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Decolonizing Research on Palestinians: Towards Critical Epistemologies and Research Practices

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Abstract

This article builds on Indigenous and decolonial theorists’ and activists’ contention that European imperialism and colonialism are inseparable from modern knowledge production, and that the power/knowledge nexus continues to be implicated in the contemporary coloniality of the world. It examines the power relations inherent in imperialism and colonialism as they unfolded in the “before,” “during,” and “after” of a research project on Palestinian refugees that was conceptualized and initiated in the Anglo-Irish academy. It asks what kind of research can researchers, who are structurally positioned within the academies of the former/current imperialist powers and their allies, engage in while carrying out research in communities that are on the other end of the imperial and colonial equation. It concludes by discussing what the possibility of a decolonizing research practice in Palestinian refugee communities may begin to look like during the Palestinians’ settler-colonized and stateless present.

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... The abuses and power disparities inherent to violent contexts warrant greater consideration from researchers about how to enter into, study, write about and represent them (Al-Hardan, 2014;Fujii, 2010). Researchers who are not reflexive about these abuses and power disparities risk reinforcing or reproducing them through their work in ways that cause vulnerable people harm (Al-Hardan, 2014;Said, 1981). ...
... The abuses and power disparities inherent to violent contexts warrant greater consideration from researchers about how to enter into, study, write about and represent them (Al-Hardan, 2014;Fujii, 2010). Researchers who are not reflexive about these abuses and power disparities risk reinforcing or reproducing them through their work in ways that cause vulnerable people harm (Al-Hardan, 2014;Said, 1981). For these reasons, conventional notions of methodological reflexivity are not alone sufficient when researching violent contexts; rather, researchers should seek to articulate political reflexivity in all aspects of the research process. ...
... Researchers lacking in political reflexivity may unwittingly cause harm through their work. In this paper we focus on three forms of harm: objectification, which involves reducing someone to the status of an object or generalized category, or representing people without appreciation for their agency or voice (Papadaki, 2010;Said, 1978); violence normalization, which occurs when violence is depicted as immutable, normal, unchangeable, or without considering the consequences for people most impacted by it (Mansbach, 2009;Said, 1981); and silencing, which involves the exclusion of marginalized or critical voices, especially those most impacted by violence (Al-Hardan, 2014;Smith, 2012). ...
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Violent contexts are not “normal” research settings; they involve abuses, power disparities, and collective histories of violence that researchers should be alert to. Researchers unreflexive about these risk causing harm in the form of objectifying people and context, normalizing violence, or silencing voices. Political reflexivity can equip researchers to better identify, understand and mitigate these harms, and where possible, challenge structures that do the marginalizing. We articulate political reflexivity through feminist standpoint theory, which asks researchers to critically examine their positionality and privilege in relation to the geopolitics of the research setting, epistemic privilege of marginalized participants, and political implications of their work. Practicing political reflexivity can help researchers situate their work along a “decoloniality continuum,” which includes complicity with the maintenance of violence, a hybridity approach that aims to understand and challenge the (colonial) underpinnings of violence by centering marginalized knowledge, and reparation or liberation, meaning redress and radical equality for marginalized peoples, ideas and histories. We conclude with a call for researchers to identify methods and paths to strengthen our understanding of political reflexivity, and to support efforts to decolonize knowledge.
... Modern systems of knowledge production, including psychology, contribute to decontextualized framings of normality and pathology ( Fanon 1963;Fine & Cross 2016;Wolfe 2012) mirroring settlercolonial processes ( Maldonado Torres 2009;Mohanty 2003;Quijano 2000). Colonial power relations unfold within systematic science, despite efforts to be apolitical, culturally sensitive, collaborative, or reflexive ( Adams et al. 2015;Al-Hardan 2014;Fine & Cross 2016). Decolonizing research practices, therefore, aim to shed light on how these "truths" presented as universal and/or neutral are actually rife with "unmarked" power and privilege, and designed to protect colonizing ideologies and misrepresentation of histories, preserve domination, and maintain unequal power relations (Al-Hardan 2014; Maldonado Torres 2009; Said 1993;Salamanca et al. 2013;). ...
