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Health of Indigenous Circumpolar Populations

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Indigenous circumpolar populations have experienced profound transitions in lifeways over the past half-century as a result of economic development. Although there have been positive aspects of this social transformation, most circumpolar groups today have a triple burden of disease, with a modestly elevated infectious disease level, an elevated and increasing burden of chronic conditions such as obesity and cardiovascular disease, and high rates of mental health-related challenges. The health of contemporary circumpolar populations is not easily characterized because of dramatic regional differences that stem from socioeconomic disparities among nonindigenous groups, individual population histories, lifestyle factors, environmental pollution, and underlying biological variation. Overall health and well-being range from excellent among the Sami of Sweden and Norway to extremely poor among marginalized native populations in northern Russia. Circumpolar groups today are not only threatened by continued regional economic development and pollution, but also uniquely vulnerable to global climate change.
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AN42CH05-Snodgrass ARI 18 September 2013 14:43
Health of Indigenous
Circumpolar Populations
J. Josh Snodgrass
Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon 97403;
email: jjosh@uoregon.edu
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2013. 42:69–87
First published online as a Review in Advance on
August 19, 2013
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org
This article’s doi:
10.1146/annurev-anthro-092412-155517
Copyright c
2013 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved
Keywords
Arctic, human biology, nutrition transition, biocultural, climate change
Abstract
Indigenous circumpolar populations have experienced profound transitions
in lifeways over the past half-century as a result of economic development.
Although there have been positive aspects of this social transformation, most
circumpolar groups today have a triple burden of disease, with a modestly el-
evated infectious disease level, an elevated and increasing burden of chronic
conditions such as obesity and cardiovascular disease, and high rates of men-
tal health–related challenges. The health of contemporary circumpolar pop-
ulations is not easily characterized because of dramatic regional differences
that stem from socioeconomic disparities among nonindigenous groups, in-
dividual population histories, lifestyle factors, environmental pollution, and
underlying biological variation. Overall health and well-being range from
excellent among the Sami of Sweden and Norway to extremely poor among
marginalized native populations in northern Russia. Circumpolar groups to-
day are not only threatened by continued regional economic development
and pollution, but also uniquely vulnerable to global climate change.
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Further
ANNUAL
REVIEWS
AN42CH05-Snodgrass ARI 18 September 2013 14:43
Persistent organic
pollutant (POP):
an organic compound
from industrial
processes [e.g.,
polychlorinated
biphenyls (PCBs)] that
resists degradation and
can have human health
effects
INTRODUCTION
The health of northern populations varies considerably, an unsurprising fact given the enor-
mity of the circumpolar region (17 million km2), its five major areas (Alaska, northern Canada,
Greenland, Scandinavia, and northern Russia), and a population of nearly 10 million residents
(Chatwood et al. 2012). This collective circumpolar population is characterized by its diversity
and includes an array of indigenous groups (several dozen representing seven language fami-
lies) and a considerable number of recent migrants to the region (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b).
Furthermore, circumpolar natives vary, from constituting a small minority of the total regional
population (e.g., <1% in Scandinavia) to a near complete majority (e.g., 90% in Greenland),
and the Inuit and several other native northern groups have territories that extend across multi-
ple nations (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b, Young 2012). One prominent circumpolar researcher
encapsulated this extreme heterogeneity by comparing the lifeways and health of an Inuit hunter,
a Russian mine worker, and a Norwegian schoolteacher (see Chatwood et al. 2011). Thus, sum-
marizing the health of circumpolar populations is an immense challenge, and consequently, no
review can be truly comprehensive and without critical omissions.
Here, I review the health of circumpolar populations. I begin with an introduction to the
circumpolar region, describing the diverse array of northern environments inhabited by humans,
as well as the cultural and biological adaptations they use to cope with severe climatic and ecological
challenges. I then focus attention on circumpolar peoples, organizing the discussion by region and
concentrating on the indigenous groups for which health data are most available. Next follows
a section on patterns of indigenous circumpolar health and key factors such as diet, physical
activity, and pollution that shape these health outcomes. I then highlight issues of Arctic health
disparities and the risks of global climate change before concluding with a discussion of how
anthropology provides a powerful approach through which to unravel the complex interactions
among environmental exposure, social factors, and underlying genetic susceptibility in shaping
the health of northern populations.
THE CIRCUMPOLAR ENVIRONMENT
Defining “circumpolar” is a surprisingly difficult task because one can delineate the region and
people on the basis of latitude, temperature, permafrost boundaries, political divisions, or demo-
graphics. Here, “circumpolar” refers to Arctic (above 66.5N) and subarctic (55–66.5N) areas;
the terms northern, high-latitude, and Arctic are used synonymously. Given the absence of native
groups at the southern pole, the present review focuses on contemporary northern populations
(Figure 1).
The physical and biological environments in circumpolar regions are diverse and include tem-
perate rainforest, boreal forest (taiga), tundra, and polar desert (Young 2012). A recurring mis-
conception by outsiders is that the Arctic is untouched and pristine; instead, this region has
experienced rapid economic development over the past half-century and has also endured the
effects of environmental contaminants such as persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and heavy
metals (Bjerregaard et al. 2004, 2008; Donaldson et al. 2010). Furthermore, circumpolar regions
are currently experiencing rapid glacial and sea ice melting and decreased permafrost as a result
of global climate change (Anisimov et al. 2007, IPCC 2007).
Circumpolar environments provide a unique set of challenges to human populations, including
prolonged and severe cold stress with average monthly temperatures that can, in certain regions,
drop to 40C(40F) (Snodgrass et al. 2007). This type of extreme temperature exposes pop-
ulations to acute cold injuries (e.g., hypothermia and frostbite) and to an increased mortality
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Arctic Ocean
Alaska (USA)
Canada
Greenland
(Denmark)
Russian Federation
Central Siberia
Eastern Siberia
Chukotka
Labrador
Northwest
Territories
Nunavut
Finland
Norway
Sweden
Denmark
Iceland
Khanty
Mansi
Sami
Nenet
Ket
Yakut (Sakha)
Inuit
(Yup’ik)
Inuit
(Inupiat)
Inuit
Inuit
Inuit
Inuit
Dene/
Athabascan
Yukagir
Even
Chukchi
Aleut
Buryat
Evenki
Nganasan
Pacic Ocean
Atlantic Ocean
Figure 1
Map of the Arctic showing key countries, regions, or political units within countries ( green text) and selected
indigenous circumpolar populations (black text). Locations are approximate and do not accurately show
population overlap or full geographic distribution. Modified from Arctic Ocean Relief Map by Uwe
Dedering through Wikimedia Commons (original available from http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/
File:Arctic_Ocean_relief_location_map.png).
Basal metabolic rate
(BMR): the minimum
energy expenditure
required to maintain
respiration,
circulation, body
temperature, and other
basic somatic functions
risk from respiratory infections and cardiovascular events (M¨
akinen & Rytk ¨
onen 2008, Revich &
Shaposhnikov 2010, Young & M¨
akinen 2010). In addition, northern environments are profoundly
seasonal with extreme variation in photoperiod, they have only sparse vegetation, and the overall
energy availability in these ecosystems is low (Snodgrass et al. 2007, Snodgrass 2012).
