No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Constructing collectivity in diversity: Online political mobilization of a national LGBT political party
Abstract
The internet has opened up a space for discussions of queer sexuality and the interconnectivity made possible by internet technologies enables the active exchange of queer ideologies across distant spaces that facilitate the formation of 'queer counterpublics'. But how do cyberqueer movements form a collectivity amid the instability of individual and collective identities and the vulnerabilities and controls posed by new technology mediation? Through the case study of Ladlad, a lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) political party in the Philippines, this paper examines the role of online media in the construction of a queer movement. The article argues that the process of connectivity facilitated by online spaces creates nodes of identification, belonging, and support that symbolically form a collective site of resistance to sources of oppressive power for LGBTs.
... The documentary celebrates the marriage equality and shows Australian LGBTQ+ community's decades-long equality movement. Sexuality and identity are regarded as a crucial part of politics and human rights, and the discussion of queerness and sexuality was opened because of the development of internet (Offord, 2003;Soriano, 2013). Thus, the digital space provides an important access for young LGBTQ+ people to explore their identity. ...
... To define the age cohort of cyberqueer, based on the Scrolling Beyond Binaries project (Robards et al., 2018), which is a study to analyse the young LGBTQ+ Australians' social media activities, dividing it as aged 16-35. In this sense, while the political campaigns interwind between offline and online spaces (Bailo and Vromen, 2017), the internet facilitates the social and political life in distant spaces for cyberqueer (Soriano, 2013). Thus, the participatory power of digital network enables the cyberqueer spread discursively and interconnectedly in the grassroot movement for LGBTQ+ equality movement when the networked technologies and internet construct a utopia to online LGBTQ+ community to advocate for their politics. ...
... The digital storytelling of stories became a connector to associate with the content creators and the audience, presenting the community cohesion through visual intimation (Trimboli, 2018). Cyberqueer and young supporters online are more likely to feel the sense of belonging and be attracted by the spontaneous solidarity about the LGBTQ+ stories (Soriano, 2013). In this sense, while the digital platforms operate as a political space for LGBTQ+ community, the digital narrative of videos reflect the collective representation to cyberqueer, and the dissemination of videos shaped the collective participation of everyday activism online (Robards et al., 2018). ...
The month of June is called the Pride Month for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex and questioning (LGBTQ+) people to commemorate the Stonewall Riots in 1969 in New York. After 50 years, LGBTQ+ equality movement across the globe and moves to the internet, manifesting the identity politics of visibility, equality and inclusion. The internet and digital network have increasingly served as the crucial space to communicate with the sexual-minority group’s rights and citizenship when they against discrimination and defamation. The fluidity and ubiquity of information on digital platforms accelerated the contemporary LGBTQ+ equality movement in the 21st century. Marriage equality or the legislation of same-sex marriage, which is regarded as a fundamental step of the LGBTQ+ equality movement. In 2017, the Yes Campaign, also refers to Equality Campaign, was playing a vital role to lead the advocacy in Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey. In the digital era, the digital network and online activities empowered Yes Campaign to activate the audience and spread the discourse of LGBTQ+ equality movement.
... The first Gay Pride Parade in the region was also organized in the Philippines in 1994, which inspired similar Pride Parades in other parts of the region (Garcia L., 2008). However, despite such developments, LGBTs continue to be the objects of ridicule (Austria, 2007) and the branding of LGBTs as "immoral" or "threat to the youth" reflects the prejudice that many sectors hold towards the LGBT community (Soriano, 2014). Such prejudice also translates to physical violence and hate crimes towards the community (Philippine LGBT Crime Watch, 2012). ...
... In the Philippines, these fall between religious and secular registers, a Filipino "psycho-spirituality" (Garcia JNC, 2008;Dumdum, 2010). Understanding of the self is strongly embedded in the teachings of folk Catholicism and it is for this reason that the lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender is conflicted on the exercise of sexuality, because the church, seen as the moral authority, only accepts union between a man and a real woman under the norms of procreation (Soriano, 2014). Being gay, lesbian, transsexual, or transgender therefore transgress traditional gender categories of male and female. ...
... Being gay, lesbian, transsexual, or transgender therefore transgress traditional gender categories of male and female. Moreover, as queers grow up in societies where homosexuality is loathed and mocked, a homosexual growing up in this society begins to loathe himself or herself and adopts a negative view of being queer, thereby hiding activities such as partner seeking or associations with other queers (Austria, 2007, Garcia JNC, 2008Soriano, 2014). Such characteristics also create stereotypes on the roles and actions that ...
This chapter explores the implications of mobile technologies on gender through the lens of gender rituals. While maintaining social order and social roles, rituals also legitimate key category differences, ideologies, and inequalities. The increasing convergence of media and content in mobile devices, and the blurring of the spaces for work, family, and leisure amidst the landscape of globalization and mobility have important implications for the enactment of rituals, and in the performance of gender. The chapter discusses this mutual shaping of gender rituals and mobile technologies through a case study of the Philippines, with some broad implications for other contexts. The study finds that the personalization, mobility, and multitude of applications afforded by mobile devices offer many opportunities for the exploration of new possibilities for subjectivity that challenge particular gender stereotypes and restrictions while simultaneously affirming particular gender rituals. While exploring the implications of the mobile device on gender in a developing society, the chapter in turn highlights the importance of culturally embedded rituals in shaping and understanding the mobile device's place in society.
... On a different note, Blackwell et al. (2016) highlight that LGBT parents use social media to evaluate their safety concerning others in their social network and manage their relatives' privacy. Soriano (2014) demonstrate how the LGBT communities in the Philippines congregate on social media to fight for social and political inclusion. A similar finding has been reported by Yang (2019), where the platforms are used to enlighten the public about LGBT rights making meaningful impacts in society. ...
... Future research may examine how social media can contribute to and build an inclusive ecosystem and investigate if social media can reduce socio-economic disparities between TGC and BGC. Similarly, research explaining the process of political inclusion through social media is invaluable (Soriano, 2014). ...
This paper focuses on the effects of gender diversity – in terms of binary- and third-gender – on social media engagement (SMEn). Specifically, we examine the extent to which SMEn's antecedents and outcomes vary between binary- and third-gender people. Based on the uses and gratification theory (UGT), we develop and validate a model using two cross-sectional studies. Data have been collected from heterosexual and third-gender people (TGP) separately, and analysed with the structural equation modelling (SEM) technique. Our results show that the incentives and outcomes of SMEn are not identical across different gender groups; rather, socially excluded TGP take advantage of social media differently than their heterosexual counterpart. More specifically, habit is the strongest predictor of SMEn for the heterosexual group, which is emotional reassurance for the TGP. Interestingly, identity management is an important determinant of SMEn only for TGP, while social interaction is important for both groups. We further find that SMEn enhances both groups' quality of life and social self-esteem but more for TGP. This study advances knowledge by applying UGT in a new research setting within information systems. The findings provide guidelines to social media architects and policymakers on engaging socially disadvantaged people with social media and enhancing their social wellbeing.