... Supported and guided by my mentors (Dr. Shapiro and Dr. Suyemoto), I incorporated socioculturally sensitive family resilience and developmental systems frameworks (e.g., Shapiro 2008Shapiro , 2013Ungar 2010;Walsh 2006), social epidemiology (e.g., Krieger 2008), and transdisciplinary social justice frameworks incorporating African American, Asian American, Latino, and Palestinian perspectives (e.g., Abu Lughod & Sa'di 2009;Al-Hardan 2014;Fanon 1963;Maldonado-Torres 2009). I sought to expand beyond the narrow focus on pathology and trauma, particularly to emphasize multileveled analysis considering contextual influences of history, privilege, and power for the health and wellbeing of individuals and families. ...
... "Reflexivity" was an important tool toward evaluating the trustworthiness of the emergent study (e.g., Denzin & Giardina 2009;Ponterotto 2005;Suffla & Seedat 2015). However, as Al-Hardan (2014) warns, researchers should be clear and honest about the limits of reflexivity. Practicing reflection, then going on with the research is not enough-you cannot "reflect away colonial violences" embedded in the research process (Al-Hardan 2014, p. 67). ...
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Histories of violence and ongoing settler-colonialism impacting Palestinian communities living under Israeli occupation require unique, critical enactments of psychology research. The current article reflects on community engagement strategies used in a qualitative study of resilience with Palestinian refugees entitled: Palestinian Refugee Family Trees of Resilience (PRFTR). In realizing PRFTR, the authors developed partnerships between University of Massachusetts Boston’s clinical psychology program and a Community-Based Organization in a United Nations refugee camp in the West Bank, completing in-depth interviews (N=30) with families surviving complex histories of settler-colonial violence. Participatory engagement, decolonial theories, and grounded theory situational analysis, together helped generate understandings of resilience from indigenous perspectives. This paper analyzes PRFTR’s power dynamics and investigative processes, highlighting seven transformative community engagement strategies implemented Before and During research activities, outlined in a step-wise “A to G” framework. These seven strategies contribute to understandings of decolonizing enactments of qualitative methods within a Middle Eastern context.
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In recent years, scholars have focused their attention on demarcating the neocolonial situations that permeate the tourism and hospitality academy. The 'critical turn' in tourism studies called for the decolonisation of tourism and hospitality research. In this paper, I explore and challenge the state of tourism and hospitality research in the Philippines, by analysing the works of Filipino tourism and hospitality academics. Through a systematic quantitative literature review, I identify the research themes investigated by Filipino scholars on Philippine tourism and hospitality and examine the methodologies and epistemologies employed in the selected research outputs. The findings indicate that colonial legacies and neocolonial situations are strongly present in Philippine tourism and hospitality knowledge production. To challenge these scenarios, I suggest a decolonial agenda informed by Sikolohiyang Pilipino (Filipino psychology), a native epistemological perspective. This article serves as a contribution to the epistemological decolonisation of tourism knowledge production in Asian contexts.
... Famously, Edward Said offered a strong critique of the discourse of orientalism and pinpointed an obligation inherited from centuries of superior Western power/knowledge production about "the other" (1978, p. 52). The obligation is to contest colonizing research practices with a commitment to a critical epistemology of decolonization and reflexive methodologies (Al-Hardan, 2014). ...
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This article questions the validity of conventional notions of borders as fixed territorial areas. Through oral history as a method and critique, I examine the narratives of eight persons who are Palestinian stateless refugees from Syrian who have escaped to neighboring Lebanon since 2011. Oral history has a methodological strength that allows access to narratives of past and present events, some of which link the mass eviction of people from Palestine in 1948-known as Al-Nakba (the Catastrophe), to the current-day Syrian crisis, which is perceived by Palestinians from Syria as a new and ongoing Nakba (al Nakba al mustamirrah in Arabic). The narrators of this often experience border crossing as a pervasive part of their reality one that can be described as "social death," a result of the limitations imposed by borders on the lives of stateless people. I argue that the accounts presented speak back to a world of borders whilst challenging the nation-state driven order of borders as fixed spaces. Through strategies of self-reflexivity, shared authority and maintaining relations, I open a discussion of how to use privilege, for example the privilege of possessing a European passport, and having the recourses to document experiences across geographical areas, as a way of speaking back to a world of checkpoints whilst advocating a process of research decolonization.
