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The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company



At the end of the 18th century Bengal suddenly came under the rule of the East India Company. The former trading company had become the sovereign, first, of a country the size of France, and eventually of the whole Indian subcontinent. The Company was not controlled by any positive law, be it Indian, British or international. As a consequence, the Company’s individual and corporate greed reigned supreme, with the most dire consequences for the native Indian population. The Indian question aroused the interest of Edmund Burke. He saw in India a metaphor for his native Ireland and was suspicious of the corruption of British politics by the money and influence that the Company’s men had gained in India. He therefore made it the aim of his life to fight the Company’s unrestrained avarice by fostering an impeachment trial against Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of Bengal. In order to get Hastings convicted it was necessary to show that he had infringed the law. But which law should Hastings’ judges apply? He resorted to Natural Law and Roman Law. Thence he took the maxim »Eundem negotiatorem et dominum«, that is to say, commerce which aims at profit, and government which aims at the welfare of the population, are irreconcilable. Though after many years Hastings was acquitted, Burke contributed by this trial to civilising British rule in India. Burke’s stance has recently been criticised by the post-colonial school: He should have pleaded for the British to quit India rather than improving their rule and thereby prolonging its existence.
Zeitschri des Max-Planck-Instituts für europäische Rechtsgeschichte
Journal of the Max Planck Institute for European Legal History
Rechtsge schichte
Legal History
2012 104 124
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed:
Edmund Burke against the East India Company
Dieser Beitrag steht unter einer
Creative Commons cc-by-nc-nd 3.0
Am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts gelangte Ben-
galen mit einem Schlag unter die Herrscha der
East India Company. Die ehemalige Handelskom-
pagnie war zum Souverän eines Landes in der
Größe Frankreichs geworden und sollte später
den gesamten indischen Subkontinent beherr-
schem, noch von britischem Recht oder von
Völkerrecht in ihrem Tun kontrolliert. Daher
konnte sich die Gier der Kompagnie wie die ihrer
Mitglieder ungehindert entfalten, was die unange-
nehmsten Konsequenzen r die eingeborne indi-
sche Bevölkerung hatte. Die indische Frage erregte
das Interesse von Edmund Burke. Er sah in Indien
eine Metapher für seine Heimat Irland und hatte
Angst vor einer Korruption der britischen Politik
durch das Geld und den Einuss von Briten, die
sich in Indien bereichert hatten. Er machte es sich
zur Aufgabe seines Lebens, gegen die Gier der
Kompagnie zu kämpfen, indem er ein Impeach-
ment-Verfahren gegen Warren Hastings anregte,
den Ersten General-Gouverneur von Bengalen.Um
eine Verurteilung Hastings zu erreichen, war es
notwendig zu zeigen, dass er das Recht gebrochen
hatte. Aber welches Recht? Burke gri auf Natur-
recht und Römisches Recht zurück.Von dort nahm
er den Grundsatz »Eundem negotiatorem et domi-
num«. Damit ist gemeint, dass man nicht zugleich
Händler und Souverän sein kann, hat der eine
doch seinen Prot zum Ziel und der andere das
Wohlergehen der Bevölkerung. Zwar wurde Has-
tings nach mehreren Jahren freigesprochen, doch
trug Burke mit diesem Prozess dazu bei, die eng-
lische Herrscha in Indien zu zivilisieren. Seit
neustem wird seine Position von der Schule der
Postkolonialisten bekämp:Erhättedafüreintre-
ten sollen, dass die Briten Indien verlassen anstatt
ihre Herrscha zu verbessern und damit zu ver-
At the end of the 18th century Bengal suddenly
came under the rule of the East India Company.
The former trading company had become the
sovereign, rst, of a country the size of France,
and eventually of the whole Indian subcontinent.
The Company was not controlled by any positive
law, be it Indian, British or international. As a
consequence, the Company’s individual and cor-
porate greed reigned supreme, with the most dire
consequences for the native Indian population.The
Indian question aroused the interest of Edmund
Burke. He saw in India a metaphor for his native
Ireland and was suspicious of the corruption of
British politics by the money and inuence that the
Company’s men had gained in India. He therefore
made it the aim of his life to ght the Company’s
unrestrained avarice by fostering an impeachment
trial against Warren Hastings, the rst Governor
General of Bengal. In order to get Hastings con-
victed it was necessary to show that he had in-
fringed the law. But which law should Hastings’
judges apply? He resorted to Natural Law and
negotiatorem et dominum«, that is to say, com-
merce which aims at prot, and government which
aims at the welfare of the population, are irrecon-
cilable. Though aer many years Hastings was
acquitted, Burke contributed by this trial to civilis-
ing British rule in India. Burke’s stance has recently
been criticised by the post-colonial school: He
should have pleaded for the British to quit India
rather than improving their rule and thereby
prolonging its existence.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed:
Edmund Burke against the East India Company
An aliud Romae aequum est, aliud in Sicilia?
(Is justice in Rome one thing and in Sicily another?)
Cicero, In Verrem II 46 (117)
I. Introduction: »Blondes have more fun«
It is one of the perceptions of our time that
»blondes have more fun«. Why should this be?
An echo perhaps of the much-repeated dictum that
»gentlemen prefer blondes«. How come? How can
one explain their choice and what are the conse-
quences of their preference? A clue may be found
in this picture:
* Many people helped in the course
of writing this article: above all
Claudia Baumann, my father Prof.
Justin Stagl and John Cliord as well
as my friends Pierre Friedrich and
Thomas Windhöfel.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
In the centre you see a statuesque brown wom-
an oering a bowl lled with jewellery to a white
woman sitting above her.The white woman exam-
ines a pearl necklace she has just taken out of the
bowl. She is delighted but does not give anything
in return to the brown woman.That seems strange.
For what reason should the brown woman give
her jewels to the white woman as a present? »Dia-
monds are a girl’s best friend«, aren’t they? Maybe
the gentleman on the right side has something to
do with this inexplicable generosity. By the fancy
apparel and the curious stick he wears we can tell
he is Mercury, the god of merchants and of thieves.
The latter qualicationgivesusahint.Justbeneath
the white woman we discover a lion. The lion is a
beast of prey, and as such he takes what he gets
without paying compliments. Though he does not
bare his teeth he might intimidate the brown
woman by his sheer presence. We can conclude
that she is terried into making a gi of her jewels
or to say it frankly she is being robbed by the white
woman with the lion’s help. Thus Mercury nds
himself in a double winning situation: he can
propose to the white woman who has just received
a very handsome dowry thanks to the brown
woman’s forced generosity. Or, if he killed the lion
and restored the jewels to the brown woman, he
could propose to the brown woman.This would be
a truly chivalrous deed and certainly make an
impression on the brown woman. Yet, Mercury is
obviously more interested in the white woman.
Why does he seem to prefer white women like so
many other gentlemen? Is it just cowardice or is
there some deeper reason for Mercury’s choice?
This is the main question of the present inquiry.
The people depicted in this allegory represent
certain nations. The brown woman, telling by the
colour of her skin and her hair, is from India and
the other people carrying loads are obviously from
dierent regions of Asia. A small piece of cloth on
the lion’s back shows a part of a Union Jack telling
he is the heraldic symbol of Britain. Taking these
details into account we may infer that the brown
woman represents ›India‹ and that the white is
›Britannia‹ herself. The title of this painting is,
indeed, ›The East oering its riches to Britannia‹.
sioned it from the painter Spiridione Roma.
was nished in 1777 and from thereon decorated
its headquarters, the East India House in London.
II. Colonial India: From Extortion Racket to
compulsory Public School
The Company’s presence in India began during
the 16
century together with the Portuguese and
the French trading companies. Initially, the Com-
pany traded in spices and later also in silk and
cotton. In the second half of the 18
enormous prots were made by exporting Indian-
grown opium to China and importing Chinese tea
to the western markets. At that time the Indian
subcontinent was divided into a myriad of more or
less independent principalities and efdoms as well
as two big states, the Mogul Empire in the north
and the Federation of the Marathas in the west.
Bengal, which was crucial for the China trade, was
a ef of the Moguls. In 1757 Bengali forces were
defeated by Company troops in the Battle of Plas-
sey (Pôlashir Juddho) aer quarrels on tax issues
between the Company and the ruler of Bengal had
descended into violence. A little later the Mogul
Emperor granted the Company the right to collect
taxes in Bengal as well as in Bihar and Orissa
(Odhisha). Thereby the Company became the true
sovereign of a very rich territory the size of France
while the former rulers of Bengal became its
puppets. In order to secure these territorial gains
the Company got increasingly involved in Indian
politics and protected its possessions with as many
ensuing wars as necessary to get rid of all rivals in
India, especially the French and the Maratha
Empire. During the rst century aer Plassey, India
was directly and indirectly ruled by the Company,
but aer the Rebellion of 1857
the Crown took
1Bowen (2006); Lawson (1993);
R. Mukherjee (1958).
2Archer (1965) 401, 406.
3 The ›First war of Independence‹ from
the Indian perspective. Reinhard
(1988) 17s., is critical of this patriotic
expression because a national pro-
gramme was lacking at the time.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
over ocially. British India commonly known as
the Raj
remained a British colony until 1947.
A colony is basically an extortion racket on an
international scale.
