszakából származó diplomáciai jelentéseket, memorandumokat használtam fel, amelyeket a szakirodalom segítségével elemeztem és értelmeztem, olyan perspektívákat is megvilágítva, amelyek kevéssé ismertek a magyar olvasók előtt.
In this, the second of two linked articles, I move from efforts to address the colonial legacy of our public spaces to consider the colonial marking of the spaces and institutional memory of the discipline of geography. I use the work and legacy of Halford Mackinder as exemplary of some of these colonial affiliations. By the standards of his time, Mackinder was an enthusiastic imperialist and a resolute racist. He believed that humanity comprised superior and inferior peoples and that the best of the former should use force to defend its global hegemony. When Mackinder’s intellectual legacy is invoked it is all too often in order to promote a similarly bellicose colonialism as with the geopolitical imagination of Robert Kaplan. In his own practice of geographical adventuring, Mackinder himself set Black lives far below his own pursuit of geographical glory and those who vaunt his reputation in the spaces of the academy, burnish a glory that was most cruelly won.
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