... As a first step, Al Hardan stresses that writers and thinkers beyond the Western canon must be included in critical epistemology and, at the same time, authentic alliances must be created in order to learn from scholars and activists in the global south. 75 Thus the strategy of fomenting Indigenous studies as a starting point for studying the Israeli state and society (as part of critical Palestine Studies), is also a political endeavour. ...
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Knowledge production in, for and by settler colonial states hinges on both productive and repressive practices that work together to render their history and present ‘normal’ by controlling how, where, to and through whom they tell their story. This makes the production and dissemination of knowledge an important battleground for anti-colonial struggles. The State of Israel, in its ongoing search for patrons and partners, is focused on how to produce and appropriate ‘knowledge’, and the arenas in which it is developed and shared. In so doing, it works to reshape critique of its political, social and economic relations and redefine the moral parameters that inform its legitimacy and entrench its irrefutability. Inspired by existing literature on and examples of anti-colonial struggles, this paper challenges the modalities through which Israel produces and normalises the colonial narrative. By critiquing existing representations of the Israeli state – and the spaces and structures in which these take hold – our article contributes to the range of scholarship working to radically recalibrate knowledge of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’. As part of this work, the article purposefully centres indigenous anti-colonial frameworks that reconnect intellectual analysis of settler colonial relations, with political engagements in the praxis of liberation and decolonisation.
... Abu Saad 66 claims that when such neutrality is asserted as an unquestioned imperative, it actually reinforces unequal power relations. 67 I do not view research as a purely scholastic concern and instead treat it as a practical concern. ...
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On the eve of the highly controversial 2020 plan for Israel to annex parts of the West Bank, the author examines the nature of the Palestinian condition and the many challenges Palestinians confront, including the absence of an effective leadership. In registering this, the article proposes a reassessment of the First Intifada that places it in a contemporary perspective and seeks to ‘excavate’ modes of resistance. It engages with the problematic of leadership and highlights how existing challenges might be addressed. Taking into account the Oslo Accords and subsequent attempts towards neoliberal state-building, it draws on theories of settler colonialism and stresses the neo-colonial continuum in Palestine. Finally, the author interviews key activists from the First Intifada to (respectively) provide insight into the nature of the contemporary situation and suggest an alternative model of leadership and struggle.
... Famously, Edward Said offered a strong critique of the discourse of orientalism and pinpointed an obligation inherited from centuries of superior Western power/knowledge production about "the other" (1978, p. 52). The obligation is to contest colonizing research practices with a commitment to a critical epistemology of decolonization and reflexive methodologies (Al-Hardan, 2014). ...
... The book uses the three main decolonial analytical pillars; coloniality of power (Anibal Quijano, 2000;Grosfoguel and Georas, 2000;Wynter, 2003b;Grosfoguel, 2007a;Mignolo, 2007), coloniality of knowledge (Grosfoguel, 2007a;Ghiso and Campano, 2013;Al-Hardan, 2014;Connell, 2014;Nhemachena, Mlambo and Kaundjua, 2016;Benyera, 2017a), and the coloniality of being (Wynter, 2003b;Maldonado-Torres, 2004Maldonado-Torres and Richardson, 2012). The coloniality of the market (Tafira and Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2017), nature, and agriculture (Janer, 2007;Graddy-Lovelace, 2017;Alimonda, 2019;Francis, 2020) are also used to support the (re)colonisation thesis being advanced in these pages. ...
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This book argues that the fourth industrial revolution, the process of accelerated automation of traditional manufacturing and industrial practices via digital technology, will serve to further marginalise Africa within the international community. In this book, the author argues that the looting of Africa that started with human capital and then natural resources, now continues unabated via data and digital resources looting. Developing on the notion of "Coloniality of Data", the fourth industrial revolution is postulated as the final phase which will conclude Africa's peregrination towards recolonisation. Global cartels, networks of coloniality, and tech multinational corporations have turned big data into capital, which is largely unregulated or poorly regulated in Africa as the continent lacks the strong institutions necessary to regulate the mining of data. Written from a decolonial perspective, this book employs three analytical pillars of coloniality of power, knowledge and being. Highlighting the crippling continuation of asymmetrical global power relations, this book will be an important read for researchers of African studies, politics and international political economy.