Edmund Burke (17291797)
gave the following description of this system in
The Tartar [= Mogul] invasion [in India] was
mischievous; but it is our protection that
destroys India. It was their enmity, but is our
friendship. Our rule there [in Bengal], aer
twenty years, is as crude as it was the rst day.
The natives scarcely know what it is to see the
grey head of an Englishman. Young men (boys
almost) govern, without society, and without
sympathy for the natives. They have no more
social habits with the people than if they still
resided in England – nor, indeed, any species of
intercourse, but that which is necessary to mak-
ing a sudden fortune, with a view to a remote
settlement. Animated with all the avarice
[greed] of age, and all the impetuosity of youth,
they roll in one aer another; wave aer wave;
and there is nothing before the eyes of the
natives but an endless, hopeless prospect of
new ights of birds of prey and passage, with
appetites continually renewing for a food that is
continually wasting. Every rupee of protmade
by an Englishman is lost forever to India.
Yet, this system of extortion could possibly be
justied if the British did any good in India, if they
collected taxes not to enrich themselves but to
enrich the country they were governing. But this
is not the case as Burke goes on:
With us are no retributory superstitions, by
which a foundation of charity compensates,
through ages, to the poor, for the rapine and
injustice of a day. With us no pride erects stately
monuments which repair the mischiefs which
pride had produced, and which adorn a country
out of its own spoils. England has erected no
England has built no bridges, made no high-
roads; cut no navigations, dug out no reservoirs.
tion has le some monument, either of state or
benecence, behind him. Were we to be driven
out of India this day, nothing would remain, to
tell that it had been possessed during the inglo-
rious period of our dominion, by anything
better than the orang-utan or the tiger.
The situation thus described by Burke could not
last forever. On the one hand the British got
increasingly involved in the Indian’s troubles,
and the more they got involved the less the racket
On the other hand their heart soened; »the
third generation makes the gentleman« the saying
goes. The white man questioned himself whether
greed really was a justication for exploiting anoth-
er nation because it belonged to another race. And
the answer was that his rule over the »black«
man could not be justied as plain exploitation but
only as recompense for bestowing on the black
man the blessings of the white man’s culture and
civilisation just as Burke points out.
being noticed the process took place in a »tof
absence of mind«
the business changed: the
extortion racket was turned into something like a
compulsory public school
with an Empress as
aViceroy as Provost and an ancient
and civilised people as pupils paying high fees.
when one thinks of Thomas Babington Macaulay’s
(18001859) most inuential ›Minute on Educa-
tion‹. Its declared aim was to create a class of
Indians »in blood and colour« who were to be
»English in taste, in morals and in intellect«.
4 ThisisaHindustaniwordoriginally
meaning ›king‹ or ›rule‹; cf. Merriam
5 For Indian History see the Oxford
History of India (1981); Wolpert
(1989); Doniger (2009).
6Gründer (1987).
7Biography:OBrien (1992); Kirk
(1997); Langford,in:OxfordDNB
i.v.; Works: ed. London 18861889.
8 Speech on Mr. Fox’s East India Bill,
in: Burke vol. II (1886) 194s.
9Cf.Reinhard (2000) 485–490.
10 Native Indians were generally called
11 Metcalf (1994) 25, points out the
fact that this ideology was originally
developed regarding Catholic – that is
to say barbarous! – Ireland; cf. also
Osterhammel (2011) 647s.
12 Allusion to Seeley (1897) 10: »We
seem, as it were, to have conquered
and peopled half the world in a tof
absence of mind.«
13 It is noteworthy that General Dyer,
Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar, saw
himself as some kind of schoolmaster;
Metcalf (1994) 229.
14 In 1876 QueenVictoria was given the
title of an »Empress of India«. This
was a showy and romantic idea of
15 On taxation see Reinhard (1988) 12.
16 OntheMinuteseeMetcalf (1994)
34, 39.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
Yet, the benets of this new system were less no-
ticed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer than by
the Minister of Labour:
This enormous public
school needed an immense sta of teachers and
Though one will not get rich as a teacher
or beadle one can earn a lot of prestige and give
one’s life meaning. And there is even a further, a
more spiritual benetandthatisracism.
meanest or most humble member of the teacher
nation stands in racist terms above the highest
dignitary of the schoolboy nation.
To g ive an
example: In the British clubs all over the subcon-
tinent, »natives«, even if they were Indian Princes,
were not admitted, with the sole exception of the
Calcutta Club. This club was founded in 1905 on
the initiative of the Viceroy Lord Minto, who had
Indian industrialist to dinner in the existing Bengal
Club in Calcutta (Kolkata).
This opportunity to
look down on somebody else simply because he
was shorter and darker than oneself assuaged the
great tension within the highly stratied teacher
Eventually this public school idyll also
became intolerable, not so much because of its
inhumanity but because it became increasingly
dicult to justify. The teacher-nation had educated
so many pupils that the pupil-nation had acquired
all the skills scheduled in the curriculum.
So why
should head and stomach of the body politic
remain white and the sweating limbs remain
black? The only possible explanation was that the
black man was of an inferior nature, of a »lesser
breed« in the words of the Raj’s poet laureate,
Rudyard Kipling (18651936).
At this moment
racism lost its character as a comfortable side eect
and became essential to legitimise the whole enter-
prise. The more it gained importance the more it
became uncompromising and malicious
remember Gandhi’s (18691948) train-coach inci-
James Fitzjames Stephen (18291894), an
important colonial administrator and theorist,
observed on the question whether native Indian
magistrates should have the power to try not only
native Indian but also European subjects in an
open letter to The Times:
The British Indian government is essentially an
absolute government, founded, not on consent,
but on conquest. It does not represent the native
principles of life or of government, and it can
never do so until it represents heathenism and
barbarism. It represents a belligerent civilisation,
and no anomaly can be so striking or so danger-
ous as its administration by men who, being at
the head of a government founded upon con-
quest, implying at every point the
superiority of
the conquering race, of their ideas, their institutions,
their opinions, and their principles, and having no
justication for its existence except that superiority
shrink from the open, uncompromising,
straightforward assertion of it, seek to apologize
for their own position, and refuse, from what-
ever cause, to uphold and support it.
words by Kipling with that touch of romanticism
and bad taste which was also part of the Raj:
Take up the White Man’s burden-/Send forth
the best ye breed-/Go bind your sons to exile/
17 This position in the Cabinet was
created only in 1916, therefore the
wording is a bit anachronistic.
18 Osterhammel (2011) 655–661;
Reinhard (1988) 12.
19 On this see Metcalf (1994) 8081,
9294 (with reference to gender), and
Reinhard (1988) 17s.
20 This truth is analysed with the great-
est subtlety by Scott (1966–1975),
a work of literary genius and deep
historical insight. See also Metcalf
(1994) 160s.
21 See
tory.html (6 June 2011).This incident
is referred to on several occasions in
Scott (19661975).
22 Just remember Sartres (1946) 30,
dictum that anti-Semitism is the
»poor man’s form of snobbishness«
(snobisme du pauvre). The arch-colo-
nialist Cecil Rhodes was conscious of
(1986) 107s.
23 Metcalf (1994) 160s., 208s.
24 A famous and very ambiguous phrase
from Rudyard Kiplings poem ›Re-
cessional‹ (1895). Some say that by
»lesser breeds« he did not mean peo-
ple from the colonies but rather the
Germans a.k.a ›Huns‹.
25 Osterhammel (2011) 1214ss.;
Metcalf (1994) 199–214; Reinhard
(1988) 9s.
26 Judith M. Brown,Gandhi,Mohan-
das Karamchand, in: Oxford DNB
27 Letter to The Times, 1 March 1883;
cited aer Metcalf (1994) 210. This
makes one think of Friedrich von
Schiller’s famous lines: »It is the curse
of an evil deed that it inevitably must
procreate new evil deeds« (Das eben
ist der Fluch der sen Tat,/Daß sie,
fortzeugend, immer Böses muß ge-
bären); Wallenstein/Die Piccolomi-
ni, V 1.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
To serve your captives’ need;/ To wait in heavy
harness,/On uttered folk and wild-/Your new-
caught, sullen peoples,/Half-devil and half-
III. Putting Greed on Trial: the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings
Our main concern, however, is not this nal
stage of colonialism but the beginning of it. That
means the period when the colonial rule shied
from extortion racket to compulsory public school.
alities of the rst three signicant Governors of
Bengal.The rst one was Robert Clive (1725–1774),
the conqueror of Bengal and founding father of the
Clive was a man of action, driven forward
by insatiable personal greed, supported by a sturdy
constitution and the absence of any scruple. He
was so eective that he came back to England as
one of the richest men of his time. Warren Hast-
ings (17321818),
the second in line, was more
sophisticated and cultivated, especially as an orien-
With Machiavellian cunning and, if necessary,
blithe ruthlessness he sucked up all the riches he
could get out of the territories under his com-
The third one, Lord Charles Cornwallis
(17381805), was a moderate soldier and honest
administrator, inspired by ancient virtue more
than by modern greed.
He was the rst truly
respectable of the Raj’s many rulers and has been
called the ›Justinian of India‹.
Hastings to Cornwallis, from racketeering to
respectability, coincides with the famous impeach-
ment trial of Hastings.
Impeachment is the juridical process, in which
ministers and other powerful persons are accused
by the House of Commons and tried by the House
of Lords for high crimes and misdemeanours
committed in oce.