... Coming Out) in 2009. The COMELEC cited quotations from both the Bible and the Quran to prove that since the said partylist is composed of members of the LGBT community, the partylist poses a threat especially among the youth (Manalastas & Torre, 2016), reflecting the very prejudice that has deprived LGBTs of their political rights (Soriano, 2014). ...
... Filipino baklas are tolerated (Garcia, 2004;Hart & Hart, 1990;Tang & Poudel, 2018;Thoreson, 2011). Tolerance manifests when treatment of people still rests on disapproval (Valentine, 2003) and when leniency to people does not translate to legal protection (Soriano, 2014). This tolerance involves accepting the LGBTs so long as they remain in silence and contained in their private space. ...
This is an exploratory study of poor bakla youth in a rural area in the Philippines. It addresses the gap in knowledge since the bulk of the literature on the Filipino LGBT community focuses on the urban setting, especially in Metro Manila and with adults as respondents. Through in-depth interviewing, this paper pays attention to experiences of rural poor bakla youth which are shaped by their disadvantaged position in terms of gender, class, age, and rural-urban location. Using intersectionality as a framework, this paper exposes experiences that have been eclipsed in the Philippine literature on bakla, as well as confirms assertions in the current literature. Unique in this paper are narratives of not needing to come out as bakla, anecdotes of bakla's conditional acceptance in a rural school setting, financial contribution as validation of worth vis-à-vis a marginalized status, androgynous performance of household tasks, and silence as discrimination management. It also resonates with the existing literature on the bakla, mainly in terms of experiences of discrimination by a macho figure, and the rights recognition and rights assertion of the marginalized. Among the examined vectors of oppression, rurality is least felt by the respondents as constitutive of their experience. Finally, this research can lead to possibilities of looking at the intersection of populism and gender. As Duterte plays the role of an iron fisted father (Bello, 2017), how are the baklas identity in the family formed?
... At the same time, increasing number of homosexuals are using Internet and social media to build solidarity (Soriano, 2014), which potentially increases the chances of heterosexual individuals to be exposed to, interact, and elaborate such information, if exposed at all. Moreover, studies show that younger cohorts are more likely to hold positive attitudes towards homosexuality (e.g., Becker & Scheufele, 2011). ...
... More recently, studies show that sexual minorities in society use new media to seek and share solidarity (Boudewyns, Himelboim, Hansen, & Southwell, 2015;Fox & Warber, 2015;Rains, 2013;Venzo & Hess, 2013;Zhuang & Bresnahan, 2012). Other studies show increased online political mobilization among sexual minorities (Soriano, 2014). The increase in presence of sexual minorities on new media may provide opportunities for general public to know about sexual minorities that may be unavailable through personal or social contact (Venzo & Hess, 2013). ...
Does new media use foster favourable attitudes towards homosexuality? Data from Pew Research Global Attitudes survey from 24 countries are used to test the new media contact hypothesis-individuals using Internet and social media are more likely to be exposed to novel out-group information generally censored in countries they live in, and as a result, may hold favourable attitudes towards homosexuality. Results from multi-level models show that Internet use, social media use, and attitudes towards Internet freedom are positively associated with attitudes towards homosexuality, even after controlling for traditional predictors of gay prejudice-sex, age, education, income and religiosity. Moreover, individuals in countries with low HIV/AIDS prevalence, ranking high on Gay Happiness Index, without antigay laws, and relatively free Internet access were more likely to report more accepting attitudes towards homosexuality. New media campaigns may be more economical and efficient way to reach out to general publics to reduce prejudice.
... The first is a focus on LGBTQ "counterpublics," or "the places, spaces, or means through which those pushed to societies' margins develop their identities, construct communities, and formulate strategies for transforming wider publics" (Friedman 2017, 3). This concept is frequently used to understand how internet-based media provides a place for both personal expression and public citizenship in ways that enable resistance to the hetero-and cisnormativity enacted through mainstream media and society (Ciszek 2017;Harp, Bachmann, and Guo 2012;Pullen 2010;Soriano 2014;Warner 2002). In counterpublics, individuals and communities can engage with "public issues that are barred, tabooed, restricted, or subject to regulation offline" (Corrêa et al. 2011, 23) as they seek to develop their own identities and transform society. ...
... Moreover, online means and spaces are hardly free from the dangers and discrimination of offline life. As LGBTQ individuals raise their profiles and offer their views online, aggressive commenters or hackers often pursue them there (Soriano 2014;Friedman 2017). ...
Encyclopedia Entry: The Latin American LGBTQ community’s use of the internet and digital tools to create community, promote dialogue, and advocate for LGBTQ rights.
... To illustrate, studies have documented how LGBTQ+ Filipino youth have utilized the Internet to facilitate access to LGBTQ+ -inclusive SRH information that is not accessible in Philippine classrooms (Abesamis and Siddayao, 2021;Human Rights Watch, 2017). Furthermore, the LGBTQ+ community in the Philippines has organized and mobilized itself within online platforms towards social activism (Labor and San Pascual, 2022;Soriano, 2014), which has historically been integral in local LGBTQ+ rights claiming, especially within the realm of public health and medicine (Mateo et al., 2004). As such, digital spaces and technology present opportunities to bridge the gap between the local health system and the local trans community, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic (Macariola et al., 2021;Wallach et al., 2020). ...
Stringent lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic and the cisnormative framing of sexual and reproductive health (SRH) in the Philippines cultivated precarious access to SRH systems among transgender (trans) com- munities during the public health crisis. With the shift toward digital health initiatives, this study aimed to explore the experiences of the local trans community in using digital health initiatives (DHIs) to access SRH care and gender-affirming services, information, and providers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Online interviews with 13 self-identified trans Filipinos living in the Philippines during the pandemic were conducted and analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. First, the narratives of trans Filipinos illustrate how DHIs can address discontinuities of care that emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, because of long-standing geographic, economic, and social barriers to trans-responsive healthcare in the Philippines, local trans com- munities navigate alternative pathways to care established within digital spaces (e.g., social media) by trans individuals and groups. These online communities of care not only connect trans Filipinos to culturally competent and affordable care but also foster a sense of belongingness and support. Taken together, this study underscores the need to go beyond technical access to care to ensure that trans-inclusive and trans-responsive sources and providers of care are made available throughout the healthcare system. As the narratives of trans Filipinos illustrate, the narratives, experiences, and practices within their online communities of care may be the key to actualizing such a healthcare system not only in the Philippines but all over the world.