... Decolonisation work in HEIs should tackle power dynamics and the system of privileges. However, power dynamics and disparities are unlikely to be tackled as long as the decolonisation is framed within apolitical/ahistorical approaches (Al-Hardan, 2013). Unrecognised power dynamics create conditions of 'human hierarchy' (Love, 2019: 47), where those assuming privilege pose hurdles to dismantle oppressive structures (Smith, 2005). ...
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In recent years, there has been increased interest in, and work towards, decolonising the curriculum in higher education institutions in the UK. There are various initiatives to review university syllabuses and identify alternative literature. However, there is an increasing risk of turning ‘decolonisation’ into a buzz term tied to a trend. We fear that decolonisation within academia is becoming an empty term, diluted and depoliticised, allowing for superficial representations that fail to address racial, political and socio-economic intersectionalities. In this article, we examine several initiatives to decolonise the curriculum with a focus on the field of education as a discipline and medium. Based on our analysis, we engage with three main themes: conceptualisation, positionality and conduct. The article concludes that decolonisation cannot happen in a vacuum, or as an aim disconnected from the rest of the structure of the university, which leads to diluting a wider movement and turns into a box-ticking exercise. We argue that there needs to be a deconstruction of asymmetrical power relationships within academic spaces to allow for meaningful decolonisation in practice. This requires a real political will, a change in the structure, and in the hearts and minds of those in decision-making positions, and a shift in the practices of knowledge production.
... What lineages of critique shape the practice and underlying theory of participatory research today? Specifically, it looks at imperialism and the production of knowledge, positionality, and difference through a series of readings (Al-Hardan, 2014;Bishop, 1998;Chakrabarty, 2008;Fine, 1994;Jazeel, 2011;Mahmood, 2011;Muller & Jordan, 1995;Parker, Oceguera, Sanchez, & Mumby, 2011;Sangtin Writers Collective & Nagar, 2006;Stoler, 2002;Tuhiwai Smith, 1999). From these readings, discussions naturally develop concerning how decolonising approaches to research might theorise their methodology. ...
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In this article, we draw from our experiences in designing and teaching a graduate-level course on ‘Decolonizing Methodologies’ at a research university in the southern United States. Recognizing the university as a colonized space, the course aspires both to question received methodologies in the social sciences and humanities and to make the classroom itself a site to model and engage with the unending work of decolonizing knowledge production. Waves of scholarship have called for the decolonization of the histories and knowledges that shored up colonization—for the empire to ‘write back.’ Yet when students of colour, women, or people from the Global South enter the academy as graduate students or junior faculty, that implicit otherness is often reinscribed upon their bodies and used to discount their lived experience, words, and research. We offer an analysis of the classroom as an important site for decolonizing work, discuss the participative process used to plan and structure the decolonizing methodologies course we developed, and trace three commitments that are crucial for decolonizing the classroom: (a) practicing radical openness in which the teachers are guided by the students' experiences in the academy; (b) interrogating research norms as critical sites of entrenched colonizing practices; (c) creating spaces that foster the co-production of knowledge. We conclude with possibilities for decolonizing the classroom, as well as limitations.
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The Graduate Certificate in Participatory Research at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill is intended for graduate and professional students who desire training in carrying out research in equitable partnership with, instead of on, communities. This article, written collaboratively by five of the participants in the development of the Certificate, highlights critical practices vital to efforts toward decolonizing academic research: (a) disrupting or circumventing gatekeeping mechanisms that maintain hierarchies of exclusion, (b) creating avenues for privileging a greater range of voices in knowledge production, and (c) providing training for research traditions that engage participants as coproducers of knowledge.