Hastings’ main opponent
was the already mentioned Edmund Burke. He
was responsible for the House of Common’s de-
cision to impeach Hastings and later became one
of the managers of his prosecution before the
House of Lords. In British History there have not
been many impeachment trials and the one for
Hastings is regarded as a major political event of
the 18
century. This eminence is due to the high
rank of the persons involved, the issues at stake and
the scandalous implications of the charges.
Hastings certainly had been a most ecient
colonial administrator. His achievements in de-
fending the Company’s position against the Mar-
athas and the French would have won him a
peerage and high oce in government, had he
remains one of the most important political
thinkers. It has been justly observed that there
were greater statesmen for Burke was never tested
in high oce, that there were more systematic and
more original philosophers and – given his defects
of delivery even greater orators, though his
written speeches were regarded as the acme of
oratory throughout the 19
and 20
But possibly there has never been a statesman
capable of understanding practical political prob-
lems from their roots to their ramications with
such a degree of philosophical insight, political
acumen and moral stamina.
In Burke’s mind the
highest theory and morale of politics and the
practical ends and exigencies of the day merged.
His most famous achievement, his stance against
the French Revolution, can be seen as a continu-
ation of his opposition to the British rule in Ireland
and India. When all Europe succumbed to the
blandishments of revolutionary ideology, Burke re-
futed single-handedly the Revolutionaries’ dogma
28 The White Man’s Burden (1895). On
Kipling’s complex attitude towards
the Raj see Orwell (1946) 116131,
and Metcalf (1994) 161163.
29 Huw Vaughan Bowen,in:Oxford
DNB i.v.; Marshall (1988) 70136.
30 Peter James Marshall,in:Oxford
DNB i.v.
31 Brockington (1989).
32 See O’Brien (1989).
33 Alsager Richard Vian,inOxford
DNB i.v.
34 For this see Metcalf (1994) 17.
35 Marshall (1965); Whelan (1996).
The classic on this topic is, of course,
Macaulay (1841). On this master-
piece of literature and its aerlife see
Edwards (1989).
36 Arnold-Baker (2008) 684s., and
Loewenstein (1967) 14s. For the
history and scope of impeachment in
general see Bradley (1989).
37 A rhetorical analysis is given by Samet
(2001). But it is, of course, a malicious
idea to reduce Burke’s stance to ora-
avant la lettre.
38 This evaluation is to be found in the
Viscount Morley of Blankham,in:
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11
tion, New York, 1910–11, i.v.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
that mankind could be saved by what Burke called
»armed doctrine«. He meant a political doctrine
which, though the fruit of theoretical delibera-
tions, acknowledged no higher law than the will
of those in power. For he knew that they would use
this power for their own purposes. This made him
the founding father of conservatism in public
a claim that is only partly justied.
Conservatism tout court is merely a formal prin-
ciple there are even conservative communists.
Burke, however, did not support the conservation
moral rules: Natural Law.
In this, as in many
other respects, Burke shows himself a true pupil of
For it is above all Cicero who imported
Natural Law to Rome from Athens.
1. Natural Law against »Geographical
Since antiquity many philosophers, lawyers and
Fathers of the Church have held the opinion that
there is a body of legal rules in force without our
consent and not alterable by our will.
The main
exponents of this doctrine are Plato, Aristotle,
and St. Tomas Aquinas.
This body of
rules is derived from nature to all mankind thanks
to reason.The underlying concept of ›nature‹ is not
purely materialistic but nature is seen as imbued
with reason, especially Aristotle’s ›four causes‹
among them the all important nal cause (»telos«).
Natural law is not simply divine law and, therefore,
tied to a certain religion, Christianity in this case.
Its binding force and the possibility of its percep-
tion are not bound to any particular religious
belief. Among the Ten Commandments the rst
three do not belong to Natural Law.
commandments are binding only for the people
of Israel and later for the Church. But the com-
mandments four to ten are the very core of Natural
Law and binding for everyone.
These rules are
the basis for developing more detailed and explicit
rules for specic situations under changing circum-
stances. According to Natural Law the happiness
of human society lies in keeping to these rules.
From these principles follows the precept of Nat-
ural Law that there is no order of precedence
among human races; a universal law can make
no exemptions to the advantage of one or to the
harm of other groups of people.
Slavery infringes
also Natural Law because it gives man absolute
power over man.
And absolute power violates
Natural Law: »power tends to corrupt, absolute
power corrupts absolutely« (Dalberg-Acton).
This corruption necessarily leads to the breach of
the commandments four to ten.
As the case of
slavery shows insight into the vicious nature of an
institution can take time and its abolition even
Natural Law is the very core of Burke’s political
Hastings who asserted that doing wrong in Britain
did not mean doing wrong in India:
[Y]our Lordships know that these gentlemen
[belonging to the Company] have formed a
plan of geographical morality, by which the
duties of men, in public and private situations,
are not to be governed by their relation to the
great Governor of the Universe, or by their
relation to mankind, but by climates, degrees
of longitude, parallels, not of life, but of lati-
tudes: as if, when you have crossed the equinoc-
tial, all the virtues die This geographical
morality we do protest against; Mr. Hastings
shall not screen himself under it
39 Kirk (1995) passim.
40 Cf. Kirk (1995) 8, 16s., 30s. et passim.
41 Carnall (1989).
42 Kaser 54s.
43 Messner (1984) passim; Waldstein
(2001) passim.
44 Brandt (1984).
45 Specht (1984).
46 »I am the God, thy Lord; Thou shalt
have no Gods before me. Thou shalt
not call my name in vain. Remember
the Sabbath and keep it holy
47 »Honour thy father and thy mother.
Thou shalt not kill.Thou shalt not
commit adultery.Thou shalt not steal.
Thou shalt not bear false witness
against thy neighbour.Thou shalt not
covet thy neighbour’s house. Thou
shalt not covet they neighbour’s
48 Messner (1984) 559563.
49 Messner (1984) 230, 232, 336s.The
debate about slavery is much more
complex since slavery was present as a
social institution in the Gospel, in
Roman Law and Society and all over
the world until recently.
50 Dalberg-Acton (1907) 504.
51 Messner (1984) 701.
52 Cf. Flaig (2011), passim.
53 Stanlis (1958), passim.This inter-
pretation of Burke was marred for
vigorously attacked the doctrine of
»natural rights«. On this see Strauss
(1953) 294ss.; Whelan (1996)
275291. Further references can be
found in Guroian (1981).
54 Opening Speech in the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings, in: Burke Supp.
vol. I (1889) 93s.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
To understand Burke’s wrath against Hastings
and the East India Company it is helpful to know
some biographical details: Burke was Irish by
birth, his mother and sister were Roman Catho-
lics. Most probably Burke himself was a crypto-
Catholic during his lifetime; at least he wanted to
be received into the Church on his deathbed.
an Irishman with Catholic roots he knew exactly
what oppression by a foreign power meant. By
attacking Hastings Burke presumably attacked the
archetype of the cold-blooded and expedient Eng-
lishman, who had for centuries destroyed, ran-
sacked and ravaged Ireland. India was for him, to
2. The charges against Hastings
Over the years Burke had collected evidence for
22 charges of impeachment against Hastings. The
House of Commons accepted only four of them as
a due basis for impeachment before the House of
These charges were:
1. Benares: The princedom of Benares (Varanasi)
belonged to Bengal in some way or other. Aer
taking over Bengal the Company had made a
nancial settlement with the ruler of Benares.
According to the prosecution Hastings had made
unjustied demands on the ruler in order to cover
the nancial needs of the Company during war-
defended himself by asserting that this ruler had
been a scoundrel and the Company had absolute
2. The Begums of Oudh (Awad): Oudh at that
time was not under the Company’s suzerainty but
still under that of the Mogul Emperor. Yet, the
Company had an agreement with it whereby the
Company would station troops there for which
Oudh had to pay. Oudh was seen as buer state for
Bengal so both sides were considered to benet
from this settlement. The prosecution’s case was
that Hastings had recovered the ruler’s debt to the
company by robbing his mother and grandmother,
the famous Begums of Oudh, in a brutal way: The
zenana (the women’s quarters) had been stormed
by British troops
and the Begum’s eunuchs had
been questioned under torture. Hastings’s defence
was similar to the one in the case of Benares: he
maintained the Begums had supported rebellions
in Oudh and other places and their dowries had
been liable for the ruler’s debt.
3. Presents: Company servants were not allowed
to receive »presents« (bribes) from Indians. Public
administration should not be on sale. The prose-
cution tried to prove that Hastings had nonetheless
accepted bribes for the Company, also pocketing
some of the money for himself. This accusation
touched the very essence of British rule in India. In
practice the Company apparently sold everything
to the highest bidder: kingdoms, high oces and
the right to collect taxes. Aer having acquired the
right to collect taxes in Bengal, the Company had
sold it at district level to the highest bidding »tax
farmer«. Aer rumours of serious disturbances had
arisen in the district of Rangpur, a report was
commissioned by the Company. Burke used the
report to describe the eects of this system:
And here, my Lords, began such a scene of
cruelties and tortures as I believe no history
has ever presented to the indignation of the
world they began by winding cords around
the ngers of the unhappy freeholders [free
peasants] of those provinces, until they clung
to and were almost incorporated with one
another; and then they hammered wedges of
iron between them, until, regardless of the cries
of the suerers, they bruised to pieces and for-
ever crippled those poor, honest, innocent,
laborious hands, which had never been raised
to their mouths, but with a penurious and
scanty proportion of the fruits of their own soil;
but those fruits [i.e. opium] (denied to the
wants of their own children) have for more
than een years past furnished the investment
of our trade with China, and been annually sent
out, and without recompense, to purchase for
us that delicate meal with which your Lord-
ships, and all this auditory, and all this country,
have begun every day for these een years at
their expense [i.e. tea]. To those benecent
hands that labour for our benet the return of
55 O’Brien (1992) 589ss.
56 O’Brien (1992) 459592.
57 Marshall (1965) xiv ss.
58 On some of the legal issues involved
see Kahn (1989).