Northern populations use a variety of cultural and behavioral adaptive strategies to survive in
circumpolar environments, including tailored clothing and seasonal migratory patterns (Snodgrass
et al. 2007). Indigenous northern groups also utilize several biological adaptations to the cold,
including body size and proportions that minimize heat loss, upregulated basal metabolic rate
(BMR), and vascular responses that conserve heat and preserve functionality (Rode & Shephard
1995; Leonard et al. 2005; Snodgrass et al. 2005, 2007; Leonard & Katzmarzyk 2010). These
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Holocene: the
current geologic time
period (epoch), which
began 12,000 years
ago at the termination
of the Pleistocene
biological adaptations appear to consist of a mixture of functional acclimatizational responses and
genetic adaptations (Snodgrass et al. 2007, Beall et al. 2012).
CIRCUMPOLAR PEOPLES
Modern humans first permanently settled circumpolar environments only within the past
20,000 years, expanding initially into northern Eurasia and then later to North America and
Greenland (Hoffecker 2005, Snodgrass et al. 2007). The Arctic was not fully settled until the
Holocene; the development of maritime economies and range expansion seen in many contem-
porary indigenous northern groups such as the Inuit occurred only within the past few thousand
years.
Indigenous Arctic populations are immensely diverse. Groups native to the north range in size
from very small (e.g., Ket of central Siberia with 1,500 people; Kozlov et al. 2007) to more
numerous populations such as the Inuit (165,000 people; Bjerregaard & Young 2008) to very
large groups such as the Yakut (440,000 people; Kozlov et al. 2007). Although all groups specialize
to a certain extent in the harvesting of animal resources, traditional subsistence economies vary and
include maritime hunting, taiga hunting and fishing, and the herding of reindeer, horse, and/or
cattle (Cordain et al. 2000, Young 2012). Because a comprehensive discussion of indigenous
circumpolar groups is beyond the scope of this review, the following discussion provides details
on several groups for which health data are available.
Alaska
Administratively part of the United States, Alaska is an enormous (1.5 million km2) yet sparsely
populated state with a total population of approximately 650,000 (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b).
The indigenous population of Alaska (collectively termed Alaska Natives) constitutes nearly 20%
of the population and consists of Inuit (sometimes called “Eskimo”), American Indian, and Aleut
(Berner 2008). Although early Russians and Americans influenced Alaska’s development beginning
in the eighteenth century, it was not until the mid-twentieth century that Alaska experienced
substantial economic development and industrialization (Young 2012). Most Alaska Natives today
reside in small, remote communities.
Inuit are the direct descendants of the Thule, a group of specialized whale hunters that emerged
from the Bering sea coast 2,000 years ago. The Thule then spread eastward and later transformed
into the Inuit 500 years ago (Hoffecker 2005). Traditional Inuit subsistence broadened to include
focus on caribou and smaller marine mammals (Bjerregaard & Young 2008). Most Inuit today still
rely on subsistence fishing, hunting, and gathering. At present, Inuit in Alaska number 47,000
and are composed of two major groups, the Inupiat and the Yup’ik (Berner 2008). The closely
related Siberian Yup’ik (Yuit) are found on Russia’s Chukchi Peninsula.
Northern Canada
Northern Canada includes the Nunavut, Yukon, and Northwest Territories, which together
comprise 40% of Canada (3.8 million km2) (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b). Population density
is extremely low, and the total population of this region is 50% indigenous. Two other
regions—Nunavik in northern Quebec and Labrador—are often considered part of northern
Canada. Northern Canada was relatively isolated until the mid-twentieth century, but economic
development and urbanization (primarily connected to mining activities) began to accelerate in
the 1950s. Northern Canada is home to several indigenous groups, including Inuit, Dene First
Nations groups, and M´
etis (a group defined by mixed First Nations and European heritage)
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(Young 2008a,b). The total Canadian Inuit population is 51,000 people, of which the largest
population concentration is in Nunavut (22,000) (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b).
Greenland
Greenland is enormous in area (>2 million km2) but has a total population of only 57,000
people (Bjerregaard & Stensgaard 2008). Although politically part of Denmark, Greenland has
considerable political autonomy but relies on substantial subsidies from Denmark. Greenland did
experience some development in the early twentieth century, but it was not until the past 50 years
that it experienced major social and economic transformations.
Greenland Inuit, known as kalaallit, comprise 90% of Greenland’s population (Bjerregaard
& Stensgaard 2008). Elements of Greenland Inuit culture are unique and come from extensive
connections with European societies. They do, however, have close genetic and linguistic ties with
the Inuit population in North America. The traditional diet was based on a maritime economy
focused on fish and marine mammals.
Scandinavia
Scandinavia, which includes the Nordic countries of Norway, Sweden, and Finland, has a total
combined population of nearly 19 million (Hassler et al. 2008b, Young & Bjerregaard 2008b).
The total land area is 1.1 million km2of which 380,000 km2is in northern areas.
The indigenous population of the region, the Sami (formerly “Lapp”), historically occupied a
region called S´
apmi, which stretched across northern Scandinavia and into Russia’s Kola Peninsula
(Hassler et al. 2008b, Young 2012). The size of the Sami population is not well-known but
is estimated at 80,000–110,000 people (Hassler et al. 2008b). Traditionally, Sami subsistence
centered on seal hunting but was later transformed around the sixteenth century into an economy
focused on nomadic reindeer herding (Hassler et al. 2008a,b; Broadbent 2010); today, most Sami
are integrated within larger Scandinavian society. Socioeconomic indicators are fairly similar
between the Sami and the non-Sami population in countries such as Sweden, although some
evidence indicates that reindeer-herding Sami have lower incomes and less education (Hassler
et al. 2008b).
Northern Russia
Northern Russia is an enormous region (>9 million km2) that stretches across Asia from the Kola
Peninsula to Chukotka (Young & Bjerregaard 2008b). The total population of northern Russia is
7.2 million, with an indigenous population [i.e., the 40 groups of “Numerically Small Peoples”
of northern Russia (e.g., Evenki, Nenet, Ket, Nganasan, Chukchi, and Yup’ik)] of 280,000
people. In addition, several other ethnic groups such as the Yakut (440,000 people) and Buryat
(445,000 people) reside in this region and are considered by most researchers to be indigenous
(that approach is followed in this review), yet they are not recognized as indigenous by the Russian
state and instead termed ethnic minorities (see Kozlov et al. 2007). The traditional subsistence
economy varies among indigenous northern Russians and includes maritime hunting, reindeer
hunting, taiga hunting and fishing, reindeer herding, and horse and cattle herding.
Indigenous Siberians experienced profound changes in lifeways during the Soviet period, and
after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 unleashed catastrophic political and economic
changes, these populations again experienced major transformations that forced many to renew
their reliance on traditional subsistence activities (Snodgrass et al. 2007, Kozlov & Lisitsyn 2008).
The aftereffects of these profound transitions continue to impact native Siberians.
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The Evenki are a Tungusic-speaking group of reindeer herders from the northern Siberia
taiga who number 35,500 (Forsyth 1992, Leonard et al. 2002). They traditionally were highly
nomadic and occupied a large geographic area. Additional information on the Evenki can be found
in Leonard and coworkers (1994, 1999, 2002).