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Engaging organizational communication and rhetorical studies subfields, we develop a case for decolonial and Indigenous approaches that offer texture and depth. In the process, we flip the existing topographic “map” of the field and shift Eurocentric canons undergirding cultural and critical Communication Studies. Drawing on vignettes from our fieldworks, we argue for a decolonial critical intervention to affirm marginalized voices, experiences, and theories. Our focus demonstrates how Indigenous methods and decolonial theories advance more responsible engagements with Indigenous epistemologies. Providing a theoretical challenge to the occlusion of indigeneity, we offer a conceptual praxis-oriented mode of theory building that engages communities toward creating Indigenous Communication futures.
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From Nakba to the present, Palestinian women have either been invisibilized by the denial of their existence, homeland, and culture or visibilized through the lens of politics, in which case they are portrayed as backward, victims, and/or terrorists. This paper shines light into the everyday lives of Palestinian young women playing sport in the context of a heavily politicized, militarized, and restrictive colonial occupation. Based on fieldwork and interviews carried out with Palestinian sportswomen living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories during the period of 2014-2015, this paper examines Palestinian sportswomen’s responses to the question-what is the role and meaning of sport in your life? By interpreting sportswomen’s responses through Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s critical feminist methodology on the ‘politics of invisibility’, this paper draws attention to the (in)visible hardships Palestinian women encounter in their everyday sporting lives and how the women in this study mobilize sport to counter the personal and societal impacts of living under occupation.
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Concerns about the problem of over-research have been reported in communities around the world, and across a wide range of fields of social science research practice for decades. Yet, despite this, over-research remains under-addressed by social scientists as a significant research concern. In this article, we discuss the problem of over-research as articulated by the residents of the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon – a camp which is probably one of the most heavily researched neighbourhoods anywhere, and certainly within the Palestinian diaspora. Concerns voiced by Shatila residents focus on three issues, in particular: the relationship of research to expectations and promises of social change; alienation from researcher practices and questions and misgivings about researcher identities and agendas; and the impact of research on social relationships and identities within the Shatila camp itself.
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One of the ongoing struggles of indigenous people against colonization is to be able to exercise the fundamental right to represent themselves and to speak to the dominant society with their own voices and words, rather than to be spoken of or about. This essay discusses the mainstream academic peer review process and the suppression of indigenous standpoints by the dominant culture. The essay goes on to analyze the ways in which one mainstream international academic journal accepted and contained the expression of an indigenous standpoint by then inviting a response from a mainstream scholar who largely delegitimized the indigenous voice, at which point the inquiry ended.
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Ilan Pappe’s book traces the history of Palestine from the Ottomans in the nineteenth century, through the British Mandate, the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, and the subsequent wars and conflicts which have dominated this troubled region. The second edition of Pappe’s book has been updated to include the dramatic events of the 1990s and the early twenty-first century. These years, which began with a sense of optimism, as the Oslo peace accord was being negotiated, culminated in the second intifada and the increase of militancy on both sides. Pappe explains the reasons for the failure of Oslo and the two-state solution, and reflects upon life thereafter as the Palestinians and Israelis battle it out under the shadow of the wall of separation. As in the first edition, it is the men, women and children of Palestine who are at the centre of Pappe’s narrative.
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The globalization of the world is, in the first place, the culmination of a process that began with the constitution of America and world capitalism as a Euro-centered colonial/modern world power. One of the foundations of that pattern of power was the social classification of the world population upon the base of the idea of race, a mental construct that expresses colonial experience and that pervades the most important dimensions of world power, including its specific rationality: Eurocentrism. This article discusses some implications of that coloniality of power in Latin American history.