59 Marshall (1965) 88108.
60 This is, of course, an allegation to
61 Marshall (1965) 109–129.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
the British government has been cords and
hammers and wedges.
Burke, who had never been to India, was not an
eye-witness of these scenes. He had gathered all his
knowledge from reports given to him by oppo-
nents of Hastings within the Company. Burkes
description of the »Tax Britannica« (an old pun)
may, therefore, be a bit, yet, not completely exag-
gerated. Otherwise his following prophetic exhor-
tation would not have found favour with the Lords:
But there is a place where these crippled and
disabled hands will act with resistless power.
What is it that they will not pull down, when
they are lied to heaven against their oppres-
sors? Then what can withstand such hands? Can
the power that crushed and destroyed them?
Powerful in prayer, let us at least deprecate [to
seek to avert evil by prayer] and thus endeavour
to secure ourselves from the vengeance which
these mashed and disabled hands may pull
down upon us. My Lords, it is an awful consid-
eration: let us think of it.
legal situation has been quite clear since the
Regulating Act of 1773 prohibiting the acceptance
of gis. Hastings did not contradict the accusation
of having taken presents; he denied they were
4. Contracts: This charge regarded contracts the
Company had entered with traders and personnel
on extreme terms. These were exceedingly uneco-
nomical for the Company as well as useless and
wasteful for the creation of jobs within the Com-
pany itself. Both kinds of corruption intended to
enhance Hastings’ power base with the Company.
It is obvious that everything here depended on
evidence. Therefore it was quite easy for Hastings
done was perfectly correct and in accordance with
the Company’s interest.
Burke’s commitment was inspired by political,
moral and legal reasoning: He denounced the op-
pression of the Indians because for him all men
had equal natural rights. And he was opposed to
arbitrary rule in India because it inevitably led to
oppression and eventually to rebellion with all the
dire consequences for the Indians as well as the
British. In addition he pilloried the corruption of
British politics by unjustly enriched former Com-
pany servants, the so-called Nabobs. This motive
is obviously derived from Roman history, which is
an important inspiration for Burke: During the
republican era the relationship of the provinces to
the city of Rome was the paramount constitutional
problem. And the career of someone like Caesar
clearly showed what could happen if outstandingly
successful provincial administrators participated in
metropolitan politics with the help of their gold
and the loyalty of their former subordinates.
3. Natural Law against »arbitrary power«
During the impeachment trial two legal issues
were of overriding importance: the intricate ques-
tion of evidence and the even more dicult ques-
tion of applicable law.
The House of Lords had
established the principles of judging questions of
evidence by applying the strict standards of Com-
mon Law.
It was an almost impossible task to
prove any of Hastings’ wrongdoings by such stand-
ards. Hastings had had all the time, means and
opportunities to tamper with the facts just con-
sail from Britain to Bombay (Mumbai). Apart from
that many prejudicial questions of Indian law were
highly controversial. Obviously, the person who
knew Indian ways best was Hastings himself, hav-
ing done business in India for over 35 years.
Was India just a victim of the Company’s cor-
porate and Hastings’ personal greed, just as the
prey is the victim of the lion? Were the Company
and Hastings as its executive chief bound by rules
of law? If the Company was bound by law, which
law would it be? There was no positive law regu-
lating the Company’s relationships with Indians
and Indian states. Common Law only applied to
the members of the British community in India.
Native law, that is to say Muslim or Hindu law just
regarded the Company’s relationship to Indians
62 Speech on the Impeachment of War-
ren Hastings, Fih Day, in: Burke
Supp. vol. I (1889) 187.
63 Marshall (1965) 130–162.
64 Marshall (1965) 162–179.
65 Rainer (2006) 162185.
66 M. Mukherjee (2005) 607ss.
67 Marshall (1965) 69ss.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
if at all, not to Indian states like the Mogul Empire
or the principality of Oudh. Concerning these
relationships the only possibility was International
des gens‹ (1758). But did it apply?
For Burke, however, the decisive issue was not
which law should be applied. As a true believer in
Natural Law he was convinced that »robbing«
others was a crime by any law:
Mr. Hastings has no refuge here. Let him run
from law to law; let him yfromcommonlaw,
and the sacred institutions of the country in
which he was born; let him yfromactsof
parliament still the Mohamedan law con-
demns him let him y where he will from
law to law – law, thanks God, meets him every-
where arbitrary power cannot secure him
against law; and I would as soon have him tried
on the Koran, or any other eastern code of laws,
as on the common law of this kingdom.
Hastings maintained he had held »arbitrary
power« in his capacity as Governor-General of
Bengal; his actions were not to be judged by any
rules, be they Natural Law, Indian law or whatever
else. Hastings held the theory that in Bengal the
Mogul Empire had bestowed its own arbitrary
power on the Company.
The arbitrariness of
Asian government is one of oldest and most
deep-rooted western prejudices regarding the East
and was one justication for the Raj.
summarized the argument is: The Asians are less
than the Europeans because the individual does
count less in the East than it does in the West.
A ruler in Asia can do as he pleases because the
individual does have no value (»oriental despot-
ism«). Because of that Asians are servants and
Europeans their masters by nature. In the follow-
ing excerpt Burke refutes this view at length. Burke
rst points out that »abusus non tollit usum«, that
abuse does not take away use, that it is not an
argument against proper use:
Will you ever hear the rights of mankind made
subservient to the practice of government? It
will be your lordships’ duty and joy it will be
your pride and triumph to teach men, that they
are to conform their practice to principles, and
not to derive their principles from wicked,
corrupt and abominable practices of any man
whatever. Where is the man that ever before
dared to mention the practice of villains, of all
the notorious predators, as his justication? To
gather up, and put it all into one code, and call
it the duty of a British governor. I believe so
audacious a thing was never before attempted
by man.
Having done so Burke analyzes the idea of
arbitrary power in itself. Under Natural Law such
a thing as arbitrary power cannot exist, the very
idea is wicked.
He [viz. W. Hastings] have arbitrary power? My
lords, the East India Company have no arbitrary
power to give. The king has no arbitrary power
to give. Neither your lordships, nor the Com-
mons, nor the whole legislature have arbitrary
power to give. Arbitrary power is a thing which
no man can give. My lords, no man can govern
himself by his own will; much less can he be
governed by the will of others. We are all born
high as well as low governors as well as
governed in subjection to one great immut-
able, pre-existing law, a law prior to all our
devices and all our conspiracies, paramount to
our feelings, by which we are connected in the
eternal frame of the universe, and out of which
we cannot stir.This great law does not arise from
our combinations and compacts; on the con-
trary, it gives to them all the sanction they can
68 Robbing may considered strong
language – it was, too, in Burke’s
time. We use this word for authen-
ticity’s sake since Burke used it him-
self: »My Lords, the Managers for the
Commons have not used any inap-
plicable language. We have indeed
used, and will again use, such expres-
sions as are proper to portray guilt.
Aer describing the magnitude of the
crime, we describe the magnitude of
the criminal. We have declared him
to be not only a
public robber himself,
but the head of a system of robbery, the
captain-general of the gang
under whom a whole predatory band
was arrayed, disciplined, and paid«.
Speech in the Impeachment of War-
ren Hastings/First day of reply, in:
Burke Supp. vol. II. (1889) 153.
69 Opening Speech in the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings, in: Burke Supp.
vol. I (1889) 118.
70 According to Kahn (1989) 148ss., this
could not have been the case under
Muslim law.
71 Metcalf (1994) 615.
72 Opening Speech in the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings, in: Burke Supp.
vol. I (1889) 98–101.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
have. Every good and perfect gi is of God: all
power is of God; and He who has given the
power, and from whom alone it originates, will
never suer it to be corrupted. Therefore, my
lords, if this be true if this great gi of
government be the greatest and best that was
ever given by God to mankind, will He suer it
divine justice?