The Yakut (Sakha) are concentrated in northeastern Siberia and make up 45% of the popula-
tion of the Sakha Republic (Kozlov et al. 2007). Members of the Turkic language family, the Yakut
traditionally practiced a complex but variable subsistence strategy focused primarily on transhu-
mant horse and cattle pastoralism (Forsyth 1992, Snodgrass et al. 2005, Crate 2006). The Yakut
have experienced particularly rapid shifts in lifeways over the past decade as a result of regional
economic development (Snodgrass et al. 2007).
CIRCUMPOLAR HEALTH: AN OVERVIEW
Information on circumpolar health is incomplete and uneven, with major gaps in data availability.
Surveillance and reporting are far better in regions such as Alaska and northern Canada and less
comprehensive in northern Russia. This issue is compounded by the failure to disaggregate data
by ethnicity or locale in much of the epidemiological literature.
In this overview of health in the Arctic, I first describe macrolevel health indicators such as life
expectancy and infant mortality and then discuss several key health issues: (a) cardiovascular and
metabolic diseases; (b) cancers; (c) infectious diseases; (d) mental health, accidents, and violence;
and (e) alcoholism, smoking, and substance abuse.
Life expectancy at birth shows enormous variation among indigenous circumpolar populations,
from relatively high among the Sami (75 years in males, 80 years in females) to very low among
indigenous Siberians (45–55 years in males, 55–65 years in females) (Kozlov et al. 2007, Hassler
et al. 2008c, Kr ¨
ummel 2009, Young 2012) (Table 1). Data generally show a pronounced disparity
in life expectancy in indigenous northern populations compared with nonnative Arctic groups and
national populations (Chatwood et al. 2012). For example, life expectancy at birth among the Inuit
is lower than among non-Inuit residents but ranges from 4.6 to 12.2 years lower, depending on
country (Kr ¨
ummel 2009). The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to immediate and dramatic
declines in health and life expectancy among indigenous Siberians that paralleled but exceeded
those documented among the majority population (Leonard et al. 2002, Notzon et al. 2003, Kozlov
et al. 2007, Sorensen et al. 2009, Young 2012). Infant mortality rates are also relatively high among
most native northerners (>10 per 1,000 live births); in several places such as Nunavut, Greenland,
and northern Russia, infant mortality rates are two to three times higher than national levels
(Kozlov et al. 2007, Odland & Arbour 2008, Kr ¨
ummel 2009, Young 2012).
Cardiovascular and Metabolic Diseases
In all indigenous circumpolar populations except the Sami, obesity is at moderate to high lev-
els and has become increasingly prevalent over the past several decades (Snodgrass et al. 2006a,
Jørgensen & Young 2008, Jørgensen 2010, Chˆ
ateau-Degat et al. 2011, Young 2012). A compre-
hensive study of Inuit in Canada, Greenland, and Alaska showed obesity [body mass index (BMI)
30.0] at 16% and 26% in men and women, respectively, but more recent data suggest that
these prevalence rates have increased substantially (Young et al. 2007, Zienczuk & Egeland 2012).
Obesity has also emerged as an important health issue among indigenous Siberians (Snodgrass
et al. 2006a); however, these rates (e.g., 13% in males and 21% in females among the Yakut;
Snodgrass et al. 2010a) are currently moderate. Few data on obesity exist for children, but what
data are available do indicate that obesity is a growing problem for children as young as preschool
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Table 1 Summary of the health information and key risk factors for selected indigenous peoples from circumpolar regions.
Additional information and sources are provided in the text
Region Indigenous people Overall health and key health challenges
Main lifestyle, innate,
and environmental risks
Alaska (USA) Inuit, Aleut Overall good health; modest disparities with
nonnative Alaskans and other US residents
Life expectancy at birth lower than other US
residents by 5–7 years
Modest CVD burden; high levels of obesity;
moderate hypertension and T2D
High rates of alcoholism, suicide, and accidents
Modestly elevated infectious disease burden
Dietary change
Low activity levels
High smoking levels
High rate of alcoholism
Psychosocial stress
Pollution
Poor living conditions
Climate change
Northern Canada Inuit, Dene (First
Nations)
Regional variation; better health and fewer disparities
in Yukon and NWT, worse in Nunavut
Life expectancy lower than that of other Canadians,
especially Nunavut with 8–10-year difference
Modestly elevated CVD burden; high levels of
obesity; moderate hypertension and T2D
Cancer risk especially high in Nunavut
High rates of suicide, accidents, and injuries
Higher infectious disease risk, especially in Nunavut
Dietary change
Low activity levels
High smoking levels
Psychosocial stress
Pollution
Poor living conditions
Climate change
Greenland
(Denmark)
Inuit Overall good health; pronounced disparities with
nonnatives in Greenland and Denmark generally
Life expectancy lower in Greenland by 10 years
Modest CVD burden; high levels of obesity;
moderate hypertension and T2D
Cancer risk relatively high
Severe mental health challenges
Modestly elevated infectious disease burden
Dietary change
Low activity levels
High smoking levels
Psychosocial stress
Pollution
Poor living conditions
Climate change
Scandinavia
(Norway, Sweden,
Finland)
Sami Overall excellent health; minimal disparities with
nonnative population, although perhaps poorer
health among reindeer herders
Life expectancy high and not significantly different
from national populations
Low CVD burden; low levels of obesity,
hypertension, and T2D
Modestly elevated mental health challenges
Dietary change
Northern Russia Evenki, Khanti,
Mansi, Yakut
(Sakha)
Overall poor health; pronounced disparities
compared with nonnative population
Life expectancy lower by 10 years (but Russia low
in general, especially among men)
High infant mortality rate
High CVD burden (especially stroke) but relatively
low T2D
Moderate obesity levels and very high hypertension
rates
Modestly elevated infectious disease burden
Very high rates of alcoholism, suicide, and violence
Dietary change
Low activity levels
High smoking levels
Very high rates of
alcoholism
Psychosocial stress
Pollution
Poor living conditions
Climate change
Adaptive pattern that
may predispose to high
blood pressure
Abbreviations: CVD, cardiovascular disease; NWT, Northwest Territories; T2D, type 2 diabetes.
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CVD: cardiovascular
disease
Metabolic syndrome
(MetS):
a constellation of risk
factors, including
central obesity and
insulin resistance, that
contribute to the
development of CVD
T2D: type 2 diabetes
( Jørgensen & Young 2008, Galloway et al. 2010). The association between obesity and cardio-
vascular disease (CVD) among the Inuit is distinct, with fewer metabolic consequences of excess
adiposity compared with other populations (Young 2007, Young et al. 2007).
The Inuit and several other native northern groups were initially thought to be protected from
CVD because several studies in the early twentieth century documented a relatively low cardiovas-
cular burden and a favorable lipid profile (Kozlov et al. 2007, Jørgensen & Young 2008). However,
CVD is now one of the leading causes of death among circumpolar populations (Kr ¨
ummel 2009,
Chˆ
ateau-Degat et al. 2010, Young 2012). Data show considerable regional variation in CVD;
however, Alaska Natives and Sami have a relatively low burden (Young 2012). Pronounced re-
gional variation also exists for cardiovascular risk factors such as hypertension (>140 mm Hg
systolic blood pressure and/or >90 mm Hg diastolic blood pressure). Indigenous Siberians have
extremely high rates (20–35%; Kozlov et al. 2007, Snodgrass et al. 2007), whereas other groups
such as the Canadian and Greenland Inuit have somewhat lower levels that are classified as inter-
mediate globally (19% and 22%, respectively; Jørgensen et al. 2004, Jørgensen & Young 2008,
Chˆ
ateau-Degat et al. 2010). Circumpolar groups in general still have a relatively favorable lipid
profile and low occurrence of the metabolic syndrome (MetS), although recent data from multiple
regions show a rapid pace of health deterioration (Leonard et al. 2005, Boyer et al. 2007, Kozlov
et al. 2007, Snodgrass et al. 2010b, Young 2012).
