No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Racism and the Press
... Os discursos, produzidos em condições sócio-históricas específicas, portanto, compõem uma intrínseca rede de significados culturalmente situados, e que são sempre reproduzidos nunca gerados criativamente, fazendo com que grupos minoritários sejam representados negativamente ou estereotipicamente -como um problema ou ameaça, por exemplo. Por outro lado, como van Dijk (1991van Dijk ( , 1995 defende, agindo como interface entre práticas sociais e constituição cognitiva dos sujeitos, os discursos também orientam crenças e valores de grupos sociais, fazendo com que sujeitos de grupos minoritários sejam vistos como incapazes, criminosos ou aptos a atividades específicas. ...
... 20 -Número 1: p. 113-127. 2018 Essa nova configuração de racismo faz com que com que o autor ( VAN DIJK, 1991) o defenda como uma noção geral de dominância que é tanto estrutural quanto ideológica, isto é, incorpora questões de desigualdade política, social, cultural e econômica a práticas de marginalização e exclusão, bem como de representação sociocognitiva. Essas duas dimensões são inter-relacionadas, pois para que práticas discriminatórias se manifestem na sociedade, o grupo racista deve possuir cognições correspondentes (crenças e ideologias racistas), da mesma forma que um sistema de cognição racista deve ser considerado quando passa a dar origem a práticas discriminatórias. ...
... O argumento de não relação entre as questões étnicas do país e das populações africanas foi apresentado pela empresa ao se defender contra as alegações de racismo. Porém, quando passamos a entender o racismo como um componente de um sistema de desigualdades sociais, constituído historicamente, a partir da diferenciação de um "nós" e "eles", como defende Van Dijk (1991, 1995 fica evidente que a convergência de padrões de sucesso em oposição ao escurecimento da pele reforça a polarização contra as minorias mais populares da Tailândia, em favor de um grupo hegemônico. ...
O racismo enquanto sistema de desigualdade social se espalhou pelo mundo, principalmente, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, de modo que grupos brancos na prática da dominação étnica ou racial sobre outros grupos exerceriam vários tipos de controle simbólico, físico ou social (VAN DIJK, 1999, 2000, 2002). Na Ásia, o racismo é caracterizado pela supervalorização da pele mais clara ou branca, em detrimento da pele mais escura, relacionada a trabalhos expostos ao sol e, consequentemente, uma origem social mais humilde (THE GUARDIAN, 2015, THE SOUTHERN TIMES, 2016; BBC, 2016). Numa outra dimensão, a expressão e reprodução de preconceitos étnicos e ideologias em larga escala dependem, também, dos meios de comunicação de massa audiovisuais, que difundem discursos através de palavras e, principalmente, imagens. Com base em Kress e Van Leewuen (1996), Baldry e Thibault (2006), Cotrim (1996) e Leiss, Kline, Jhally (1997) analisamos duas propagandas televisivas de origem asiática que retomam o discurso do clareamento de pele ao promoverem seus produtos. Nesse sentido, analisamos os modos semióticos do audiovisual propondo uma leitura crítica dos discursos e dos sentidos gerados conjuntamente na composição das propagandas. Mostramos que o discurso do racismo nas propagandas busca envolver o ambiente doméstico e a vida pública das pessoas, e se orientam para consumidoras mulheres. Mostramos, também, que a valorização da cor da pele leva em conta padrões culturais estéticos diferentes para mulheres e homens e o que é socialmente aceito como atraente para um e outro.
... (p. 44) While there is no evidence Hofstadter was aware of the CIA's funding link to the Fund for the Republic (Brown, 2006), his memorandum may be the first evidence of the government's involvement in the negative othering (Van Dijk, 1991) of conspiratorial thinkers. ...
... 77), and an unenlightened level of awareness. Evident in Hofstadter's (1958Hofstadter's ( , 1963Hofstadter's ( , 1964Hofstadter's ( , 1966 work are negative othering (Van Dijk, 1991) and delegitimization (Wodak, 1997). ...
... Each of these databases holds tens of thousands of records wherein the terms appear in conjunction with lunatic fringe, wingnuts, irrational, illegitimate, paranoid, nutcase, loony, whack jobs, crazy, bizarre, and weird (Appendix E). These terms are consistent with the negative othering (Van Dijk, 1991) and delegitimation (Wodak, 1997) discourse strategies described by Flowerdew et al. (2002). ...
Those rejecting the official accountsof significant suspicious and impactful events are often labeled conspiracy theoristsand the alternative explanations they propose are often referred to as conspiracy theories. These labels are often used to dismiss the beliefs of those individuals who question potentially hegemonic control of what people believe. The conspiracy theory concept functions as an impediment to legitimate discursive examination of conspiracy suspicions. The effect of the label appears to constrain even the most respected thinkers. This impedimentis particularly problematic in academia,where thorough, objective analysis of information is critical to uncovering truth, and where members of the academy are typically considered among the most important ofepistemic authorities.This dissertation trackedthe development and use of suchterms as pejoratives used to shut down critical thinking, analysis,and challenges to authority.This was accomplished using critical discourse analysis as a research methodology. Evidence suggesting government agents were instrumental in creating the pejorative meme conspiracy theoristwas found in contemporary media. Tracing the evolution of the conspiracy theory meme and its use as a pejorative silencer may heighten awareness of its use in this manner and diminish its impact.