... However, the internet does not solely provide opportunities for LGBTIQ+ activism; the challenges that have emerged from the digital space are also troubling: "While online spaces allow the amplification of the queer voice, it can also expand the reach of discrimination in these spaces, exposing the queer community to new vulnerabilities and controls" (Soriano, 2014). As Arce-García and Menéndez-Menéndez (2022) indicate, "with regard to gender issues, the Internet continues to be a space of inequality for women and girls as well as for minority and/or minoritized groups, such as the LGBTIQ+". ...
This chapter analyzes Spanish-language initiatives linked to LGBTIQ+ causes posted on the Change.org website to determine which actors, issues, and frameworks are most prevalent and what support they have received. Digital technologies have indeed proved to be a particularly useful tool for social minorities and marginalized groups, enabling them to amplify their voices, “raising awareness and creating community and a sense of shared solidarity enhancing civic and political participation; facilitating mobilization; and increasing access to justice”. Social networks have been the platforms of choice for LGBTIQ+ activism for many such campaigns. E-petitions are social actions that fall under the term civic activism, which also includes online donations, and have become one of the most important and popular forms of online activism. E-petitions are one of the tools that LGBTIQ+ activism relies on to carry out connective actions.
... LGBTQ communities in the Philippines and Hong Kong can seek solidarity, mobilize, and craft narratives that International Journal of Communication 17 (2023) Attention Economy, Neoliberalism 2483 oppose or disprove the impressions imposed by mainstream media and institutions (Labor & San Pascual, 2022;Soriano, 2014;Soriano & Cao, 2016;Tang, 2012). Solis (2020) argues that "it is easy to celebrate the contributions of gay technologies and social spaces to gay cruising, while they are also cautious of the accompanying disincentives" (p. ...
... LGBTQI+ communities (Byron et al., 2021;Hanckel et al., 2019;Jenzen, 2017). The impact of social media use and the intersection of self-presentation within the contexts of politics, protest, sports and celebrity are also explored (De Ruiter, 2015;Horky et al., 2021;Loader et al., 2016;Soriano, 2014). Another important area of study is social media use within personal spaces such as teenagers bedroom's and how this impacts upon young peoples privacy (Berriman and Thomson, 2015;Hodkinson, 2017;Hodkinson and Lincoln, 2008;Robards, 2010). ...
The impact of social media use on youth subcultures, such as graffiti writers, has been rapid and dramatic, bringing with it a number of significant transformations that present both opportunities and challenges. This paper explores the impact of the Internet and social media on a community of graffiti practitioners. I argue that the rise and uptake of online social networking platforms such as Instagram and You Tube have offered a range of affordances to the practice of graffiti writing. These affordances include: greater accessibility to graffiti culture; learning opportunities; and opportunities for wider distribution and curation of graffiti pieces. Simultaneously, social media challenges the significance of ‘community’, that is, the physical social interaction afforded by participation in real world graffiti crews. The findings suggest that while there are tangible benefits from the use of the Internet and uptake of social media by the graffiti writing community, it is the physical communal bonds experienced within a graffiti crew that are vital to the wellbeing and continuity of the culture. This paper contributes to our understanding of how social media affects youth more broadly and specifically how social media platforms are transforming the experience of youth subcultural practice.
... Social media, like other information-communication technologies (ICTs), have been viewed as "enabling technologies" for political mobilization among sexual minorities (Soriano, 2014), the revolution in Egypt (Khamis & Vaughan, 2011), and a tool of resistance for social movements (such as Burkinabé Uprising, Occupy Wall Street, and the Arab Spring) (Olubumi, 2015). Penney and Dadas (2014) concluded the instrumental role of social media platforms to trigger mobilization of the participants on the basis of Khamis and Vaughan's study (2011). ...
Taiwan's Sunflower Student Movement on March 18, 2014 has been characterized as a social movement with its sophisticated integration of social and mobile media into mobilizing Taiwanese society through participant recruitment and resource mobilization domestically and globally. Ample research has contributed the roles of these emerging media platforms as one of the main reasons for its success. This study was based on resource mobilization theory (RMT) to examine the roles of new communication technologies on mobilizing resources. This chapter focuses on the resource mobilization strategies by activists and organizations of the 318 Sunflower Student Movement. A large-scale text mining study was developed to examine how cross-national English media have described this social movement in Taiwan. Results and implications were discussed.
... The International Journal of Information, Diversity, & Inclusion, 5(4), 2021ISSN 2574 geographic distances (Ayoub & Brzezińska, 2016;Soriano, 2014). In addition, the appearance of online spaces has been useful to the LGBT+ community to support their activism and the generation, archiving, and access to information of interest (Cocciolo, 2017). ...
In the past several years, the Wikimedia Movement has become more aware of the lack of representation of specific communities, that is, content gaps. Next to geographical and gender-related initiatives, the LGBT+ Wikimedia community has organized to create LGBT+ content encompassing (among other topics) biographies, events, and culture. In this paper, we present a computational approach to collecting and analyzing LGBT+ articles. We selected 14 Wikipedia language editions to study the coverage of LGBT+ content in general, its visibility in the list of Featured Articles, and its overlap with the local content of the Wikipedia language editions. Results show that a considerable part of potentially LGBT+ related content exists across Wikipedia language editions; however, this relation is not evident in each language edition. In this sense, closing the LGBT+ content gap is about creating articles and making connection to the topic visible in already existing articles. We also analyze the frequency of biographies of persons with non-heterosexual sexual orientations. We find that even though they represent only a small share of all biographies, they are a bit more frequent among the Featured Articles. When taking into account all the LGBT+ biographies of the different languages, English context celebrities are the most visible. While part of the LGBT+ content is related to each language edition's local context, it tends to be less contextualized than the entire language editions. This indicates the possibility of growing LGBT+ content in each Wikipedia language edition by representing its most immediate LGBT+ local context. We propose a dashboard tool to find relevant LGBT+ articles across language editions and start bridging the gaps. Finally, we conclude this study by presenting recommendations for the next steps amongst the Wikipedia communities to fill some of these gaps.
... With the arrival of Catholicism, sex and gender became complimentary and those who do not conform suffer from abuse and are labelled as sinners or immoral (Garcia 1996(Garcia [2009). Even today, scholars note how bakla (i.e., effeminate/transvestite men who identify as women) are desexualized, overly dramatized, and are treated less respectably than the heterosexual or straightacting men (Soriano 2014;Inton 2018). Garcia further explains that because of the complementarity of sex and gender, the bakla consider themselves as women. ...
(Please see: https://www.synoptique.ca/issue-9-2)
... LGBTQ activists wade through political opportunities, resources, and ideologies (Chua, 2014;Coloma, 2013;Prado and Machado, 2014;Soriano, 2014). Political opportunities refer to openings for participation (Tarrow, 2011). ...