Studies have historically reported relatively low levels of type 2 diabetes (T2D; fasting glucose
126 mg/dl) among northern groups in all circumpolar regions ( Jørgensen & Young 2008).
These prevalence rates have increased somewhat in recent decades but are still generally low in
many groups, especially native Siberians (e.g., Yakut, Khanty, and Mansi), in whom T2D rates
are nearly absent (<5%) and fasting glucose levels among many populations (e.g., Yakut, Khanty,
Mansi, and Chukchi) are quite low (80 mg/dl) (Kozlov et al. 2007; Snodgrass et al. 2010a,b;
Young 2012). The Sami also have a relatively low diabetes prevalence (estimated at <5%) and a
low fasting glucose population mean of 79 mg/dl (Kozlov et al. 2007, Sj ¨
olander 2011). Fasting
glucose values are higher among Greenlanders (104 mg/dl), as well as among Canadian Inuit
(92 mg/dl) and Alaska Inuit (94 mg/dl), and rates of T2D are 7–10% among Inupiat, Aleut,
and Greenland Inuit ( Jørgensen & Young 2008, Snodgrass et al. 2010b, Young 2012).
The main factors that influence cardiovascular and metabolic risk in northern populations
are diet and physical activity. Native northerners, especially maritime societies such as coastal
Inuit populations, have traditionally consumed diets very high in protein and fats and low in
carbohydrates (Shephard & Rode 1996, Cordain et al. 2000, Kozlov et al. 2007). These traditional
diets, many with high levels of n3 fatty acids, are protective from cardiovascular and metabolic
conditions (Kozlov et al. 2007, Young 2012). A major dietary shift is occurring across the North as
economic development has accelerated. This transition was perhaps best documented by a study
of northern Canada’s Igloolik Inuit, which tracked changes in health in the same community over
several decades (Shephard & Rode 1996). In addition, a recent study of Greenland and Canadian
Inuit documented high levels of market foods (80%): Younger individuals are consuming fewer
n3 fatty acids and more unhealthy trans–fatty acids (Counil et al. 2008). The transition away
from traditional foods has led to a greater risk of nutrient deficiencies (e.g., Vitamin D and iron)
and increased intake of saturated fats, carbohydrates, and overall calories (Kozlov et al. 2007,
Bjerregaard & Jørgensen 2008, Egeland et al. 2011, Andersen et al. 2012, Jamieson et al. 2012).
Food insecurity is also emerging as an important issue in many Arctic populations, although
continued use of traditional foods continues to be protective (Huet et al. 2012, Young 2012).
However, an emerging problem—termed the Arctic dilemma—is that beneficial traditional foods
are now increasingly contaminated with industrial pollutants (Kuhnlein & Chan 2000, Bjerregaard
& Jørgensen 2008, Kr ¨
ummel 2009).
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Decreased energy expenditure resulting from declines in habitual physical activity is likely a key
contributor to the increased burden of cardiovascular and metabolic diseases in the Arctic, although
this issue has not been extensively studied (Shephard & Rode 1996, Bjerregaard & Jørgensen 2008,
Dahl-Petersen et al. 2011, Young 2012). Research among the Yakut, for example, has documented
modest physical activity levels, with particularly low levels among those least involved with the
subsistence herding economy and those consuming more market foods (Snodgrass et al. 2006b).
Furthermore, low activity levels in this population have been linked to several health measures,
including chronic inflammation and poor lipid profiles (Wilson et al. 2013).
One final issue related to determinants of cardiovascular and metabolic diseases in indigenous
circumpolar populations is the contribution of genetic factors to risk patterning. This issue remains
unresolved (Hegele & Pollex 2008, Young 2012); studies among the Inuit, for example, show gene
frequencies that simultaneously reduce and elevate CVD risk. Founder effects in some populations
may also shape risk, such as with the high levels of BRCA1 mutations among Greenland natives,
which contribute to breast cancer risk (Fredslund & Bonefeld-Jørgensen 2012).
Cancers
Cancer is one of the leading causes of death in circumpolar populations, with particularly high in-
cidence and mortality among Inuit in Nunavut and Greenland (Friborg & Hassler 2008, Kr ¨
ummel
2009, Young 2012). The cancer profile of most northern populations is distinct; the Inuit, for ex-
ample, have a high incidence of nasopharyngeal and salivary cancers (so-called traditional cancers),
as well as high levels of lung and pancreatic cancers (Friborg & Hassler 2008, Alberts et al. 2012,
Kirkegaard 2012). Researchers have documented an ongoing shift in cancer profile among north-
ern groups with an increase in cancers more common in industrialized populations (e.g., breast can-
cer, uterine cancer, and colorectal cancer), as well as a general increase in cancer incidence (Friborg
& Hassler 2008, Circumpol. Inuit Cancer Rev. Work. Group 2008, Ehrsam Day et al. 2010). Rates
of cancer incidence and mortality are generally low for the Sami (Hassler et al. 2008c). Few high-
quality cancer data are available for northern Russians (Kozlov et al. 2007, Vaktskjold et al. 2008).
One area of considerable concern for native northern populations is the risk of environmental
contaminants contributing to elevated levels of cancer and to other health issues (e.g., reproductive
health and cognitive development) (Bjerregaard et al. 2008, Young 2012). The Arctic is uniquely
vulnerable to pollutants because heavy metals (e.g., mercury) and POPs (e.g., PCBs) from lower-
latitude industrial activities are transported and deposited in circumpolar regions (McConnell &
Edwards 2008). Health risks are particularly acute for native northern populations that regularly
consume large marine carnivores (e.g., polar bear and seal) because long marine food chains
concentrate pollutants (Van Oostdam et al. 2005, Deutch et al. 2007, Donaldson et al. 2010).
Infectious Disease
Beginning several hundred years ago with intensified contact with Europeans, communicable
diseases such as smallpox and measles had a major impact on the health and demography of in-
digenous circumpolar groups (Waldram et al. 2006, Koch et al. 2008). This infectious disease
burden remained high until societal changes within the past half-century drove most infectious
diseases into steep decline. Despite this decline, the current burden of infectious disease remains
elevated in most circumpolar regions. The pattern of diseases is also unique, with high incidence of
gastrointestinal and respiratory tract infections (especially in Nunavut, Greenland, and northern
Russia), as well as elevated rates of hepatitis, parasitic infections (e.g., trichinellosis), and invasive
bacterial diseases (e.g., Streptococcus pneumoniae) (Koch et al. 2008, Jenkins et al. 2011, Young 2012).