The ght against arbitrary power, be it in Ire-
land, France or, as in this case, India, is the very
core of Burke’s political endeavour. Man is given
the precepts of Natural and not to use them as the
puppets of his whim. Power can, therefore, never
be arbitrary but is always contained by the precepts
of Natural Law like the Commandment »Thou
shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house thou shalt
not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his manserv-
ant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor
any thing that
thy neighbour’s« (Ex. 20,17). But
what if man declared that he would prefer to be
governed by someone whose power is
tained by Natural Law but by someone who has
arbitrary power? Here is Burke’s answer:
If, then, all dominion of man over man is the
eect of the divine disposition, it is bound by
the eternal laws of Him that gave it, with
which no human authority can dispense; nei-
ther he that exercises it, nor even those who are
subject to it; and, if they were mad enough to
make an express compact, that should release
their magistrate from his duty, and should
declare their lives, liberties and properties,
dependent upon, not rules and laws, but his
mere capricious will, that covenant would be
void. This arbitrary power is not to be had by
conquest. Nor can any sovereign have it by
succession [like the Company from the Mogul
Emperor]; for no man can succeed to fraud,
rapine, and violence. Those who give and those
who receive arbitrary power are alike criminal;
and there is no man but is bound to resist it to
the best of his power, wherever it shall show its
face to the world. Law and arbitrary power are
in eternal enmity.
Any kind of contract bestowing arbitrary power
upon someone or any act trying to transfer it must
be void because it is against Natural Law. But,
there is also a more practical argument against
arbitrary power. How will those who have it use
it? To their good or to that that of others? For us
who have seen the consequences of arbitrary power
in the last century Burke’s answer may be a bit
cious when he pronounced it for the rst time: The
rule of will inevitably leads to the rule of greed, as
Burke observes. The order of Natural Law will be
destroyed if the will of the individual becomes
An arbitrary system indeed must always be a
corrupt one.
My lords, there never was a man who
thought he had no law but his own will, who did not
also nd that he had no ends but his own prot
Corruption and arbitrary power are of natural
unequivocal generation, necessarily producing
one another.
What should the Company have done in
Burke’s view? For a merchant prot is the essence
Company. It was a corporate commercial interest
and as such dedicated to the protofitsshare-
holders. Such a commercial interest on political
terms is a contradiction because one cannot com-
bine the merchant’s dedication to protwiththe
sovereign’s dedication to the welfare of his sub-
jects. And the common good according to Natural
Law is the ultimate goal of society.
4. »Eundemnegotiatoremetdominum«
A Company dedicated to prot and having the
power of a sovereign would become a »big rob-
bery« in St. Augustine’s words.
Burke expressed
this idea in the form of a legal maxim of Roman
73 Speech in the Impeachment of War-
ren Hastings, Fith Day, in: Burke
Supp. vol. I (1889) 127.
74 Thomas Aquinas, SummaTeologica I
75 Cf. Augustinus,Deciv.Dei4,4:
»Justice being taken away, what else,
then, are kingdoms but big robbe-
ries« (Remota itaque iustitia quid
sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia?).
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
great Empire, carrying on, subordinately, a great
commerce: it became that thing, which was
supposed by the Roman law irreconcilable to
reason and propriety »eundem negotiatorem et
dominum«: the same power became the general
trader, the same power became the supreme
This quotation needs some explication: Agency
did not exist under Roman law. Therefore wealthy
Romans had their own traders (negotiatores)
in important ports like Alexandria. Usually these
tradesmen were slaves.
The terms used by Burke,
therefore, have the literal meaning that one can-
not be master (dominus) and servant (negotiator)
at the same time. In a gurative sense it says one
cannot do two incompatible things at the same
time, especially not govern and do business.
Unfortunately it has not been possible to track
down this maxim to any known source of Roman
law as yet.
Though, there is a dictum of Com-
»Nemo potest esse tenes et dominus«.
But in my
opinion the maxim is a summa extracted from
Cicero, especially his Verrine orations.
In his
speeches Burke refers to Hastings as a kind of
Verres, the greedy and corrupt governor of Sicily,
on several occasions: »We have all, in our early
education, read the Verrine Orations In these
orations you will nd almost every instance of
rapacity and peculation which we charge upon
Mr. Hastings«.
»Eundem negotiatorem et dominum«, is the
very essence of Burke’s criticism of the East India
Company and Hastings’ governorship. Govern-
ment for the sake of protiscontrarytogood
government and the essence of tyranny. According
to this maxim Burke considered it necessary to
apply British standards of justice and morale in
Bengal instead of abiding by a »geographical mo-
rale and justice« as Hastings had done.
These were the principles underlying the im-
peachment of Hastings. However, aer almost ten
years of trial the House of Lords acquitted Hast-
ings in 1795. Whether or not this acquittal had
been justied has been debated ever since. Hast-
ings was acquitted because he had saved India for
Britain, not because he was innocent concerning
the four charges brought up against him. He even
exigencies of the Company conict with the inter-
est of the Indian peoples who are subject to its
This would only be acknowledged if
you accepted Indians not to have any rights and if
you treated them accordingly.
5. Taming the Beast or killing it?
Probably Hastings’ acquittal was inevitable for
political reasons but it only did little harm to
Burke’s achievement, at least in his own view.
Some time later he wrote:
But, in truth, these services I am called to
account for are not those on which I value
myself the most. If I were to call for a reward
(which I have never done), it should be for those
in which for fourteen years, without intermis-
sion, I showed the most industry and had the
least success: I mean in the aairs of India.They
are those on which I value myself the most;
most for the importance; most for the labour;
most for the judgment; most for constancy and
perseverance in the pursuit. Others may value
them most for the intention. In that, surely, they
are not mistaken.
Thanks to Burke the blunt and crude greed as
depicted in ›The East oering its Riches to Britan-
76 Opening Speech in the Impeachment
of Warren Hastings, in: Burke Supp.
vol. I (1889) 22–23.
77 Kaser (1971) 260ss.
78 This is not unusual with Burke; cf.
Carnall (1989) 86.
79 Gilbert (1796) 154
80 ForthisIamindebtedtoJ.M.Rainer.
See also Canter (1914).
81 Speech in Reply, Ninth Day, in:
Burke, Works Supp. vol. II (1889)
peachment of Warren Hastings, Fih
Day, in: Burke Supp. vol. I (1889)
237, and Opening Speech in the Im-
peachment of Warren Hastings, in:
Burke Supp. vol. I (1899) 119, where
Burke cites Cicero’s famous pun »At
sphingem habebas domi!«: One of the
defendants in the Verres trial said to
Cicero that he was puzzled by all
these questions. Cicero replied: »But
was intended to be stolen under the
guardianship of Verres in Sicily.
82 Gleig (1841) vol. I, 184.
83 Letter to a Noble Lord, in: Burke vol.
V (1886) 124. It is worth noting that
Burke dedicated about one third of
his printed works to the Indian ques-
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
nia‹ became unthinkable in the administration of
India. He had made it clear that greed does not
justify anything:
[T]he aairsofIndiamustberestoredtotheir
natural order. The prosperity of the natives [i.e.
Indians] must be previously secured, before any
prot from them whatsoever is attempted. For
as long as a system prevails which regards the
transmission of great wealth to this country,
either for the Company or the state, as its
principal end, so long will it be impossible that
those who are the instruments of that scheme
should not be actuated by the same spirit for
their own private purposes. It will be worse:
they will support the injuries done to the natives
for their selsh ends by new injuries done in
favor of those before whom they are to account.
It is not reasonably to be expected that a public
rapacious and improvident should be served by
any of its subordinates with disinterestedness or
Aer Burke the Raj turned into a compulsory
public school and the Company no longer was a
band of robbers but a board of teachers. That the
public school model eventually became intoler-
able does not inuence its progressive character at
the time it was taken up. To exemplify this prop-
osition just compare the abovementioned allegory
›The East oering its Riches to Britannia‹ with a
signicant detail from Tiepolo’s contemporary
(175053) allegory of the four continents in the
stairwell of the Bishop of Würzburg’s residence
(Würzburg was one of the most important Catho-
lic bishoprics in the Holy Roman Empire):
The former is an allegory of extortion, the latter of
commerce: The European is holding a purse in his
hand in order to pay for the pearl necklace oered
to him by the Asian tradesman. The juxtaposition
of these two allegories shows where interracial
relations according to Natural Law believed in
by Burke as well as by the Bishop of Würzburg
will lead to and where the Company’s self-right-
eous ideology of European supremacy will lead to:
In the end Burke’s insistence on the separation
between commerce and government was success-
ful in India: the rule of law replaced the rule of
greed. He helped to establish what he himself had
called »a Magna Carta of Hindostan«.
Morley (18381923), Secretary of State for India
from 1905 to 1910, as well as a distinguished
political theorist and writer observed in his biog-
raphy on Burke:
If he did not convict the man [Hastings], he
overthrew a system, and stamped its principles
with lasting censure and shame … The lesson of
84 Ninth Report from the Select Com-
mittee appointed to take into consi-
deration the state of administration of
justice in the provinces of Bengal,
Bahar, Orissa etc., in: Burke vol. IV
(1886) 29.
85 Büttner,Tiepolo (1980) passim.
86 On the very dierent long range atti-
tude of Catholicism and Protestant-
ism towards racism and colonialism
see Stark (1967) 194244.
87 Speech on Mr. Fox’s East India Bill,
in: Burke vol. II (1886) 179.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
his impeachment had been taught the great
lesson that Asiatics have rights and that Euro-
peans have obligations.
IV. Perfectionist Enemies of the Good: the
Postcolonial School
Yet, it is a highly contested opinion, that the
impeachment was a political success enhancing
the rule of law. Looking at the vast literature on
Hastings’ impeachment one can detect two oppos-
ing positions. Those in favour of the Raj think
Hastings was a hero and therefore condemn the
whole trial as superuous and deny any conse-
quences for India’s history.