... This claim serves to create a "negative other" (Van Dijk, 1991). ...
... Accusation that theorists fall in love with their theories. This claim serves to delegitimize conspiracy suspicions (Wodak, 1997) and create a "negative other" (Van Dijk, 1991 This statement suggests "conspiracy theorists" are too ideological and their suspicions are irrational and emotionally driven. ...
... Accusation that theorists are politically motivated. This claim serves to delegitimize conspiracy suspicions (Wodak, 1997) and create a negative other (Van Dijk, 1991 In these exchanges, note the term "far left fringe" used by conservative talk show host O'Reilly and "left wing radical" used by the conservative Hannity. Conservative host Colmes claims Alex Jones, an alternative media talk show host who is often critical of both conservative and liberal mainstream media, is connected to the conspiracy film. ...
Those challenging the official accounts of significant events are often labeled conspiracy
theorists and the alternative explanations they propose are often referred to as conspiracy theories. These labels are frequently intended to dismiss the beliefs of those questioning potential hegemonic control of what people believe. The conspiracy theory concept functions as an impediment to legitimate discursive examination of conspiracy suspicions. The effect of the label appears to constrain even the most respected thinkers. This impediment is particularly problematic in academia, where thorough, objective analysis of information is critical to uncovering truth, and where members of the academy are typically considered among the most important of epistemic authorities. This paper follows the development and use of such terms as pejoratives used to shut down critical thinking, analysis, and challenges to authority. Evidence exists suggesting government agents were instrumental in creating the pejorative meme conspiracy theorist and the use of this pejorative continues in contemporary media. How has the phrase conspiracy theorist developed as a powerful hegemonic tool against those who challenge authority and claims made by powerful people and institutions?
Keywords: conspiracy theory, conspiracy theorist, hegemony, propaganda, critical discourse
analysis
... The data in this study is analyzed using the descriptive analysis of observed phenomenon. The analysis is Van Djik (1991). Van Djik (1991) viewed text most especially news report from the angle of the microstructure of the news report. ...
... The analysis is Van Djik (1991). Van Djik (1991) viewed text most especially news report from the angle of the microstructure of the news report. The microstructure deals with the semantic relations between proposition and coherence, causality relations, consequence and implication. ...
This study investigates the role and importance of the meta-functions of language in the constructions and the understanding of the content and context of newspaper headlines in selected Nigerian National Dailies. Five (5) National Dailies were selected, namely; The Vanguard, The Guardian, The Sun, This Day, and Leadership newspapers. Two (2) newspaper headlines each were purposively selected from the five National Dailies for analysis. The study is a corpus based study and descriptive analysis was adopted for the study. It was discovered that most of the components of the meta-functions of language such as the ideational, the interpersonal, and the textual served as a guide for the construction of newspaper headlines in the Nigerian national dailies. It can be concluded that most of these dailies do not use conjunctions and references in most of their headlines. The study serves a guide to all who read newspapers to help understand the technicalities and modalities media practioners implore in the construction of newspaper headlines.
... The Self-group/in-group is further presented through material processes as a victim of the future challenges of rebuilding of what has been destroyed by the Other/ out-group. The Self-group/in-group is, hence, depicted as a victim of destruction (15). ...
... Israel has confirmed during the negotiations that it rejects making peace with its victims, the Palestinian people It is notable that the choices in transitivity structures construct the Self/in-group as struggling for attaining peace. The Material processes associated with the Palestinians constructs the Self/in-group as an active Agent who is making great sacrifices for the sake of peace (15). This collectively, emphasizes the Palestinian victimhood and presents their commitment and contribution for peace as extremely great and sacrificial. ...
This study provides a contrastive critical discourse analysis of the speeches of the Israeli Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to the United Nations General Assembly regarding the Gaza War (2014). The analysis explores the representation of the “Self” and the “Other” in relation to the war. Van Dijk’s ‘Ideological Square’ theory is adopted to explore the group polarization of Us versus Them dichotomy. Moreover Halliday’s Systematic Functional Grammar is utilized in the analysis to study how the polarization of the “Self” and “Other” is constructed via particular grammatical transitivity choices. The results indicated that the representation of the “Self” and “Other” in the speeches reflects two different opposing ideologically-governed perspectives on the Gaza conflict. Both speakers present the “Self” as ‘strong’, ‘human’ and ‘honorable’ in contrast to the “Other” that is deemed to be a ‘dire threat’ and an ‘agent of destruction’.