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Ever since the 1948 Palestinian Nakba a bitter controversy has raged over its causes and circumstances. While the Palestinian refugees have maintained that they were driven into flight, Israeli historians claimed that the refugees either left of their own accord, or were ordered to do so by their own leaders. This essay explores the emergence of an Israeli revisionist historiography in the late 1980s which challenged the official Zionist narrative of 1948. Today the 'new historians' are bitterly divided and at each other's throats. The essay assesses the impact of the 'new historians' on history writing and power relations in Palestine-Israel, situating the phenomenon within the wider debates on knowledge and power. It locates 'new history' discourse within the multiple crises of Zionism and the recurring patterns of critical liberal Zionist writing. It further argues that, although the terms of the debate in Western academia have been altered under the impact of this development, both the 'new history' narrative and 'Post-Zionism' have remained marginal in Israel. Rather than developing a post-colonial discourse or decolonising methodologies, the 'new historians' have reflected contradictory currents within the Israeli settler colonial society. Also, ominously, their most influential author, Benny Morris, has reframed the 'new history' narrative within a neo-colonialist discourse and the 'clash of civilisations' thesis. Justifying old and neo-colonialist ideas on 'transfer' and ethnic cleansing, Morris (echoing calls by neo-Zionist Israeli politicians) threatens the Palestinians with another Nakba.
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This commentary reviews the responses to an earlier article, 'Palestine in an International Historical Perspective on Genocide' (Holy Land Studies, 9:1, 1-25), arguing that they illustrate both the possibilities and the limitations of serious debate about these issues. The responses mostly neglected the analytical core of the argument relating to 1948, which is therefore restated, emphasising Palestine's unique combination of elements that were parts of three general patterns implicated in genocide production (settler colonialism, East European nationalism, conflicts of decolonisation). The paper also gives further attention to the implications of the perspective for understanding the 'genocide' question in the subsequent history of the Israel-Palestine conflict.
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This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and polit-ical developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year "Village Files" project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner "caucus" of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans cul-minating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author's underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948. ON A COLD WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON, 10 March 1948, a group of eleven men, vet-eran Zionist leaders together with young military Jewish officers, put the final touches on a plan for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 1 That same evening, military orders were dispatched to units on the ground to prepare for the sys-tematic expulsion of Palestinians from vast areas of the country. 2 The orders came with a detailed description of the methods to be used to forcibly evict the people: large-scale intimidation; laying siege to and bombarding villages and population centers; setting fire to homes, properties, and goods; expelling residents; demolishing homes; and, finally, planting mines in the rubble to pre-vent the expelled inhabitants from returning. Each unit was issued its own list of villages and neighborhoods to target in keeping with the master plan. Code-named Plan D (Dalet in Hebrew), this was the fourth and final version of vaguer plans outlining the fate that was in store for the native population of Palestine. 3 The previous three plans had articulated only obscurely how the Zionist leadership intended to deal with the presence of so many Palestinians on the land the Jewish national movement wanted for itself. This fourth and ILAN PAPPÉ, an Israeli historian and professor of political science at Haifa University, is the author of a number of books, including The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947–1951 (I.B. Tauris, 1994) and A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples (Cambridge University Press, 2004). The current article is extracted from early chapters of his latest book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oneworld Publications, Oxford, England, forthcoming in October 2006).
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Women's Words is the first collection of writings devoted exclusively to exploring the theoretical, methodological, and practical problems that arise when women utilize oral history as a tool of feminist scholarship. In thirteen multi-disciplin ary esays, the book takes stock of the implicit presuppositions , contradictions, and prospects of oral history at the hands of feminist scholars.
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Discourse on Israel, both propagandistic and analytical, has the peculiar tendency of representing it at one moment as normal – a normal democracy, a normal Western society, a normal state – and at others as exceptional: a democracy uniquely embattled among hostile neighbors, a secular state that historically fulfills the religious destiny of a people, a democracy that defines itself as a state for a single people and religion, the only democracy in the region, and so forth. At times, defenders of Israel lay claim to its normality as the reason to exempt it from the norms of human rights and international law, at others complain that Israel is being ‘singled out’ for criticism. This paper argues that these apparent contradictions, over and above their value to public relations opportunism, can best be explained by understanding Israel’s occupation of Palestine as an exemplary settler colonial project whose contradictions are embedded in the early framing of Zionism and whose unfolding follows a logic long ago analyzed by Albert Memmi and other theorists of settler colonialism.
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This article explores various aspects of Israel's implicit linkage of the Jewish holocaust with its right to exist and Palestinian and Arab responses to that linkage. The PLO's position in particular is examined in detail, as is Israel's rhetorical equation of Arab and Palestinian leaders with Nazis. The article also examines Edward Said's position on the topic, which generated considerable debate in the Arabic press.