Admirers of Burke
and those opposed to the Raj judge Hastings a
villain. Even if the impeachment may have been
doomed, it had nevertheless had important reper-
cussions on British rule in India, they believe.
Only recently a third position has been expressed:
The postcolonial school acknowledges Burke’s
signicant inuence on the course of events in
India and the resulting improvements in British
rule. But postcolonialists evaluate these facts dif-
ferently and claim Burke was morally wrong in
doing so. In their opinion the Empire was so
dreadful that they disapprove of any attempt at
reforms because such well-meaning manoeuvres
eventually stabilized the Raj and thus prolonged
its existence. If Burke had really qualied as a hero
in their eyes, he would have condemned the Raj
wholeheartedly and without compromise and
would have told the British to »Quit India«.
Most recently this view was put forward by the
historians Nicolas B. Dirks,
Victoria Tietze Lar-
and Sara Suleri.
Interesting is also the
opinion Betsy Bolton, a professor of literature
deeply steeped in postmodern cynicism and gib-
Burke’s predominantly theatrical handling of
the India question demonstrates both the con-
tagion of colonial ambivalence and the inad-
equacy of romance and sensibility as political
responses to the economic conicts of colonial-
The most elegant and comprehensible phrasing
of this view can be found in Oscar Wilde’s
(18541900) essay ›The soul of man under social-
Just as the worst slave-owners were those who
were kind to their slaves, and so prevented the
horror of the system being realised by those
who suered from it, and understood by those
who contemplated it, so, in the present state of
things in England, the people who do most
harm are the people who try to do most good;
and at last we have had the spectacle of men
who have really studied the problem and know
coming forward and imploring the commun-
ity to restrain its altruistic impulses of charity,
benevolence, and the like. They do so on the
ground that such charity degrades and demor-
alises. They are perfectly right. Charity creates a
multitude of sins.
In their ›Dialectics of Enlightenment‹ Hork-
heimer and Adorno trace this view back to Nietz-
sche and the Marquis de Sade
and give an ex-
planation: »It is not its soness but its restraint that
puts compassion into question: it is always too
little« (Nicht die Weichheit, sondern das Be-
88 Morley (1879) 125.
89 Sutherland Cotton (19101911);
Arnold-Baker (2008) s.v. East India
Company 447s. Though with many
ford DNB, s.v. Hastings, Warren 791,
and Marshall (1965) 180–192.
90 Apart from Morley (1879) and idem,
s.v. Burke, Edmund, in: 11
ed. of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 831;
O’Brien (1992) 382s.; M. Mukherjee
(2005) 626–630; B. Smith (2008);
V. A. S mith (1958) 645.This stance
is also maintained by the present au-
91 »Quit India!« was the Congress’s bat-
tle cry in 1942 when Britain’s for-
tunes were at their lowest ebb and the
Japanese had attacked British India in
Bengal. By the British this stance was
seen as blackmail, of course. The cor-
responding Declaration by the Indian
National Congress was published by
the New York Times, 27 April 1942.
92 Dirks (2006) passim.
93 Tietze Larson (2009).
94 Suleri (1992) 53, 55.
95 Bolton (2005) 883.
96 Wilde (1891) 2. Slavoj Žižek,a
contemporary philosopher à la mode,
cites this view approvingly in a recent
article (2011) 65.
97 Horkheimer/Adorno (1988) 88ss.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
schränkende am Mitleid macht es fragwürdig, es ist
immer zu wenig).
What are the roots of this
1. Acting justly within an unjust Environment?
The postcolonial school is based on the funda-
mental notion that one cannot act justly in an
unjust situation. Everything being done in such an
unjust frame inevitably shares the frame’s injustice.
The concept of relative justice in a given situation
under certain circumstances is not acceptable for
postcolonialists.They cannot believe that a relative
justice is better than no justice at all. For them the
only possible just action in such a situation is to
destroy the unjust frame itself.This line of thought
also applies to the Raj, of course. The Raj was in-
curably rotten because it was not democratic and
because it was racist.
A. Right Life in the wrong one?
As far as Natural Law is concerned the system of
government is not relevant; it is rather the way
power is exercised according to the principles of
Natural Law or against them. Later theory would
call this the ›value neutrality of forms of govern-
ment‹ (Wertneutralität der Staatsformen).
Burke political participation itself was not a neces-
sary element of good government.
India this boils down to the question whether the
British rule was benign or malign.The postcolonial
school, of course, considers it as absolutely malign.
This evaluation is far from obvious: The Raj uni-
ed India politically and linguistically. Without the
Raj the subcontinent’s political unication most
probably could only have been brought about by
innumerable wars and a common language would
have been beyond imagination (before English,
though, Persian (Farsi) had a similar function but
only for the happy few). The Raj provided a degree
of infrastructurein India like the railway system and
began the process of industrialisation. Thereby the
British exported to India much qualied man-
power, know-how and organisational capabilities.
The educational achievement of the compulsory
schooling was impressive. Most of India’s modern
élite, including Gandhi himself, were its alumni.
same standards they applied at home and which
they call the »Rule of La.
This was a precon-
dition of overriding importance for India’s devel-
opment aer independence in 1947, as will be
mentioned James Fitzjames Stephen wrote:
regulates the most important parts of the daily
life of the people constitutes in itself a moral
conquest more striking, more durable, and far
more solid, than the physical conquest which
rendered it possible. It exercises an inuence
comparable to that of a new religion … Our law
is in fact the sum and substance of what we have
to teach [sic!] them. It is, so to speak, a com-
pulsory gospel [sic!] which admits of no dissent
and no disobedience.
This shows how conscious the British were of
their own inuence. The attitude expressed be-
tween these lines is arrogant and brutal but it is
far better than Hastings’ attitude who pretended
to wield absolute power and who accordingly did
not care the least bit about the rights of the people
he was dealing with. The introduction of the rule
of law heralded in such an ugly voice by Fitz-
james Stephen ultimately lead to the establish-
ment of a relatively just political system. The rea-
son for this development was the acceptance of
the core of any law: equality.
This opinion was
shared for example by Gopal Krishna Gokhale
(18661915), Gandhi’s »guru« as we will see:
»The greatest work of Western education [sic!] in
the present state of India is … the liberation of the
Indian mind from the thraldom of old world
There are also, of course, good arguments
against the Raj: the policy of retribution aer the
›Rebellion‹ of 1857 was brutal; the British tended
to ossify certain structures of Indian society like
98 Horkheimer/Adorno (1988) 110.
99 Messner (1984) 698ss.
100 For this see Strauss (1953) 287s.
101 On these highly contested facts see
Moore (1999); Ray (1998);
Reinhard (1988) 31–38;
Washbrook (1999).
102 Cited aer Hunter (1875) vol. II,
103 Radbruch (1993) 258.
104 Wolpert (1962) 121.
105 Cited aer Wolpert (1962) 121.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
the caste system. Their greatest sin in the eyes of
some, especially modern Indians, is the policy of
divide et impera concerning Hindus and Muslims.
The separation based on religion played a key role
in the drama of the partition of India in 1947, the
ensuing conict with Pakistan and communal
violence in nowadays India respectively harassing
of Hindus in Pakistan. If we leave aside the justi-
cation the Raj ex eventu and assume that the Raj
as such was bad and that Hastings’ impeachment
made it a little better, was is it, then, right or wrong
to impeach Hastings?
His impeachment would only have been right if
one accepted the proposition rejected by the
within an unjust situation. If the postcolonialists
were right, it would have been wrong to impeach
Hastings, precisely because the Raj would have
become more civilized and thus more stable as a
consequence. In postcolonial rhetoric, however,
compromises as such seem to be reprehensible.
This Manichean morality is aptly expressed in
Adorno’s famous maxim: »There is no right life
in the wrong one« (Es gibt kein richtiges Leben im
If a given environment like the Raj
does not meet the requirements of the postcolonial
school such as representative government it is
unjust. Being unjust it makes just actions within its
frame impossible and even transforms them into
unjust actions. Postcolonialists must for this rea-
son, will-nilly though, assert that justice can be one
thing in Rome‹ and in ›Sicily another. For post-
colonialists Burke was an even worse villain than
Hastings who had at least been honest enough to
practice and confess colonialism in its full-edged
B. The Fruits of Nihilism
At this point the suspicion arises that the post-
colonial school is at bottom a form of nihilism.
In her famous essay ›Can the subaltern speak?:
Speculations on Widow-Sacrice‹
Gayatri Spi-
vak, one the founders of this school, attacks the
British legislation against widow burning (suttee/
sati) with the help of the pun »White men saving
brown women from brown men«.
the serious moral concerns about widow burning
(Do these women really act out of faith or out of
social pressure?
And even if their actions were
self-imposed is there a justication for burning a
woman because her husband has died?) as some
kind of showy Tarzan deed is, indeed, a good pun
because Tarzan is, of course, a thoroughly racist
character. He was modelled on Kipling’s ›Kim‹
who proves that »blood will out« (Buon sangue
non mente). The idea behind the pun seems, there-
fore, to be: Everything the white man does con-
cerning the black man is done for racist reasons!
And everything the black man does is intrinsically
good, and if what he does looks wrong like in the
case of widow burning this is merely a problem of
the white man’s perception, and if not the white
man is actually responsible for it as in the case of
the caste system. An ideology based on the assump-
tion that the white man is essentially bad and the
black man essentially good is either racist on its
own terms, or a deliberate distortion of reality and
thus morally reprehensible as well as without any
cognitive value whatsoever.