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Of particular note is the high prevalence of Helicobacter pylori infection across much of the Arctic,
which helps explain population variation in the occurrence of peptic ulcers, gastritis, iron defi-
ciency anemia, and several cancers (Baggett et al. 2006, Koch et al. 2008, Wiggins et al. 2008,
de Martel & Franceschi 2009, Tveit et al. 2011). Furthermore, socioeconomic disparities and
the effects of climate change may prevent future declines in infectious disease. One considerable
challenge has been the burden of tuberculosis; although incidence has generally declined in recent
decades, tuberculosis is still at an elevated level in Alaska, Greenland, Nunavut, and northern
Russia (Kr ¨
ummel 2009). Finally, the Arctic has relatively high rates of sexually transmitted infec-
tions, especially gonorrhea and chlamydia; the burden is particularly heavy in Greenland, northern
Canada, and Alaska (Healey & Meadows 2007, Young 2012).
A key determinant of the generally high infectious disease burden in native Arctic populations
is poor-quality housing, which can expose residents to high levels of unclean water and indoor air
pollution (Koch et al. 2008). This is compounded by high rates of smoking and exposure to second-
hand smoke. Furthermore, crowding can increase burden of respiratory infections, especially in
children, and this condition is severe in Nunavut, Greenland, and parts of northern Russia (Young
2012). Poor living conditions result from physical challenges in the northern environment, the
isolation of many native communities, and pronounced socioeconomic disparities (Bjerregaard
et al. 2008, Young & M¨
akinen 2010).
Mental Health, Accidents, and Violence
Injuries, suicide, and violence are major health challenges for Arctic populations, especially native
groups (Young & Hassler 2008). Most indigenous circumpolar populations have a relatively high
level of mental health challenges, including anxiety, depression, and suicide; these conditions
impose a tremendous health burden in Alaska, northern Canada, Greenland, and northern Russia
(McGrath-Hanna et al. 2003, Silviken & Kvernmo 2008, Timonen 2009, Kaiser et al. 2010, Kral
et al. 2011, Young 2012). The suicide rate among Canadian Inuit, for example, is 6–11 times greater
than for other Canadians (Kr ¨
ummel 2009). Suicide, in particular among adolescents and young
adults, has increased recently in a number of circumpolar populations, including Alaska Natives
and Greenland Inuit (Lehti et al. 2009, Timonen 2009). Mortality from accidents (e.g., drowning
and traffic accidents) and violence (e.g., homicide), as well as unintentional injury, are very high in
northern Russia, with mortality linked closely to alcohol abuse (Kozlov et al. 2007). Furthermore,
levels of injury and violence are also elevated in Alaska, northern Canada, and Greenland and are
at least 2–4 times higher than the national rates (Strayer et al. 2010, Young 2012). In contrast,
levels of injuries and violence among the Sami are not particularly high.
A major contributor to mental illness and associated conditions among northern populations
is chronic psychosocial stress linked to rapid economic development and social transformations
over the past half-century (Silviken & Kvernmo 2008). Studies in a number of circumpolar regions
have identified key factors such as long-term unemployment, acculturation and loss of traditional
values, lack of self-determination, contamination of traditional foods, and discrimination by non-
native populations (Kozlov et al. 2007, Wolsko et al. 2007, Silviken & Kvernmo 2008, Pufall
et al. 2011, Young 2012). Chronic psychosocial stress associated with social change and economic
marginalization contributes to elevated blood pressure and greater cardiovascular risk in mul-
tiple regions. For example, high levels of chronic psychosocial stress associated with economic
development, urbanization, and lifestyle change have been documented among Siberian groups
such as the Khanty, Mansi, and Yakut (Kozlov et al. 2003, Tyrylgin 2007, Sorensen et al. 2009).
Finally, psychological issues in circumpolar populations must be interpreted within a framework
that considers seasonality in temperature and photoperiod because these environmental factors can
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influence thyroid function and impact behavior and mental health (Leonard et al. 2005, Palinkas
& Suedfeld 2008). For example, studies have documented relatively high prevalence of seasonal
affective disorder (SAD) and other seasonal negative mood states among some Arctic groups, in-
cluding Inuit from Canada and Greenland; the most elevated levels have been found at the highest
latitudes (Haggarty et al. 2002, Kegel et al. 2009).
Alcoholism, Smoking, and Substance Abuse
Alcoholism, smoking, and substance abuse are major health issues for most indigenous northern
populations, and they also contribute to an increased risk of CVD and cancer and to accidents
and violence (Spein 2008, Young 2012). Alcoholism is most severe in northern Russia, with levels
of alcohol use higher than the general Russian population and uncharacteristically high among
women (Kozlov et al. 2007). Alcoholism in Russia has become a greater problem with the social and
political transformations of the past several decades (Tyrylgin 2007). Smoking is at an astonishingly
high level across much of the Arctic, including in an estimated 50–80% of northern Russian
Natives, 60% of Greenlanders and Nunavut residents, and 84% of Nunavik Inuit (Kozlov et al.
2007, Spein 2008, Chˆ
ateau-Degat et al. 2010, Young 2012). The Nunavik study documented that
all adult participants under 40 years old were current smokers. Smoking, as well as the use of
smokeless tobacco, is also high in children and adolescents in many native communities (Kozlov
et al. 2007, Spein 2008). Cigarette smoking is a major contributor to lung cancer in circumpolar
populations, including among the Inuit for whom lung cancer incidence and smoking prevalence
are thought to be the highest in the world (Friborg & Hassler 2008, Spein 2008). Finally, several
studies (e.g., Segal & Saylor 2007) note substance abuse problems with cocaine, marijuana, and
inhalants among Alaska Natives.
HEALTH DISPARITIES AND THE LEGACY
OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Pronounced health disparities have been documented for much of the Arctic, yet this issue has
not attracted the same level of attention as has inequality or poor health in other parts of the
world (Chatwood et al. 2012). Although much of the Arctic is politically located within some
of the world’s most developed countries, most circumpolar regions show pronounced and, for
some, worsening health disparities compared with the national populations, as well as a strong
northern versus southern health gradient (Kr ¨
ummel 2009, Chatwood et al. 2012, Young 2012).
For example, there is a 10-year gap in life expectancy between Canadian Inuit and the general
Canadian population (Sheppard & Hetherington 2012).
The range of health disparities in the Arctic is enormous, varying from virtually nonexistent to
extreme (Bjerregaard et al. 2008, Chatwood et al. 2012). At one end of the spectrum are the Sami
with overall favorable health indicators and no or minimal health disparities compared with the ma-
jority Scandinavian population. At the other end of the spectrum are indigenous northern Russians
with extremely poor health indicators and marked disparities compared with Russia as a whole.
Despite important improvements in health over the past half-century, most circumpolar pop-
ulations have seen lower-than-expected gains in life expectancy and infant survival, and the in-
fectious disease burden remains stubbornly high. With increases in chronic disease over the past
several decades, there are reasons for concern about a double burden of disease. Furthermore, the
enormous toll of mental health–related issues (e.g., alcoholism, suicide, and violence) creates a
triple burden of disease for many circumpolar populations.