Homonationalism refers to how the West folded LGBTQ rights into the nation through neoliberal economies, intervention, and surveillance of racialized communities. This shift relied on the exceptionalist narrative that reveres Western sexual liberation—liberal, bureaucratic, visible, and consumerist—while silencing queer narratives from Southern, racialized, and migrant communities. The literature found that some LGBTQ (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgenders, and queers) organizations deployed this imperial narrative, yet accounts on the social conditions facilitating such deployments remain scant. To expand the current discussions, my paper situates the Philippine LGBTQ movement’s affinity with homonationalism within the political, material, and ideological exigencies that confronted activists.
... LGBTQ activism more diverse, more intersectional, more pluralistic, and more participatory (e.g., Brown, Ray, Summers, & Fraistat, 2017;Fischer, 2016;Soriano, 2014;Williams, 2017). ...
... Social media, like other information-communication technologies (ICTs), have been viewed as "enabling technologies" for political mobilization among sexual minorities (Soriano, 2014), the revolution in Egypt (Khamis & Vaughan, 2011), and a tool of resistance for social movements (such as Burkinabé Uprising, Occupy Wall Street, and the Arab Spring) (Olubumi, 2015). Penney and Dadas (2014) concluded the instrumental role of social media platforms to trigger mobilization of the participants on the basis of Khamis and Vaughan's study (2011). ...
Taiwan's Sunflower Student Movement on March 18, 2014 has been characterized as a social movement with its sophisticated integration of social and mobile media into mobilizing Taiwanese society through participant recruitment and resource mobilization domestically and globally. Ample research has contributed the roles of these emerging media platforms as one of the main reasons for its success. This study was based on resource mobilization theory (RMT) to examine the roles of new communication technologies on mobilizing resources. This chapter focuses on the resource mobilization strategies by activists and organizations of the 318 Sunflower Student Movement. A large-scale text mining study was developed to examine how cross-national English media have described this social movement in Taiwan. Results and implications were discussed.
... For the trans and GNC communities, institutional resources and the ability to organize and develop a mobilized, collective identity have been amplified by the growth of the internet, where individuals who were once isolated, can now find a community (Austin and Goodman 2017;Cipolletta et al. 2017;Goldberg 1996;Soriano and Reyes 2014). Collective spaces create opportunities for community cohesiveness and allow vibrant subgroups (Davidson 2007). ...
Although public attention to transgender (trans) politics has increased dramatically in recent years, the scholarly community still has a limited understanding of how trans and gender non-conforming (GNC) individuals participate in the political system. Trans/GNC individuals are faced with a dual reality. On one hand, they are part of a highly organized and activated group whose rights depend on political engagement; on the other hand, individuals often face barriers to political participation including a lack of proper identification and low socioeconomic status. In this paper, we explore the effects of these competing forces on trans/GNC voter registration. We use the theory of oppositional consciousness to hypothesize that being part of a political and highly mobilized population helps trans/GNC individuals overcome barriers to participation. Using data on over 5000 self-identified trans/GNC individuals from the 2011 National Transgender Discrimination Survey we show that, though individuals are less likely to participate if they lack gender-conforming identification, on the whole trans/GNC individuals in this survey register at rates that are consistent with or higher than the general population. The evidence points to the importance of the trans political movement in activating and developing oppositional consciousness in its members. We explore the implications of these findings and what they mean for future research.
... The LGBT community is heterogenous in composition and it is hard to find solidarity for the fight of LGBT rights. For instance, Soriano (2014) examines the role of online media in the construction of the queer movement by Ladlad, an LGBT political party in the Philippines. Ladlad calls its members to report personal experience of sexual and gender discrimination and thus attempts to establish a common ground for mobilizing members from various social status and class background, yet Ladlad has failed to secure enough support in later elections. ...
When there is resistance, there is power. LGBT-rights activists have been known for creating new identity boundaries and inequalities in their way to normalizing gay people and lesbians. While identity politics is deemed to be a dead-end, this study examines the organizational framing of three pro-LGBT religious groups in Hong Kong, exploring how they strive for an inclusive membership which welcomes diverse social minorities. Drawing on qualitative data from 154 h of participant observation and 18 in-depth interviews, this study depicts how the organizations make use of the common belief of their members to construct an inclusive community. Furthermore, their religious background has granted them financial independence from the non-LGBT civil society, hence allowing them to stand unassimilated to heteronormativity. Past studies on LGBT advocacy have been focused on political groups or activists who are rich in political resources but neglecting the non-political organizations in the civil society. Yet, the pro-LGBT religious organizations in this study demonstrate how their non-political commonality can strategically contribute to the pursuit of equality. It is hoped that the framing experience of these organizations can provide insights into the future path of LGBT identity politics.
... Second, research on social and collective identities finds that the openness of CMC gives voice to political (Choi and Park, 2014;Han, 2015) or ethnic groups (Gabriel, 2016;Ribke and Bourdon, 2015;Sanderson et al., 2016) and to online communities (e.g. women: Hardaker and Mcglashan, 2016;Tanczer, 2015;lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT): Reyes Soriano, 2014) that are struggling to achieve freedom of identity expression in a context of social change. ...
Since the start of large-scale waves of mobilisation in 2011, the importance of identity in the study of collective action via computer-mediated communication (CMC) has been a source of contention. Hence, our research sets out to systematically review and synthesise empirical findings on identity and collective action via CMC from 2012 to 2016. We found that the literature on the topic is broad and diverse, with contributions from multiple disciplines and theoretical and methodological approaches. Based on our findings, we provide directions for future research and propose the adoption of an integrative approach that combines the study of identity and networks to advance our understanding of collective action via CMC. This review contributes to the crossroad of social movement, collective action, communication and media studies. Our results also have practical implications for the organisation of collective action in a society characterised by the pervasive influence of CMC.
... Social media, like other information-communication technologies (ICTs), have been viewed as "enabling technologies" for political mobilization among sexual minorities (Soriano, 2014), the revolution in Egypt (Khamis & Vaughan, 2011), and a tool of resistance for social movements (such as Burkinabé Uprising, Occupy Wall Street, and the Arab Spring) (Olubumi, 2015). Penney and Dadas (2014) concluded the instrumental role of social media platforms to trigger mobilization of the participants on the basis of Khamis and Vaughan's study (2011). ...
... As problemáticas que são propostas pelas pesquisas de opinião se sujeitam aos interesses políticos, pois a pesquisa de opinião é um instrumento de ação política. Em larga medida, a internet trouxe uma nova tônica para a forma de disseminação de informação, dando voz a indivíduos e questões que outrora eram negligenciados (SORIANO, 2014;FRANKLIN, 2014). ...