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This article discusses what may be involved in treating the 1948 destruction of a large part of Arab society in Palestine as 'genocide'. It argues that genocide is a general sociological concept which can be applied to many historical cases varying in scale, murderousness, ideological motivation, etc., so applying genocide analysis does not imply a comparison to any other specific case. The article analyses the Palestinian case in the context of an international perspective on the historical development of genocide, and discusses the significance of differences over the historical explanation of the 1948 events for a genocide perspective.
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Black women have long occupied marginal positions in academic settings. I argue that many Black female intellectuals have made creative use of their marginality--their "outsider within" status--to produce Black feminist thought that reflects a special standpoint on self, family, and society. I describe and explore the sociological significance of three characteristic themes in such thought: (1) Black women's self-definition and self-valuation; (2) the interlocking nature of oppression; and (3) the importance of Afro-American women's culture. After considering how Black women might draw upon these key themes as outsiders within to generate a distinctive standpoint on existing sociological paradigms, I conclude by suggesting that other sociologists would also benefit by placing greater trust in the creative potential of their own personal and cultural biographies.
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The American Indian Quarterly 26.1 (2002) 145-148 This essay, written by activist Indigenous scholars Devon A. Mihesuah and Angela Cavender Wilson, was submitted on 1 July to The Chronicle of Higher Education. It was immediately rejected with no explanation other than, "We appreciate your submitting an article to The Chronicle and regret that we are unable to publish it. Because The Chronicle is a weekly paper, we can use only a few of the hundreds of manuscripts—many of them very good—that are submitted each year. Thank you for thinking of us. The Chronicle Review Editors." When pressed for a more thorough reason as to why an important commentary about serious problems within academia was rejected, Jeanne Ferris, the senior editor of The Chronicle Review, replied that "I can tell you... that we have published many news stories and opinion pieces about racism, colonialism, sexism, and related topics as they apply to higher education. Although your essay looked through the lens of Native studies, what it looked at would not seem new to our readers." Considering that the following concerns are rarely expressed by Indigenous scholars through a national, widely-read forum (such as The Chronicle), and that most of The Chronicle's essays about Natives are written by non-Natives, it is astounding to read such a response, and we believe this rejection is an excellent example of academic gatekeeping at a very influential level, effectually keeping a larger audience from considering our work. The contents of the essay are now the major focal points in Devon A. Mihesuah and Angela Cavender Wilson's Indigenizing the Academy: Native Academics Sharpening the Edge that is the sequel to Natives and Academics: Researching and Writing About American Indians(Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1998). The anthology will also address issues and methods of finding and retaining Indigenous knowledge, empowerment, decolonization, ethnic fraud, and problems within the various areas of study as well as solutions to those problems. Contributing authors are Taiaiake Alfred, David Anthony Tyeeme Clark, Vine Deloria Jr., Joely De La Torre, Joseph P. Gone, Andrea Hunter, Keith James, Daniel Heath Justice, Cornel Pewewardy, and Joshua K. Mihesuah. WANTED: Indigenous scholars seek intellectual home at liberal-minded institution to support the development of an Indigenous think-tank. Our ongoing goal is to develop and implement practical decolonization and empowerment strategies of Indigenous individuals and communities. Institution must be sincere in its commitment to liberatory education and change as well as to the recruitment and retention of Native faculty, staff, and students. We do not like to unexpectedly find ourselves subject to acts of colonialism designed to subjugate our voices and concerns. We do like to collaborate with non-Indigenous allies committed to freedom and social justice, equal participation by all diverse groups, and social change. Readers of The Chronicle are aware of the myriad problems in higher education, at least from the perspective of white academics. Most of the issues revolve around hiring, promotion, tenure, and merit. Subscribers rarely read about racism in academe because minorities, including African Americans, Asians, Hispanics, gays, and many women, know they have much to lose by complaining. That is precisely why few articles in any journal focus on the plethora of problems faced by Indigenous scholars. The authors of this piece are Indigenous women. Both of us are deeply committed to our immediate and extended families, the long-term health and vitality of Indigenous peoples and their cultures, and we see decolonization and empowerment as central to our struggles. Unlike the majority of non-Native scholars who use Indigenous peoples as research and writing topics to further their careers, our writings, lectures, and committee work reflect our concerns. While we work hard to try and find effective ways to empower Indigenous students and to focus our studies on real-life problems that tribes face, most mainstream scholars who write about Natives do not bother to converse with Natives to find out how their expertise might help them. Some believe that creating a Department of American Indian Studies with courses taught by scholars who profess to be experts in some field of American Indian studies is enough to satisfy tribes and Indigenous students...