This pattern of health disparities has developed for several reasons. First, although most
northern regions are rich in natural resources (e.g., oil and mineral wealth), their economies
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are generally resource extractive, and thus regional wealth does not necessarily translate into
health benefits for all. Second, with the exception of the Sami, marked socioeconomic disparities
between indigenous and nonindigenous residents contribute to chronic psychosocial stress,
differences in living conditions, and other factors that influence risk for chronic conditions,
infectious disease, and mental illness (Bjerregaard et al. 2008, Young 2012). However, the case of
the Sami shows that these disparities are not inevitable but instead a product of social, economic,
and historical factors in each country (Norum & Nieder 2012). The overall excellent health
of the Sami has been attributed to relatively slow regional acculturation processes, which have
preserved key protective elements of traditional Sami culture, and to the generally favorable
socioeconomic conditions (e.g., educational attainment) that are similar to those in non-Sami
Scandinavian populations (Hassler et al. 2008a). Third, economic development in most of the
Arctic has been particularly rapid and intense, which has placed a heavy emotional strain on
populations who are experiencing profound shifts in lifeways and traditions (Bjerregaard et al.
2004). Finally, high levels of environmental pollution contribute to disease burden, and these
effects are typically most severe among native communities in remote locales.
CLIMATE CHANGE AND ITS EFFECTS ON CIRCUMPOLAR HEALTH
Indigenous circumpolar groups today are threatened by continued regional economic development
and pollution and are also uniquely vulnerable to the effects of global climate change. A number of
studies have documented the occurrence of climate change in circumpolar regions, most notably
pronounced warming, with predictions for mean annual temperature increases of 3–7Cbythe
end of the twenty-first century (Parkinson & Evenga˚rd 2009, Willis & MacDonald 2011, Revich
et al. 2012). Climatic change in the Arctic is more rapid than in other regions and has already led
to glacial and sea ice melting and decreased permafrost (Anisimov et al. 2007, IPCC 2007).
The effects of climate change on health are not simple and thus difficult to predict. However, key
issues include (a) shifts in weather patterns and environmental conditions (Parkinson & Evenga˚rd
2009, Brubaker et al. 2011); (b) higher sea level, which threatens coastal communities (Anisimov
et al. 2007); (c) altered access to traditional lands and foods, with effects on diet and emotional
well-being (Parkinson & Evenga˚rd 2009, Brubaker et al. 2011, Cunsolo Willox et al. 2012,
Ford 2012); (d) disruption of water supplies, with concomitant increase in infectious disease
burden (Evengard et al. 2011, Ford 2012); and (e) range expansion of parasitic zoonoses into
more northern areas ( Jenkins et al. 2011, Revich et al. 2012). In fact, climate change has already
affected circumpolar lifeways and health, including precipitating increased food insecurity among
Canadian and Greenland Inuit (Beaumier & Ford 2010, Goldhar et al. 2010) and damaging
community water infrastructure among rural Alaskans, increasing hospitalization rates for
respiratory and skin infections (Hennessy et al. 2008, Evengard et al. 2011). In short, circumpolar
populations are serving as the bellwethers of global climate change. Despite this threat, research
has shown many examples of resilience in the face of environmental challenges, as well as effective
community-based strategies to mitigate the consequences of climate change (Brubaker et al.
2011, McClymont Peace & Myers 2012).
INTEGRATIVE ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES
TO CIRCUMPOLAR HEALTH
An anthropological approach to circumpolar health provides a powerful lens through which
to consider how evolutionary forces shape susceptibility to disease. Furthermore, this holistic,
integrative approach allows researchers to elucidate how cultural and individual factors interact
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with underlying genetic susceptibility within the context of a particular environment to structure
health risk. This section provides an example of how an evolutionary and biocultural approach
can be used to understand the myriad factors that shape circumpolar health.
Indigenous Siberians such as the Yakut and Evenki display a cardiovascular risk profile that
contrasts markedly with many lower-latitude groups and includes extremely high levels of hy-
pertension and stroke and moderately high but increasing obesity, yet a relatively favorable lipid
profile and a low prevalence of T2D (Snodgrass et al. 2007). This contrasts with other popu-
lations that have experienced recent economic development, which have a chronic disease risk
profile characterized by moderately elevated blood pressure, high levels of obesity, very high T2D
risk, and an unfavorable lipid profile (Weyer et al. 2000, McDade & Nyberg 2010). This regional
variation, with few exceptions (Snodgrass et al. 2007, McDade & Nyberg 2010, Liebert et al.
2013), has attracted little attention.
Recent research among the Evenki, Yakut, and Buryat has considered whether metabolic adap-
tation to the cold and marginal northern environment (i.e., upregulated BMR) structures chronic
disease risk (Snodgrass et al. 2007, 2008; Leonard et al. 2009). BMR was found to be positively
correlated with blood pressure, even when controlling for a variety of potentially confounding
factors (e.g., body composition, age, smoking, and extent of urbanization). This research also
documented a negative association between BMR and low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol.
Taken together, these data suggest that, at least for indigenous Siberians, biological adaptation
to the circumpolar environment contributes to an increased risk of hypertension but a lower
risk of dyslipidemia. Although this research is preliminary, it does suggest that adaptation to the
northern environment, combined with the unique Russian political factors that have marginalized
native groups, structures the distinctive chronic disease profile seen among indigenous Siberians.
More generally, it emphasizes the need to consider regional adaptive patterns when investigating
global health variation and underscores the importance of developing innovative models to
understand disease patterns that integrate environmental exposure with underlying differences in
susceptibility.
ARCTIC HEALTH RESOURCES, RESEARCH NETWORKS, AND INITIATIVES
Arctic Health (http://www.arctichealth.org/) is a National Institutes of Health and University of Alaska–sponsored
website that serves as a clearinghouse for circumpolar health information and includes a comprehensive publication
database and links to the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium’s Digital Stories health-related video collection
(http://www.youtube.com/user/ANTHCDigitalStories).
The International Journal of Circumpolar Health (http://www.circumpolarhealthjournal.net/index.php/ijch/
index) is an open-access journal and is the main publication for articles on the health of indigenous northern peoples.
The International Union for Circumpolar Health (IUCH; http://www.iuch.net), an international nongovern-
mental organization, is a key network that links researchers and policy makers interested in the health and well-being
of circumpolar groups; it also brings together regional circumpolar health organizations from the United States,
Canada, Greenland, Scandinavia, and Russia (Bruce 2011). The International Congress on Circumpolar Health
(ICCH; http://www.iuch.net/meetings.php) is the main international conference on circumpolar health and is
held every three years (Bjerregaard et al. 2004).
The International Polar Year (IPY; http://www.ipy.org/), which occurs approximately every 50 years, is a key
circumpolar research initiative and project sponsor. The most recent IPY, the fourth, took place in 2007–2008 and
focused attention on the health and well-being of circumpolar populations (ICSU 2004, Parkinson 2011).
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SUMMARY POINTS
1. Circumpolar populations are diverse in their traditional subsistence means and culture,
genetic backgrounds, and the environments they inhabit. The unique stressors of the
circumpolar environment present challenges to which these populations have adapted
through cultural, behavioral, and biological means.
2. Summarizing the health of circumpolar populations is challenging because of pronounced
regional differences. Overall health and well-being range from excellent among the Sami
of Scandinavia to extremely poor among the socially and economically marginalized
native populations of northern Russia.
3. These regional health differences are shaped by unique population histories, variation
in diet and activity patterns, socioeconomic disparities with nonindigenous groups, en-
vironmental pollution, and biological factors.