As democracias latino-americanas seguem em consolidacao, entretanto, ainda estao em estado de incompletude, nesse sentido, a percepcao de corrupcao parece altamente disseminada. Este trabalho tem o objetivo de testar duas hipoteses sobre a America Latina: 1) o baixo nivel de confianca nos partidos politicos e no Congresso Nacional guarda relacao com a percepcao de corrupcao; 2) a percepcao de corrupcao guarda relacao com a qualidade da democracia. Para testar nossas hipoteses utilizamos tres bases de dados distintas: 1) dados do corruption perception inde x, dos anos de 2012 e 2013; 2) dados do Latinobarometro referentes a confianca em partidos politicos e confianca no Congresso Nacional de 2010 e 2011; 3) dados do The Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy de 2008 a 2011 desenvolvidos pelo The Democracy Ranking Association. Nossos resultados mostram que a percepcao de corrupcao influencia no nivel de confianca no Congresso e nos partidos; indicam tambem que, paises latino americanos com menor qualidade democratica estao mais susceptiveis a altos niveis de percepcao de corrupcao.
The availability of arenas for companionship and romance has increased exponentially in the digital world. A google search on online dating apps for queer people in India shows a plethora of results. From the advertisements and articles appearing on the screen, most of them document the vast array of dating applications available in the country. The key selling points being 'inclusivity' and the promise of 'safety', these apps seem to offer a legitimate digital queercitizenship to its queer users by allowing cyberspaces as explorative avenues through which the hitherto closeted populace can form cyberqueer identities. Building on existing research, this paper seeks to investigate both the prospects and precarities of looking for queer love online. Ethnographic researches conducted by studies have shown a completely different narrative where queer lives remain shrouded by despair, dejection, threat, and loneliness. Cyberbullying, cybervictimization, and cyber-violence are some of the realities that co-exist with the ever-increasing online queer presence in India. This paper exposes the complex entanglements that informs, to borrow Halperin's terminology, the 'queer forms of existence', and queer relationalities emerging in the cyberspace as a politically charged 'counter-conduct'. This article will further interrogate the possibility of viewing the digital world as a space Erothanatos, Vol. 7, Issue 4, October 2023 2 https://www.erothanatos.com operating outside of institutionalized heterosocial structures and thus examine whether cyberqueer bodies can be effectively integrated within a nationalist framework.
The SOGIE (sexual orientation, gender identity and expression) rights movement has, at least in the West, been considered successful. In Southeast Asia, there appears to be a vibrant SOGIE rights movement, which leads some to speculate about a SOGIE rights revolution in the region. However, instead of a revolution, there seems to be a dilemma in Southeast Asia. Advocates of SOGIE rights in this region find themselves facing political institutions with ambiguous positions regarding SOGIE rights in particular and human rights in general. In fact, it can be argued that on issues concerning SOGIE, Southeast Asia is as varied as it is politically and culturally diverse. The study explores the developments of SOGIE rights in Southeast Asia, particularly the persistent lack of institutionalization of SOGIE rights in three states in the region, despite the growing visibility and activism of SOGIE rights movements therein. To address this, the study looks at particular states in Southeast Asia where SOGIE rights activism has seen some significant recent developments, i.e., in the Philippines, in Singapore, and in Viet Nam. Interestingly, each of these countries has distinct differences relative to the other politically, socially, economically and to a considerable extent, culturally. Adopting the norm localization framework developed by Amitav Acharya, the argument forwarded in this thesis is that this persistent lack of institutionalization of SOGIE rights at the state level is a result of strong and well-entrenched local norms and beliefs that resist or oppose SOGIE rights, even when there are credible local actors who managed to find congruence between SOGIE rights and existing norms. Using historiographical research and case studies, I explore the dynamics of norm localization in terms of SOGIE rights by non-state actors, i.e., SOGIE rights movements in Southeast Asia.
Sexuality and gender diversity rights in Southeast Asia are
deeply controversial and vigorously contested. Debate and
protest have been accompanied by both legislative reform
and discriminatory violence. These contradictory dynamics
are occurring at a time when the international human rights
regime has explicitly incorporated a focus on the prevention
of violence and discrimination in relation to sexuality and
gender diversity. This Element focusses on the need for such
rights. This Element explores the burgeoning of civil society
organisations engaged in an emancipatory politics inclusive
of sexuality and gender diversity, utilising rights politics as a
platform for visibility, contestation and mobilisation. The author
focusses on the articulation of political struggle through a
shared set of rights claims, which in turn relates to shared
experiences of violence and discrimination, and a visceral
demand and hope for change.
Bisexual+ erasure is a pervasive problem even within the LGBTQ+ community, largely due to biphobia and practices of performative bisexuality in popular media. Resistive transmedia practices have been used by openly bisexual+ performers around the globe, such as UK-based alt-rapper Ashnikko, whose music is a key locus of her resistance. Ashnikko is not yet part of the mainstream pop music rotation but still garners millions of online followers, who respond to her boldly confounding and highly provocative audiovisual oeuvre. In this chapter, I offer a two-pronged investigation of Ashnikko as a figure of resistance to queer erasure. First, I perform a feminist analysis of Ashnikko’s audiovisual aesthetics, which constitute an ‘antithesis’ to the male gaze by troubling binaries, engaging in queered reclamation practices, and challenging heteronormative views of the feminine. I follow this with a discussion of her fandom through the concept of ‘merged fan intimacy’ as a framing of the development of parasocial relationships.
The entry examines some crucial ways in which LGBTQI people take advantage of pervasive digital communications affordances in their struggle for achieving full recognition and their rights in the digital as well as in the offline social spaces. This entry proposes that an understanding of the possibilities and the challenges offered by digital media to the LGBTQI community can be reached by considering both the material and the social aspects that structure the multifaceted relationship between LGBTQI people and digital media. The entry provides an introductory overview on these two orders of aspects, beginning from material ones—that is, by accounting for the (still few) reflections on the role that digital media affordances and working logics play in LGBTQI life. The entry then proceeds by focusing on the social aspects by looking at three broad sets of media practices that are particularly relevant to understand the potentialities and the risks that digital media bring forward to the LGBTQI world: representation and identity construction, community building, and activism.
Media coverage of violence against women and girls (VAWG) has increased in recent years, due to high-profile investigations such as the 2012 Jimmy Savile case in the UK, and in response to the #MeToo movement in the USA. Feminist organisations are likely to be asked for comment by the media as a result, but journalistic interest in case details rather than systemic causes of VAWG means that political messages focused on ending VAWG remain difficult to communicate. In contrast, social media is frequently celebrated as a channel through which the politics of feminist organisations can be promoted more directly, bypassing mainstream media agendas. In this article, we present the results of participatory research that explored the tensions inherent in social media use by one UK feminist organisation, Rape Crisis England & Wales (RCEW). The findings challenge the utopian view of social media as a panacea for news media shortcomings. Rather than being unequivocally positive, integrating social media into a feminist organisation’s communication work is a double-edged sword, bringing significant challenges that users must negotiate on a daily basis. © 2019
This position paper highlights the mainstream educational communications and technology (ECT) research and development community’s continued lack of interest towards issues located at the intersection of digital media technologies and LGBTQI stakeholders, providing evidence and commentary in this regard. The paper goes on to articulate a rationale for why our field needs to pay more attention to this increasingly visible and significant segment of the stakeholder population, basing its arguments on demographics, intersectionality, and systems thinking. Finally, the paper presents the following potential areas to explore in regard to digital media technologies and LGBTQI stakeholders: workplace/performance issues, cyberbullying, assisting at-risk learners, media for empowerment/emancipation, and identity construction within mediated spaces.