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“Conquerors, my son, consider as true history only what they themselves have fabricated.” Thus remarked the old Arab headmaster to young Saeed on his return to Haifa in the summer of 1948 in Emile Habiby's tragicomic novel The Secret Life of Said, the Ill-Fated Pessoptimist. The headmaster spoke about the Israelis more in sorrow than in anger: “It is true they did demolish those villages … and did evict their inhabitants. But, my son, they are far more merciful than the conquerors our forefathers had years before”.
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With its focus on Australia, Whitening Race engages with relations between migration, Indigenous dispossession and whiteness. It creates a new intellectual space that investigates the nature of racialised conditions and their role in reproducing colonising relations in Australia.
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D. Haraway observa el mundo contemporáneo de las neurociencias como un drama en donede las ciencias de la información y la vida científica están en el centro de la acción. Hay muchos actores y no todos son humanos. El panoráma es de los cyborgs, formas de vida patentadas, representaciones mediadas por la computadora, reproducción de tecnología, ingeniería genética e investigaciones nucleares. La vida dentro de este panorama, no es una opción es un hecho donde se debate el conocimiento, la relaciones de género y raza así como la injusticia e injusticia. En este trabajo se entrelazan estudios de la cultura y de la ciencia hoy día.
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The original title of this paper was “Power, Desire, Interest.”1 Indeed, whatever power these meditations command may have been earned by a politically interested refusal to push to the limit the founding presuppositions of my desires, as far as they are within my grasp. This vulgar three-stroke formula, applied both to the most resolutely committed and to the most ironic discourse, keeps track of what Althusser so aptly named “philosophies of denegation.”2 I have invoked my positionality in this awkward way so as to accentuate the fact that calling the place of the investigator into question remains a meaningless piety in many recent critiques of the sovereign subject. Thus, although I will attempt to foreground the precariousness of my position throughout, I know such gestures can never suffice.
Introduction: The claims of memory
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Remembering the catastrophe: Uprooted histories and the grandchildren of the Nakba
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The consequences of the catastrophe
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Europe's alliance with Israel: Aiding the occupation
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Charter of decolonial research ethics Retrieved from http://decolonialityeurope.wix.com/ decoloniality#!charter-of-decolonial-research-ethics Europe, modernity and eurocentricism. Nepantla: Views from South
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Decolonizing postcolonial studies and paradigms of political-economy: Transmodernity, decolonial thinking and global coloniality The difference-vs. alterity-question in decolonial methods: Epistemologies of the south, philosophy of liberation and fanonian philosophy
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Grosfoguel, R. (2011). Decolonizing postcolonial studies and paradigms of political-economy: Transmodernity, decolonial thinking and global coloniality. In TRANSMODERNITY: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso- Hispanic World, 1(1). Retrieved from http://escholarship.org/ uc/item/21k6t3fq Grosfoguel, R. (2012, December). The difference-vs. alterity-question in decolonial methods: Epistemologies of the south, philosophy of liberation and fanonian philosophy. Paper presented at Decolonial Group/Laboratory Critical Europeanization Group, Institut für Europäische Ethnologie, Humboldt-Universität, Berlin, Germany.
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Co-memory and Melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba
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Lentin, R. (2010). Co-memory and Melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press.
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Moreton-Robinson, A. (2004). Whiteness, epistemology and indigenous representation. In A. Moreton-Robinson (Ed.), Whitening race: Essays in social and cultural criticism (pp. 75-88). Canberra, Australia: Australian Studies Press.
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The returns of Zionism: Myths, politics and scholarship in Israel
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Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples
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