C. Roman Lawyers and Slavery
Concerning our present question: »Is it possible
to act justly within a vicious environment?«, this
example might come in handy to illustrate the
problem: Roman economy and society were based
on slavery. Legally slaves were treated like move-
able things (chattels).
The owner of an ox could
choose whether to use it for ploughing or for
turning it into beefsteaks. By law the master of a
slave could dispose of his working capacity as well
as his life in any way he thought t. Throughout
antiquity, however, an uneasy feeling about slavery
What could a statesman such as Cicero
have done in this case? For postcolonialists he
would have had just one possibility: to criticise
slavery openly, to become an abolitionist avant la
106 Adorno (1950) nr. 18 in ne.
107 Cf. Strauss (1953) 3580.
108 Spivak (1985).
109 Doniger (2009) 610622, unfortu-
nately shares this opinion which she
disguises under a disgusting heap of
110 On sati cf. Young (2008).
111 Kaser (1971) 283ss.
112 Otherwise the eorts to justify slavery
by Aristotle (polit.1,37)or
Ulpian/Justinian in Dig. (1, 1, 4)
were inexplicable. On this see
Garnsey (1996).
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
lettre. Yet, slavery continued to be as important to
the ancient economy as certain natural resources
like oil are to ours.
Abolition would and could
not be conceded. It would have meant the end
of civilisation as it was known then. A William
Wilberforce (17591833) who visited Burke on
his deathbed, by the way – pleading in the Roman
Senate as he did in the House of Commons for the
abolition of slavery would have simply been
beyond imagination. Therefore the only real op-
tion was to ght slavery, to start an insurgency like
Spartacus. Of course, this is not viable for every-
body. If you accepted only a complete and total
opposition to the wickedness systematically em-
bedded in your own age you would ask for a
Spartacus. What you would probably get instead
wouldbeaso-hearted and so-spoken Epicurean
bemoaning the state of contemporary society when
he is in his cups.
The great Roman lawyers of the rst three
centuries aer Christ took a dierent stance. They
declared that all men are created free and equal:
»According to Natural Law everybody is born as a
free person« (Iure naturali omnes liberi nasceren-
»Slavery is an institution of international
law because it entails that a person is unnaturally
subjected under the command of another person«
(Servitus est constitutio iuris gentium, qua quis
»Regarding civil law (viz. the Law of the City of
Natural Law this is not true because all men are
equal« (Quod attinet ad ius civile, servi pro nullis
habentur: non tamen et iure naturali, quia, quod
ad ius naturale attinet, omnes homines aequales
These were not just words:
The Ro-
man lawyers invested a lot of cunning and energy
to assuage peu à peu the lot of the slaves.
they made sure that a handmaid’s property was
treated as a dowry in regard to her ›husband‹ even
though it was not a dowry in the legal sense
because slaves could not contract to marriage.
Had the Roman jurists decided dierently there
would not have been any legal remedy for a
handmaid to get back her property in case of a
separation. The impact of these Roman Lawyers’
doctrines in the further history of Europe cannot
be underestimated, according to an authority like
Such »piecemeal social engineer-
by Roman lawyers would not nd mercy
in the eyes of the postcolonialists it humanized
and thereby consolidated an evil institution.
D. JusticeandtheWorldsmoral
To understand the Roman lawyers’ point of
view we have to deal with the notion of Justice.
Above all Justice is a virtue meaning an attitude
any person should have, but actually have it in
various degrees. Ulpian’s denition of Justice is
»the constant and perpetual will to give everybody
what is due to him« (Iustitia est constans ac
perpetua voluntas ius suum cuique tribuendi).
By attempting to mitigate the lot of the slaves – if
only by those means they had at hand as legal
experts within a society based on slavery the
Roman lawyers acted according to this precept.
This concept of Justice presupposes Natural
Since the precepts of Natural Law are
highly abstract, they have to be adapted to the
situation at hand by Justice as a virtue. Justice is the
tactics of Natural Law, one could say. To act just
within an unjust framework is thus not merely
possible, but necessary in order to achieve the goal
of Natural Law: the happiness of society. It was
113 Finley (1973) 6294.
114 Precisely this is the argument of
Delbanco (2012). See also Davis
115 On this see Giltaij (2011) passim;
Spengler, (2011); Masi Doria
(2007); Stagl (2012).
116 Ulpian Dig.1,1,4.
117 Florentinus Dig. 1, 5, 4. 1.
118 Ulpian Dig. 50, 17, 32.
119 For further examples see Waldstein.
120 Buckland (1908) 73ss., and
Waldstein (1986) 388ss., 397ss.
A more sober picture is drawn by
Wieacker, Römische Rechtsge-
schichte (2006) vol. 2, 17s.
121 Stagl (2009) 11s.
122 Wieacker (2006) (fn. 121) 88.
123 A phrase coined by Popper (1945).
124 Ulpian Dig.1,1,10pr.
125 Messner (1984) 374: »Die Gerech-
tigkeit gründet sich auf das Recht,
nicht das Recht auf die Gerechtig-
keit«, in reference to Thomas
Aquinas, Summa Theologica 2, II,
57, 1.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
feasible to be a just person and to own slaves; one
only had to treat them justly.
And by doing so
the slave owner enhanced the view that there are
no second rate human beings. He did not only
assuage the lot of his own slaves but also contrib-
uted to the abolition of slavery. The imperative to
act justly in all situations becomes more logical if
you consider that justice is an ideal that we must
strive for but which we will never attain fully.
Every society is unjust to a certain degree. In
Burke’s words:
All these circumstances [of the Company’s Rule
in India] are not, I confess, very favourable to
the idea of attempting to govern India at all. But
eign Disposer, and we must do the best we can
in our situation. The situation of man is the
preceptor of his duty.
The ethics underlying postcolonial thought,
however, seem to focus not on virtues but on
values. Postcolonialists do not ask »What shall I
do in a given situation?« but »How can I bring
home the value I adhere to without regard to
the costs. It is an example of virtue ethics (Gesin-
In practice these ethics either lead
to revolutions (Spartacus) or passivity (Oblomov).
Avoiding this sterile alternative the ethics of
Natural law enhance piecemeal improvement of
present inconveniences. This is always a method
of compromise, of course, and there is guilt with
every compromise.
This is unbearable for those
adhering to virtue ethics as pointed out by Max
Weber: »Those adhering to virtue ethics cannot
bear the moral irrationality of the world« (Der
Gesinnungsethiker erträgt die ethische Irrationali-
tät der Welt nicht.)
Which of these two ethics fares better, is hard to
tell by abstract ratiocination.Yet the proof of a cake
is in its eating and fortunately we have the means
to judge our special cake. The proof is to be found
in the achievements of the Indian Independence
2. Burke’s Inuence on the Indian
Independence Movement
Burke with his Natural Law ethics and the
politics of evolution that go with it were an
inspiration to the Independence Movement in
two respects. As mentioned before it is highly
probable that Hastings’ impeachment decisively
contributed to making the Raj more humane.This
more humane character of the Raj was a precondi-
tion of Gandhi’s tactics of non-violence. As George
Orwell (19031950) rightly observed, Gandhian
tactics of non-violence would not have been possi-
ble in Hitler’s Germany or Stalin’s Russia.
Under a comparable regime Gandhi would have
perished in some camp, if he had chosen to be-
come a martyr. He was quite aware of this himself
and prepared to switch to armed resistance in case
of a Soviet invasion of India, as Orwell also points
out. Without the rule of law established by harsh
colonialists like Fitzjames Stephen there would
have been no Gandhi and without him there
would have been no generally peaceful stransition
of power in 1947. Without such a transition of
power India would have experienced serious draw-
backs, violence and maybe some totalitarian
Burke’s second contribution to the liberation of
India was his direct inuence on the philosophy of
the independence movement. One of its key g-
ures was the already mentioned politician and
university teacher Gokhale,
Ghandi’s »political
guru«. In his obituary on him Gandhi described
the strategy Gohkale envisaged for the future
independence of India:
To be sure, we cannot rise again till our political
condition changes for the better; but it is not
true that we shall necessarily progress if our
political condition undergoes a change, irre-
spective of the manner in which it is brought
about. If the means employed are impure, the
change will be not in the direction of progress
but very likely the opposite. Only a change
126 On this see Augustinus,Deciv.Dei
127 Speech on Mr. Fox’s East India Bill,
in: Burke vol. IV (1886) 197.
128 A term coined by Weber (1988).
On this see Zingerle (1995).
129 Weber (1988) 552.
130 Weber (1988) 553.
131 Orwell (1946).
132 On the legitimacy of this kind of
counterfactual reasoning see
Ferguson (1997) 1ss.
133 Jim Masselos,in:OxfordDNBi.v.;
Wolpert (1962) passim.
The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
brought about in our political condition by
pure means can lead to real progress.
Gokhale knew Burke’s ›Reections on the Rev-
it on every occasion. Burke was not only read
by Gokhale but everywhere in India in the late
and early 20
century. Some British author-
ities even tried to prevent the Indians from reading
Burke by taking his works o the shelves of public
libraries. Indirectly Burke thus became an inspira-
tion to Gandhi and his tactics of non-violence.