This article describes a 2 × 2 factorial design experiment with 334 undergraduates testing the influence of exposure to gay-related photographs on endorsement of tolerant gay attitudes and likelihood to interact with the photograph within a social media context. Individuals were more likely to interact with and be attitudinally influenced by pro-gay rather than anti-gay content. Prior media exposure to gay-related content was positively associated with likelihood to interact with the photographs.
The experimental condition moderated this association. Our results provide support and extension for social cognitive theory, cultivation, and the heuristic processing model, as well as offer new information related to the study of social media, particularly those current conversational trends related to gay men and lesbians.
Often marginalized from government services and markets and with limited access to mainstream media, the expansion of the reach of the Internet to previously underrepresented sectors inspires an examination of the place of online media for minorities, and in turn the role of these new actors, in shaping the future of media. In the Philippines, minority groups have recently developed online narratives, discursive spaces and productions in websites, blogs and social networking sites that allow them to bypass traditional distribution systems to articulate their respective struggles. This article engages 'Buechler's historical-dialectical-structurational approach' in analyzing the interdependence between these activist online media practices and the local, national, and global enabling and constraining structures that surround online cultural activism. Through an analysis of case studies representing ethnic, ethno-religious and sexual minorities in the Philippines, the article shows that minority groups' online political mobilization strategies are influenced by the historical, cultural and social circumstances and global power dynamics that surround their respective struggles and online activism. This situated analysis veers away from presenting minorities as mere recipients of technology but as online political activists creatively working their way through multiple structures and opportunities that come with online mediation.
This article explores how queer digital storytellers understand and mobilize concepts of privacy and publicness as they engage in everyday activism through creating and sharing personal stories designed to contribute to cultural and political debates. Through the pre-production, production, and distribution phases of digital storytelling workshops and participation in a related online community, these storytellers actively negotiate the tensions and continuua among visibility and hiddenness; secrecy and pride; finite and fluid renditions of self; and individual and collective constructions of identity. We argue that the social change they aspire to is at least partially achieved through “networked identity work” on and offline with both intimate and imagined publics.
This publication contains reprint articles for which IEEE does not hold copyright. Full text is not available on IEEE Xplore for these articles.
Living in societies that use law, mainstream media and social opprobrium to deny their enjoyment of basic rights – and sometimes their very existence – Latin American lesbians have long relied on alternative ways of expressing and associating themselves. In the late 1990s, they adopted a powerful new tool that is also a'virtual' space: the internet, or cyberspace. This article argues that cyberspace – the dense web of information and communication created by email, chat, distribution lists and websites – is a virtual public sphere especially useful for Latin American lesbian communities. The internet addresses the central problems impeding the effectiveness of lesbian organizing: isolation, repression, resource restriction and lack of community cohesion. Despite the opportunities cyberspace offers, it presents new challenges for organizers, from an increase in responsibilities to an erosion of political accountability. Nevertheless, the contributions of the internet far outweigh the complications it brings.
Theme identification is one of the most fundamental tasks in qualitative research. It also is one of the most mysterious. Explicit descriptions of theme discovery are rarely found in articles and reports, and when they are, they are often relegated to appendices or footnotes. Techniques are shared among small groups of social scientists, but sharing is impeded by disciplinary or epistemological boundaries. The techniques described here are drawn from across epistemological and disciplinary boundaries. They include both observational and manipulative techniques and range from quick word counts to laborious, in-depth, line-by-line scrutiny. Techniques are compared on six dimensions: (1) appropriateness for data types, (2) required labor, (3) required expertise, (4) stage of analysis, (5) number and types of themes to be generated, and (6) issues of reliability and validity.
Community formation/sustenance in the real/virtual realms is especially important in an age where media are increasingly convergent and interactive. Using the theory of interpretive communities, this article analyzes a network of queer Indian bloggers/readers/commenters and their reading of the mainstream media coverage of India's first national Gay Pride marches. Media ethnography and qualitative content analysis decipher the strategies used by the interpretive community, and explore how bloggers are at once consumers/audience of mainstream media and producers of alternative media. Resistance to mainstream media-sponsored gender-normativity is problematized, and the analysis reveals a simultaneous “talking-back” and legitimization of media authority.
Abstract Social network,sites,(SNSs) are increasingly attracting the attention of academic,and,industry researchers intrigued by their affordances and reach.,This special theme section of the,Journal,of Computer-Mediated,Communicationbrings ,together scholarship on these emergent phenomena.,In this introductory article, we describe features of SNSs and propose a comprehensive definition. We then present one perspective on the history of such sites, discussing key changes and developments. After briefly summarizing existing scholarship concerning SNSs, we discuss the articles,in this special section and conclude with considerations for future,research.
This study probes the state of Filipino gay virtual communities. Filipino gay have built virtual communities that fill a void caused by their marginalization in the real world. These virtual communities provide an alternative to the mainstream media as a source of diversion and information, as well as a venue for social interaction and personal identification. Even if the promise of new technologies for social change has historically been co-opted by prevailing social systems and even if the tenor of the discourse in these communities is very personal, these communities exhibit the potential for forging the ties that will bind the Filipino gays, on and offline, in their struggle for achieving liberty and pursuing human rights.
Freedom of expression is best exercised by gays in Manila on the Internet. By looking into the motives of selected gays in Manila for going online, this study analyzes how the freedom of communication has allowed them to shape their space on the Internet and how their online experience has resulted in empowerment.
Mediated Politics explores the changing media environments in contemporary democracy: the internet, the decline of network news and the daily newspaper; the growing tendency to treat election campaigns as competing product advertisements; the blurring lines between news, ads, and entertainment. By combining new developments in political communication with core questions about politics and policy, a distinguished roster of international scholars offers new perspectives and directions for further study. Several broad questions emerge from the book: with ever-increasing media outlets creating more specialized segments, what happens to broader issues? Are there implications for a sense of community? Should media give people only what they want, or also what they need to be good citizens? These and other tensions created by the changing nature of political communication are covered in sections on the changing public sphere; shifts in the nature of political communication; the new shape of public opinion; transformations of political campaigns; and alterations in citizens' needs and involvement.