4. Economic development has brought with it some positive elements, including increases
in life expectancy and a lower burden of infectious disease. However, recent social and
economic changes have also precipitated a rise in chronic diseases and mental health
challenges.
5. Climate change is already affecting the lifeways and health of circumpolar peoples, and
its effects will accelerate in the coming century.
6. An anthropological approach that integrates evolutionary and biocultural perspectives
provides a powerful tool for examining circumpolar health as it considers environmental
exposure, sociocultural factors, and underlying differences in susceptibility.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank Bill Leonard and Heather McClure for their valuable comments and suggestions on an
earlier draft of this article.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 42, 2013
Contents
Perspective
Ourselves and Others
Andr´eB´eteille pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp1
Archaeology
Power and Agency in Precolonial African States
J. Cameron Monroe pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp17
The Archaeology of Illegal and Illicit Economies
Alexandra Hartnett and Shannon Lee Dawdy pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp37
Evidential Regimes of Forensic Archaeology
Zo¨e Crossland ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp121
Biomolecular Archaeology
Keri A. Brown and Terence A. Brown ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp159
Biological Anthropology
Agency and Adaptation: New Directions in Evolutionary Anthropology
Eric Alden Smith ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp103
Teeth and Human Life-History Evolution
Tanya M. Smith pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp191
Comparative Reproductive Energetics of Human
and Nonhuman Primates
Melissa Emery Thompson pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp287
Significance of Neandertal and Denisovan Genomes
in Human Evolution
John Hawks ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp433
Linguistics and Communicative Practices
Ethnographic Research on Modern Business Corporations
Greg Urban and Kyung-Nan Koh ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp139
vii
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Language Management/Labor
Bonnie Urciuoli and Chaise LaDousa pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp175
Jurisdiction: Grounding Law in Language
Justin B. Richland pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp209
Francophonie
ecile B. Vigouroux ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp379
Evidence and Authority in Ethnographic and Linguistic Perspective
Joel Kuipers ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp399
International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Anthropologizing Afghanistan: Colonial and Postcolonial Encounters
Alessandro Monsutti pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp269
Borders and the Relocation of Europe
Sarah Green pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp345
Roma and Gypsy “Ethnicity” as a Subject of Anthropological Inquiry
Michael Stewart pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp415
Sociocultural Anthropology
Disability Worlds
Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp53
Health of Indigenous Circumpolar Populations
J. Josh Snodgrass pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp69
The Anthropology of Organ Transplantation
Charlotte Ikels ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp89
The Anthropology of International Development
David Mosse ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp227
The Nature/Culture of Genetic Facts
Jonathan Marks pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp247
Globalization and Race: Structures of Inequality, New Sovereignties,
and Citizenship in a Neoliberal Era
Deborah A. Thomas and M. Kamari Clarke pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp305
The Politics and Poetics of Infrastructure
Brian Larkin pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp327
The Anthropology of Radio Fields
Lucas Bessire and Daniel Fisher ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp363
viii Contents
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AN42-FrontMatter ARI 18 September 2013 17:41
Theme: Evidence
The Archaeology of Illegal and Illicit Economies
Alexandra Hartnett and Shannon Lee Dawdy pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp37
Evidential Regimes of Forensic Archaeology
Zo¨e Crossland ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp121
Biomolecular Archaeology
Keri A. Brown and Terence A. Brown ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp159
Teeth and Human Life-History Evolution
Tanya M. Smith pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp191
The Nature/Culture of Genetic Facts
Jonathan Marks pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp247
Evidence and Authority in Ethnographic and Linguistic Perspective
Joel Kuipers ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp399
Significance of Neandertal and Denisovan Genomes
in Human Evolution
John Hawks ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp433
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 33–42 ppppppppppppppppppppppppppp451
Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 33–42 ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp455
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents ix
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Christopher D. Steele, David J. Balding
• Using League Table Rankings in Public Policy Formation:
Statistical Issues, Harvey Goldstein
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Studies, John Bunge, Amy Willis, Fiona Walsh
• Dynamic Treatment Regimes, Bibhas Chakraborty,
Susan A. Murphy
• Statistics and Related Topics in Single-Molecule Biophysics,
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... However, these populations have also been impacted by historical and ongoing trauma due to colonialism and racism that has resulted in health disparities. Specific attention to the Circumpolar North is critical because health disparities of populations here are often overlooked since most regions exist as parts of high-income nations [17][18][19]. For example, the US is considered an Arctic nation but only due to Arctic regions of the state of Alaska. ...
... The Arctic regions of Northern Canada and Russia are at risk of similar homogenisation with the more southern regions, as are Greenland and Faroe Islands with Denmark. We do not detail the health inequalities here, but Snodgrass [19] provides a useful synthesis of research related to the health of populations Indigenous to the region and summarises overall health, key challenges, and lifestyle and environmental risks. ...
... However, risk perception studies during the COVID-19 pandemic have often focused on large (national) samples that may not accurately represent the perception, beliefs, and/or behaviours of everyone for which the sample claims to account. This is especially true for Circumpolar North communities, whose interests, culture, population health, and demography have been historically homogenised with the high-income nations to which they belong [19], and for Alaskan communities, which are primarily rural and, as a state, represent 229 federally recognised Tribes (over half of the total in the US) [75]. It is critical to understand how rural communities perceive risks related to emergent threats because specific structural, historical, and cultural forces shape risk perception and health-related behaviours [75][76][77], and there should be a heightened level of care when contextualising risk perception of historically marginalised communities [78,79]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Pandemics are regularly occurring events, and there are foundational principles of pandemic preparation upon which communities, regions, states, and nations may draw upon for elevated preparedness against an inevitable future infectious disease threat. Many disciplines within the social sciences can provide crucial insight and transdisciplinary thinking for the development of preparedness measures. In 2023, the National Science Foundation funded a conference of circumpolar researchers and Indigenous partners to reflect on COVID-19-related research. In this article, we synthesise our diverse social science perspectives to: (1) identify potential areas of future pandemic-related research in Alaska, and (2) pose new research questions that elevate the needs of Alaska and its people, pursuant of a specific body of pandemic knowledge that takes into account the ecological and sociocultural contexts of the region. In doing so, we highlight important domains of research in the social sciences from transdisciplinary perspectives, including the centering of Indigenous knowledges and needs, the contexts of risk perception and resilience, food and housing security, and more. We highlight the contributions of social sciences to pandemic knowledge and provide a foundation for future pandemic-related research in Alaska.
... Environmental changes exert multifaceted impacts on the mental well-being of Circumpolar Indigenous populations. They disrupt traditional livelihoods and mobility, eroding the bedrock of their existence [52]. For half of Circumpolar Indigenous peoples, such as the Sámi, reindeer herding is their primary income source [31]. ...
... Nonetheless, contemporary environmental shifts exert pressures on their resilience, exacerbating pre-existing socioeconomic disparities vis-à-vis non-Indigenous counterparts. These disparities manifest in lower educational achievements, diminished life expectancies, and income differentials, alongside heightened rates of substance abuse, alcohol consumption, and suicide within Indigenous populations [40,49,52]. ...