Ghandi disapproved of revolution as a political
means. It is not by chance that so many of the
Indian freedom ghters were lawyers by profession
– Burke would have been very pleased because this
wasexactlyhismethod.Indiashistoryaer 1947 is
an incredible success inasmuch as India has man-
aged to remain an open society.
This was only
possible because India had statesmen like Jawa-
harlal Nehru (18891964)
and Bhimrao Ramji
Ambedkar (18911956).
And statesmen of their
kind were not a windfall protbutthefruitof
Gokhale’s and Gandhi’s and, therefore, indirectly
Burke’s eorts. Only try to imagine the Indian
freedom ghters adhering to revolutionary com-
munism and breeding their own Mao or Pol Pot.
In my opinion there is no better proof for the truth
of Burke’s doctrine than the history of modern
India. Ganesh Prashad,
socialist Harold Laski (18931950) at the London
School of Economics in the 1940s wrote in his
study on ›Whiggism in India‹:
It seems that from his grave Burke has presided
over the drama of progress in modern Britain,
the British Empire, and modern India. A stu-
dent of Indo-British history will nd the scales
removed from his eyes on reading Burke’s
words in a letter to Sir Hercules Langrische in
1792. Admitting the law of change as the most
powerful law of nature, he argued that »all that
we can do, and that human wisdom can do, is
to provide that the change shall proceed by
insensible degrees«.This process has the benets
of change without its inconveniences. It pre-
vents »the unxing of old interests at once« a
phenomenon which is apt to breed »a black and
sullen disconten in the dispossessed. At the
same time it prevents the beneciaries »from
being intoxicated with a draught of power,
which they always abuse with a licentious inso-
lence«. The transfer of power to India in 1947
was one of the best examples of this liberal
process of change. Britain le India with good
tent«. The Indian beneciaries were placed in
such a position that they were neither »intoxi-
cated« with power nor could abuse power »with
a licentious insolence«. Originally this method
of social change was called Whiggist. Now it has
been adopted by Western Liberalism and even
by Social Democracy. Perhaps this is the greatest
legacy of Burke to humanity.
V. Conclusion: A Vindication of ›India‹
What we have done by now is to analyse the
political implications of ›The East oering its
riches to Britannia‹. We have thus acquired the
means to answer the one still open question of
overriding importance: Why does Mercury, like so
many other gentlemen, favour white women? This
question is all but banal because brown women
struggle with serious disadvantages in consequence
of this preference. Since a dark complexion is
widely regarded as racially and socially inferior
women in present-day India, for example, are sup-
posed to be as white as possible and undergo all
kinds of unhealthy and expensive treatments if
they want to be attractive and make good a match.
This internalisation of racism is called colorism
and has become an important social problem in
134 Gandhi (1955).
135 Prashad (1966); Wolpert (1962)
136 Guha (2007) passim.
137 For a Biography see Sarvepalli
138 Born into a family of untouchables,
he became a lawyer and in addition
held a Ph.D. in economics. Associated
with the Liberation Movement he be-
came one of the architects of the In-
dian constitution, especially concern-
ed with questions of caste and family.
He eventually converted to Buddhism
because it is regarded as a way out of
the caste system and is an Indian
religion at the same time. Among
today’s untouchables of India he is a
secular Saint. For a biography see
Frank Moraes,inOxfordDNBi.v.
139 A small biographical sketch can be
articles: Nawani (2006) IX.
140 Prashad (1966) 420.
141 See Wikipedia, s.v. Discrimination
based on skin colour (18 December
142 See the article ›Blackout‹, in: News-
week, 7 March 2008.
Jakob Fortunat Stagl
By now we have taken the habit of reach-
ing out for Burke whenever someone is oppressed,
in this case women of a darker complexion like
and Beautiful Burke observes:
Men are carried to the [opposite] sex in general
as it is the [opposite] sex, and by the common
law of nature; but they [men] are attached
to particulars [individuals] by personal beauty.
I call beauty a social quality; for where women
and men … give us a sense of joy and pleasure in
beholding them, they inspire us with senti-
ments of tenderness and aection towards their
persons; we like to have them near us, and we
enter willingly into a kind of relation with
them, unless we should have strong reasons to
the contrary.
Can dark pigmentation be one of the »reasons
to the contrary« Burke is speaking of? We can
prove by the Scripture that black people are just
as beautiful as white people and that interracial
love has the sanction of divine authority: We refer
to the ›Song of Solomon‹. This is the story of the
King Solomon’s love for a beautiful young woman
of colour. She says of herself: »I am black, but
comely, O ye daughters of Jerusalem Her lover
goes on: »Behold, thou art fair, my love; behold,
thou art fair; thou hast doves’ eyes. /Behold, thou
art fair, my beloved, yea, pleasant: also our bed is
green. /The beams of our house are cedar, and our
raers of r.«
Therefore the »reasons to the contrary« so many
men feel must have other origins. Beauty is a
»social quality« as Burke rightly observes.
a social point of view dark skin colour is associated
with schoolboy-nations and the white colour with
the teacher-nations. For at least the last two cen-
turies white colour had globally enjoyed a higher
social status. Racial prejudice is nothing but an
ossied social status and this status is the product of
a regime that could not have had any permanent
justication for its being racist. A political system
based on the permanent mastery of one race over
the other violates Natural Law. The historical con-
sequences of such a regime, for example the con-
tention that white races have higher social values
are therefore against Natural Law as well. Hence
we may state that the contemporary man’s prefer-
ence for white women is against natural law.
According to Natural Law men should have no
»reasons to the contrary« regarding brown women.
Accordingly gentlemen should not prefer blondes
and brown women should have just as much fun as
white women. And we can nally conclude that
Mercury should take care to save ›India‹ from the
lion, bearing in mind that
»right deeds be Thy motive, not the fruit
which comes from them!«
(Bhaghavad Gita [Transl. by E. Arnold]
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The Rule of Law against the Rule of Greed: Edmund Burke against the East India Company
... 6 "El último vestigio (deformado) que todavía conservamos del Derecho natural". la posibilidad de un amuleto, y sustituirla por una ética de la tercera persona, y entonces de la impersonalidad, en la cual no existe tal posibilidad, sería entonces una bella idea para los nostálgicos del nirvana (14)(15)(16). Pero para nosotros, hijos y nietos del "siglo breve", que sabemos que la tercera persona puede ser también neutra -no solo "alguien" sino también "algo"-, esta idea es, en el mejor de los casos, solo otra edición de Un mundo feliz. ...
... El ensayo de Weil representa el más fuerte ataque a la persona. Sus motivos son la veneración de la belleza y la verdad, como se reflejan en el arte de Homero y de Shakespeare, y el amor por la justicia, que ella no ve tanto en la resolución de conflictos sobre cosas materiales como en la caridad (14). Los dones del amor, la belleza y la justicia son sagrados y provienen directamente de Dios (17). ...
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Until the birth of Christ, De iure personarum was a construct in Roman law used to describe and execute the precedence of the pater familias over the rest of the Roman society: slaves, freed slaves, foreigners, spouses and children. Then, the right translation is “Law of the social status”. Due to the influence of natural law, the idea of freedom and equality, based on a unitary concept of the man, gained ground. In order to express this idea, the Roman lawyers used the term persona instead of homo since the latter is a technical expression referring to a slave and the former already had several meanings. Persona, a word that until then had been used to describe enchained men, now became a term for their vested rights of equality and freedom. This is the meaning of the Latin word persona that was adopted by the disciplines of theology and philosophy and became one of the most important legal concepts and philosophical ideas of the Western world.
Foreword Preface: 'Karl Popper's The Open Society and Its Enemies in the contemporary global world' by Vaclav Havel. 'Personal Recollections of the Publication of The Open Society' by E.H. Gombrich. Acknowledgements Preface to the First Edition Preface to the Second Edition Introduction VOLUME 1: THE SPELL OF PLATO THE MYTH OF ORIGIN AND DESTINY 1. Historicism and the Myth of Destiny 2. Heraclitus 3. Plato's Theory of Forms or Ideas PLATO'S DESCRIPTIVE SOCIOLOGY 4. Change and Rest 5. Nature and Convention PLATO'S POLITICAL PROGRAMME 6. Totalitarian Justice 7. The Principle of Leadership 8. The Philosopher King 9. Aestheticism, Perfectionism, Utopianism THE BACKGROUND OF PLATO'S ATTACK 10. The Open Society and its Enemies Addenda VOLUME 2: THE HIGH TIDE OF PROPHECY THE RISE OF ORACULAR PHILOSOPHY 11. The Aristotelian Roots of Hegelianism 12. Hegel and The New Tribalism MARX'S METHOD 13. Sociological Determinism 14. The Autonomy of Sociology 15. Economic Historicism 16. The Classes 17. The Legal and the Social System MARX'S PROPHECY 18. The Coming of Socialism 19. The Social Revolution 20. Capitalism and Its Fate 21. An Evaluation MARX'S ETHICS 22. The Moral Theory of Historicism THE AFTERMATH 23. The Sociology of Knowledge 24. Oracular Philosophy and the Revolt against Reason CONCLUSION 25. Has History any Meaning? Addenda (1961, 1965) NOTES Notes to Volume 1 Notes to Volume 2 Index