'Imagined Communities' examines the creation & function of the 'imagined communities' of nationality & the way these communities were in part created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism & printing & the birth of vernacular languages in early modern Europe.
Contesting Media Power explores the worldwide growth of alternative media that challenge the power concentration in large media corporations. Media scholars and political scientists analyze alternative media in Australia, Chile, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, Russia, Sweden, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Topics include independent media centers, gay online networks and alternative web discussion forums; feminist film, political journalism and social networks; indigenous communication and church-sponsored media. This important book will help shape debates on the media's role in current global struggles.
In recent years, a great deal of scholarly work has focused on global queering and the roles that nongovernmental organizations and activists play in diffusing models of sex and sexuality. With its focus on large-scale phenomena, however, this scholarship has tended to gloss over how those engaged in advocacy actually take up such models. In this essay, I consider the roles that brokers play in shaping LGBT politics in the Philippines: how they engage with transnational frameworks; how this is shaped by history, intersectionality, and heterogeneity; and the extent to which their resulting advocacy might resonate with those it is designed to assist. The introduction of transnational models is not the final stage of the diffusion process; instead, it triggers debates about whether and how to apply those models. While transnational frameworks can drown out local understandings of sex and sexual politics, paying attention to the dynamism of brokerage reveals how they can also be used in powerful and locally resonant ways.
This paper explores the impact of the Internet on offline social movement mobilization from the perspective of identity building. It is based on a case study of a women’s group in Hong Kong, the Queer Sisters, and the bulletin board it created on the World Wide Web. Content analysis, an online survey, interviews and observation conducted between September 1999 and December 2000 found that the bulletin board helped to foster a sense of belonging to the Queer Sisters among participants. Bulletin board participants also shared a culture of opposition to the dominant order. But a collective consciousness was absent, so the bulletin board fell short of building a collective identity among its participants. This paper, however, argues that the absence of a collective identity on the bulletin board is the result of the way the board was administered, constrained by the resources and the aims of the Queer Sisters. It suggests that the potential for the Internet to build collective identities for social movements differs for different types of social movements.
This paper fleshes out the rhetorical structure of Queer Nation/San Francisco (QN/SF), a direct action group lauded for challenging the terms of gay and lesbian visibility politics but seen as failing to sustain that challenge. It juxtaposes representations of QN/SF—from regional mainstream and gay press accounts, QN/SF's internal organizational archives, and interviews with former QN/SF members—to parse out the competing interests that shaped QN/SF's discursive strategies and to chart what coalesced in the media spotlight as QN/SF's primary objective. Drawing on comparative analyses of these representations, this paper argues that press coverage of QN/SF's more spectacular actions, uniformly portrayed in mainstream and gay media as defiant acts of gay and lesbian visibility, undermined QN/SF's attempts to build a broader, multi-issue social justice coalition. While QN/SF's demise cannot be wholly explained by its treatment in the regional mainstream and gay press, this paper reopens the public record of QN/SF to examine the implications of its queer dilemma as an object of publicity. It suggests that QN/SF's less publicized actions, concerned with processing the meaning of identity, warrant greater attention for what they may proffer a queer politics of coalitional social justice and, more broadly, social movements' media strategies.
In this condensed version of her book, Sedgwick reflects about the "closet" as a regime of regulation of gay and lesbian lives that is also important to heterosexuals since it guarantees their privileges. Sedgwick affirms the "closet", or the "open secret", has been basic to lesbian/gay life for the last century even after Stonewall (1969). She also states that this regime - with its contradictory and constraining rules and limits about privacy and disclosure, public and private, knowledge and ignorance has served to shape the way in which many questions about values and epistemology were comprehended in the Western Society as a whole.
In Bodies That Matter, renowned theorist and philosopher Judith Butler argues that theories of gender need to return to the most material dimension of sex and sexuality: the body. Butler offers a brilliant reworking of the body, examining how the power of heterosexual hegemony forms the "matter" of bodies, sex, and gender. Butler argues that power operates to constrain sex from the start, delimiting what counts as a viable sex. She clarifies the notion of "performativity" introduced in Gender Trouble and via bold readings of Plato, Irigaray, Lacan, and Freud explores the meaning of a citational politics. She also draws on documentary and literature with compelling interpretations of the film Paris is Burning, Nella Larsen's Passing, and short stories by Willa Cather.
This study uses an examination of the two largest internet affinity portals serving lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) communities - PlanetOut.com and Gay.com - as an entry point into a broader discussion of gay marketing and surveillance in cyberspace. Informing this examination are arguments that the newfound courting of the ‘gay community’ by mainstream marketers represents a repositioning of gays and lesbians in commercial panoptic formations based on the perceived desirability of these populations as niche markets. This position is supported by the Janus-faced design of these online portals, which present themselves as inclusive communities to gay and lesbian consumers while simultaneously presenting themselves as surveilling entities to corporate clients. The marketing strategies deployed by these portals suggest that corporate actors believe that gays and lesbians can be enticed into self-surveillance by distancing solicitations for personal information from their economic aims and rearticulating them with images of community and romance.
Blogs have become a popular internet phenomenon. Rather than look at blogs as online diaries, I discuss them as sites for a developing generic practice that is connected to the idea of the internet as potentially non-corporate and democratic. In this context, what might "queer blogging" be, and why do queer bloggers constantly appeal to experience and evidence as the guarantee of reality online?
This essay considers how rhetorics of expertise constitute social identity in the lesbian gay bisexual transgender queer/questioning (LGBTQ) rights movement. While members of the mainstream gay rights movement typically emphasize conventional political channels, participants in the “radical” gay rights movement prefer transgressive enactments of non-normative sexualities. Because the resulting arguments over strategy are simultaneously debates about what it means to be a queer citizen, I conclude that discourses of expertise also function as nodal points for group identity within queer counterpublics. Furthermore, I argue that a more conservative queer rhetoric of expertise places constraints on queer subjectivity that are deeply problematic for those navigating the already murky waters of sexual identity in America.
Abstract This paper explores the impact of the Internet on offline social movement mobilization from the perspective of identity building. It is based on a case study of a women’s group in Hong Kong, the Queer Sisters, and the bulletin board it created on the World Wide Web. Content analysis, an online survey, interviews and observation conducted between September 1999 and December 2000 found that the bulletin board helped to foster a sense of belonging to the Queer Sisters among participants. Bulletin board participants also shared a culture of opposition to the dominant order. But a collective consciousness was absent so the bulletin board fell short of building a collective identity among its participants. This paper, however, argues that the absence of a collective identity on the bulletin board is the result of the way the board was administered, constrained by the resources and the aims of the Queer Sisters. It suggests that the potential for the Internet to build collective identities for social movements,differs for different types of social movements. ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,The Queer Sisters,3
This essay introduces the reader both to the varieties of representations of queers currently available on US Web servers and to the kinds of critical questions that scholars and activists can ask about such representations. As such, the author surveys, summarizes, and analyzes both pertinent Websites and scholarly writing about queer representation, identity, community, and social agency. Ultimately, the author concludes that analyzing queer self-representation on the Web is a significant scholarly undertaking in that it can help us understand better (1) how queers use, represent themselves, and are represented on the Web, and (2) what such representations might mean for our understanding of ourselves, our cultures, and our future both locally and globally.