... This inquiry is juxtaposed with an examination of perspectives on similar factors within one specific Indigenous population among the forty within the Circumpolar North, namely the Sámi [54,55]. The Sámi are of particular interest because of their status as a relatively distinct and underexplored subset within the broader Circumpolar Indigenous spectrum, exhibiting comparatively superior health outcomes [52,55]. Thus far, the underlying determinants of this disparity remain inadequately understood. ...
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... While much of this manuscript describes health inequities among LMICs and marginalized communities broadly, we acknowledge that data management has unique implications for Indigenous groups globally. Exploitative research practices that have historically perpetuated violence against Indigenous people coupled with welldocumented evidence that, globally, Indigenous groups suffer from poorer health outcomes compared to non-Indigenous populations living in the same region (including disproportionately higher rates of lower life expectancy, infant/child and maternal mortality, malnutrition and stunted growth, heavy infectious disease load, and depression [Snodgrass, 2013;Valeggia & Snodgrass, 2015]) serve to uniquely shape Indigenous vulnerability within the context of Western scientific and epidemiological approaches. The current open-access data movement (which, in its unrestricted form, aims to make data freely available to the public in a repository) is not intentionally extractive or exploitative but may unintentionally further these legacies in the name of open science. ...
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Objectives Circulating Epstein–Barr virus antibodies (EBV‐Ab) are used as a biomarker of chronic stress in high‐income settings, but their relevance in environments with a high burden of infectious disease, nutritional constraints, and limited resources is less clear. We investigated EBV‐Ab as a biomarker of adversity in a setting where local ecology and economy may affect immune development differently than in wealthy countries. Methods We measured EBV‐Ab in finger‐prick dried blood spots collected from Indigenous Shuar ( n = 433) and non‐Indigenous Colonos ( n = 84) ranging from < 1 to 87 years old in Amazonian Ecuador. For a subset of adults (≥ 15 years, n = 210), we collected socioeconomic information (income, education, and occupation) and assessed household‐level market integration. We determined the most important predictors of EBV‐Ab for adults and children using multi‐model averaging of linear regression models. Results Male children (< 15 years) had lower EBV‐Ab than female children (model averaged β [SE]: −0.238 [0.066]). For adults, Shuar had higher EBV‐Ab than Colonos (model averaged β [SE]: 0.235 [0.113]), and high systolic blood pressure was an important predictor of elevated EBV‐Ab (model averaged β [SE]: 0.088 [0.047]). Individuals who reported unpaid domestic work as their primary occupation had higher EBV‐Ab than agricultural workers (model averaged β [SE]: 0.302 [0.113]). Individuals living in houses with more market‐sourced infrastructure had lower EBV‐Ab (model averaged β [SE]: −0.088 [0.068]). Conclusions Circulating EBV‐Ab may capture context‐specific aspects of socioecological adversity in Amazonian Ecuador, highlighting disparities in EBV‐Ab between Indigenous and non‐Indigenous Ecuadorians and differences in immune function related to market integration.
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Introduction This study tests the hypothesis that self‐reported somatic symptoms are associated with biomarkers of stress, including elevated blood pressure and suppressed immune function, among Shuar adults living in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Methods Research was conducted in three Shuar communities in the Upano Valley of the Ecuadorian Amazon and included the collection of biomarkers and a structured morbidity interview. Participants self‐reported somatic symptoms such as headaches, body pain, fatigue, and other bodily symptoms. We examined whether the number of somatic symptoms reported was associated with measures of immune (Epstein–Barr virus [EBV] antibodies) and cardiovascular (blood pressure) functioning in 97 Shuar adults (37 women, 60 men; ages 18–65 years). Multivariate linear regression analyses were used to examine the relationships among somatic symptoms and stress biomarkers, controlling for age, sex, body mass index (BMI), active infection, level of education, and income. Results Controlling for relevant covariates, Shuar adults reporting the highest level of somatic symptoms (three symptoms) were more likely to exhibit elevated systolic ( β = 0.20, p = 0.04) and diastolic blood pressure ( β = 0.23, p = 0.03), in comparison to adults reporting no symptoms. Shuar adults reporting two symptoms, compared to no symptoms, were more likely to exhibit elevated EBV antibody concentrations ( β = 0.34, p = < 0.01). Conclusions These preliminary findings demonstrate that somatic symptoms reported by Shuar men and women are associated with physiological measures widely associated with chronic psychosocial stress. These findings complement the cross‐cultural literature in medical anthropology documenting the close connection between the expression of somatic symptoms and stressful life circumstances and highlight the important role that human biologists can play in exploring biocultural phenomena.
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Over recent decades, the Arctic has begun facing a range of climate-related challenges, from rising temperatures to melting ice caps and permafrost thaw, with significant implications for ecosystems and human well-being. Addressing the health impacts of these issues requires a comprehensive approach, integrating scientific research, community engagement, and policy interventions. This study conducts a literature review to assess the effects of climate change on human health in northern latitudes and to compile adaptation strategies from the Arctic countries. A literature search was performed between January and April 2024 for papers published after 2000, using the electronic databases Web of Science, Pubmed, Science Direct, Scopus, Google Scholar, and eLibrary.RU, with specific questions formulated to direct the search: (i) What are the climate changes? (ii) How does climate change affect human health? (iii) What adaptation measures and policies are required? The key phrases “climate change”, “human health”, “adaptation practices”, and “Arctic” were employed for searching. Ultimately, 56 relevant studies were identified, reviewing health risks such as infectious diseases, mental health issues, and diseases connected with extreme weather events; wildfires and their associated pollution; permafrost degradation; pure water; and food quality. The paper also examines mitigation and adaptation strategies at all levels of governance, emphasizing the need for international cooperation and policy action to combat negative health outcomes, investments in healthcare infrastructure, emergency preparedness, and public health education. Incorporating diverse perspectives, including Indigenous knowledge, Community-Based Adaptation, EcoHealth and One Health approaches, is crucial for effectively addressing the health risks associated with climate change. In conclusion, the paper proposes adaptation strategies to mitigate the health impacts of climate change in the Arctic.
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Objectives The hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis and its primary end product, the glucocorticoid cortisol, are major components of the evolved human stress response. However, most studies have examined these systems among populations in high‐income settings, which differ from the high pathogen and limited resource contexts in which the HPA axis functioned for most of human evolution. Methods We investigated variability in diurnal salivary cortisol patterns among 298 Indigenous Shuar from Amazonian Ecuador (147 males, 151 females; age 2–86 years), focusing on the effects of age, biological sex, and body mass index (BMI) in shaping differences in diurnal cortisol production. Saliva samples were collected three times daily (waking, 30 minutes post‐waking, evening) for three consecutive days to measure key cortisol parameters: levels at waking, the cortisol awakening response, the diurnal slope, and total daily output. Results Age was positively associated with waking levels and total daily output, with Shuar juveniles and adolescents displaying significantly lower levels than adults ( p < .05). Sex was not a significant predictor of cortisol levels ( p > .05), as Shuar males and females displayed similar patterns of diurnal cortisol production across the life course. Moreover, age, sex, and BMI significantly interacted to moderate the rate of diurnal cortisol decline ( p = .027). Overall, Shuar demonstrated relatively lower cortisol concentrations than high‐income populations. Conclusions This study expands the documented range of global variation in HPA axis activity and diurnal cortisol production and provides important insights into the plasticity of human stress physiology across diverse developmental and socioecological settings.