Queer youth’s dominant perceptions of the Internet construct it as a safe space devoid of homophobia in which to explore sexuality,
find information, and make friends. Websites designed by or for queer youth have been regarded as important social networks
because they provide a vocal space for queer young people to be queer. Such sites also have been viewed as a practice arena
for coming out, where the anonymity of the individual works to support the disclosure of traditionally anonymous sexual subjectivities.
However, the Internet also acts as a closet in the formation of queer subjectivities. Online, young people are confronted
with, and work through, closets that foreclose particular heterosexual and queer vocalizations in favor of specific, recognizable,
set queer subjectivities that are both enabling and disabling. Using a queer website, the author shows how online queer spaces
can become closets, as well as offer negotiation potential for their users.
KeywordsYouth-Internet-Space-
Pink Sofa
-Homonormative
Providing a complete portal to the world of case study research, the Fourth Edition of Robert K. Yin's bestselling text Case Study Research offers comprehensive coverage of the design and use of the case study method as a valid research tool. This thoroughly revised text now covers more than 50 case studies (approximately 25% new), gives fresh attention to quantitative analyses, discusses more fully the use of mixed methods research designs, and includes new methodological insights. The book's coverage of case study research and how it is applied in practice gives readers access to exemplary case studies drawn from a wide variety of academic and applied fields.Key Features of the Fourth Edition Highlights each specific research feature through 44 boxed vignettes that feature previously published case studies Provides methodological insights to show the similarities between case studies and other social science methods Suggests a three-stage approach to help readers define the initial questions they will consider in their own case study research Covers new material on human subjects protection, the role of Institutional Review Boards, and the interplay between obtaining IRB approval and the final development of the case study protocol and conduct of a pilot case Includes an overall graphic of the entire case study research process at the beginning of the book, then highlights the steps in the process through graphics that appear at the outset of all the chapters that follow Offers in-text learning aids including 'tips' that pose key questions and answers at the beginning of each chapter, practical exercises, endnotes, and a new cross-referencing tableCase Study Research, Fourth Edition is ideal for courses in departments of Education, Business and Management, Nursing and Public Health, Public Administration, Anthropology, Sociology, and Political Science.
This book explores the human potential to pool widely dispersed information, and to use that knowledge to improve both our institutions and our lives. Various methods for aggregating information are explored and compared, including surveys, deliberation, markets (including prediction markets), blogs, open source software, and wikis. The success of surveys, in establishing what is true, can be explained by reference to the Condorcet Jury Theorem; but when most people are less than 50% likely to be right, the failures of surveys, in establishing what is true, can be explained in the same way. Deliberation is often celebrated as likely to counteract the problems in surveys. But deliberation itself creates serious risks, including amplification of errors, cascades, and group polarization. These risks produce blunders in many domains, including legislative institutions and the blogosphere; hence it is too simple to celebrate the Internet or the blogosphere by reference to Hayekian arguments about the dispersed nature of information in society. By contrast, markets, including prediction markets, often do remarkably well, for reasons sketched by Hayek in his examination of the price mechanism. Because of their ability to aggregate privately held information, prediction markets substantial advantages over group deliberation. Open source software and wikis have their own dynamic and create their own puzzles. Steps are explored by which deliberating groups obtain the information held by their members. These points bear on discussion of normative issues, in which deliberation might also fail to improve group thinking.
Queer theories and cybersubjects: intersecting figures
- K O'riordan
O'Riordan K (2007) Queer theories and cybersubjects: intersecting figures. In O'Riordan K and
Phillips D (eds) Queer Online. New York: Peter Lang, pp. 13-30.
Manila beams with pride, despite debut of anti-gay protesters
- L Garcia
Garcia L (2008) Manila beams with pride, despite debut of anti-gay protesters. December. Available
at: http://www.fridae.asia/newsfeatures/2008/12/08/2168.manila-beams-with-pride-despitedebut-of-anti-gay-protesters#sthash.rOWaDqSM.dpuf (accessed 29 July 2013).
Jerks without faces: the XTube spectacle and the modernity of the Filipino Bakla
- O Dumdum
Dumdum O (2010) Jerks without faces: the XTube spectacle and the modernity of the Filipino
Bakla. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association,
Suntec, Singapore, June.
Philippine Gay Culture: Binabae to Bakla, Silahis to MSM
- Jnc Garcia
Garcia JNC (2008) Philippine Gay Culture: Binabae to Bakla, Silahis to MSM, 2nd edn. Quezon
City: University of the Philippines Press.
Queer Online: Media Technology and Sexuality
- L Gross
Gross L (2007) Foreword. In: Riordan K and Phillips D (eds) Queer Online: Media Technology
and Sexuality. New York: Peter Lang, pp. vii–x.
Queer nationalism. Paper presented at the International Communication Association Conference
- D Jelača
Jelača D (2011) Queer nationalism. Paper presented at the International Communication
Association Conference, Boston, USA, 26-30 May.
The Gay Liberation Pamphlet: With Downcast Gays
- A Hodges
- D Hutter
Hodges A and Hutter D (1974) The Gay Liberation Pamphlet: With Downcast Gays. Available at:
http://www.outgay.co.uk/ (accessed 10 October 2013).
The murder of Lawrence King and LGBT online stimulations of narrative copresence
- C Pullen
Pullen C (2010b) The murder of Lawrence King and LGBT online stimulations of narrative
copresence. In: Pullen C and Cooper M (eds) LGBT Identity and Online New Media. New
York: Routledge, pp. 17-36.
A Database of Killed Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgendered Filipinos Available at: http://thephilippinelgbthatecrimewatch
- Philippine Lgbt
- Crime Watch
Philippine LGBT Crime Watch (2012) A Database of Killed Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and
Transgendered Filipinos. Available at: http://thephilippinelgbthatecrimewatch.blogspot.
com/ (accessed 27 July 2013).
An angel at the end of the rainbow (interview by R Caluen). The Philippine Reporter
- A Umbac
Umbac A (2011) An angel at the end of the rainbow (interview by R Caluen). The Philippine
Reporter, 8 July.
respectively: www.Ladlad.org; https://www.facebook
- See
See, respectively: www.Ladlad.org; https://www.facebook.com/angLadlad and http://twitter.
com/#!/angLadlad