... 11,117), and racial profiling [5] (pp. [24][25][26]. Hate crimes in the country increasingly target Muslim women [2,6] (pp. 54,74), especially women who wear some kind of veil, thereby enhancing their visibility as Muslims. ...
... Discourse analysis specifically aims to show how the cognitive, social, historical, cultural or political contexts of language use and communication impinge on the contents, meanings, structures, or strategies of text and dialogue, and vice versa, how discourse itself is an integral part of and contributes to the structures of the context [26] (p. 45). ...
Applying media analysis, this article addresses how the exclusion of Muslim women from fields of common public interest in Sweden, such as partaking as an active citizen, is materialized. Focusing on a specific event—the cancellation of a screening of Burka Songs 2.0—and the media coverage and representation of the cancellation, it discusses the role of discourses of gender equality, secularity and democracy in circumscribing space for Muslim political subjects. It casts light on Islamophobic stereotyping, questionable democracy and secularity, as well as the over-simplified approaches to gender equality connected to dealings with Muslim women in Sweden. Besides obstacles connected to Muslim political subjects, the study provides insights into media representation of Muslim women in general, specially connected to veils and the role of lawmaking connected to certain kind of veiling, in Sweden and Europe.
... Clinton's (1988) study of presidential rhetoric, or Wodak's (2011) use of argumentation theory to analyse political-rhetorical discourse. 10 The present study differs from the aforementioned investigations, in that it takes an explicit pragmatic stance towards discourse 9 Examples of scholars who focus on social phenomena such as racism, new racism or neo-colonialism in their research are Knowles (1992); Silverman (1991);van Dijk (1991;; Blommaert & Verschueren (1991;; Windisch (1990) or Wodak (1991). 10 Other examples of rhetorical studies include Hirschman (2003); McGee (1985) and Richardson & Wodak (2009). ...
... Empirical ideology research therefore does not investigate ideology as an abstract entity, but rather as embodied in everyday language, processes, and discursive exchanges on a given societal phenomenon or issue between interactants who may or may not be politicians. According to van Dijk (1991), both ideologies and attitudes constitute general mental representations shared by the members of social groups. For example, a racist ideology may inspire a xenophobic attitude. ...
This thesis critically analyses the discourse employed by eight representatives of the main stakeholder groups in the debate on New Caledonian independence to reveal the impact of historically formed power relations and the continuing ideological incongruence of perspectives on the participants’ lexicogrammatical selections and argumentative moves.
By performing a contextual systemic functional and pragma-dialectical analysis of a set of French discourse samples, represented as an intercollective plurilogue between various protagonists and their heterogeneous audience and encompassing a variety of genres and registers, I clarify the interlocutors’ imagined realities and the negotiation process that could determine the Pacific nation’s future forever, and this stands as my original contribution to knowledge.
A contrastive mixed-methods pragma-functional approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was undertaken, combining Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and Pragma-Dialectics (PD) and informed by postcolonialism and poststructuralism.
The study showed that the French and Caldoche or European-originated interactants constructed New Caledonia’s future and identity as closely intertwined with France and its Republican values, as opposed to the Kanak interlocutors, who perceived the nation as self-governing according to the Melanesian Way. The former also represented themselves as more powerful Agents in the decolonisation process.
It was revealed that the dominant French and Caldoche powers employed a fallacious rhetoric of multiethnicity and postcolonial pluralism to convince the other groups of the superiority of a co-existence solution through opting for a continued association with France, whereas the Kanak indigenous interactants asserted in vain that their preferred political pathway was to obtain full independence. An investigation of some of the recent social and ideological practices of the French and Caldoche participants provided evidence of covert postcolonial racism in the form of significant discrepancies in social and economic development between the two extremes of New Caledonia’s population.
French neo-colonialism and the conjunction of Caldoche and Kanak nationalisms were found to infuse the representatives’ conflictual discourse, leading to an inevitable discord in viewpoints on the independence issue, which could materialise in a form of independence that is forced into existence by the most powerful French collective argument. Without doubt, however, the local indigenous counter-discourse will persist in defending the Kanak’s inalienable rights to self-determination and cultural recognition, since the indigenous voice has not been properly heard.
... Although most studies of migration take place in the social sciences, the last two decades also have witnessed many discourse analytical studies of migration, in general, and of racist discourse, in particular. Instead of reviewing these studies, we will focus in this chapter on some of the methods used in such research (some books on migration and racist discourse are, for instance, Bañón Hernández 2002; Blommaert and Verschueren 1998;De Fina 2003;Hart 2015;Henry and Tator 2002;Hill 2008;Jäger 1992;Jiwani 2006;Korkut 2013;Lloyd 1998;Niehr and Böke 2000;Prieto Ramos 2004;Reeves 1983;Reisigl andWodak 2000, 2001;Rubio-Carbonero and Zapata-Barrero 2017;Van der Valk 2002;Van Dijk 1984, 1987, 1991, 1993, 2009bWetherell and Potter 1992;Wodak and Van Dijk 2000;Wodak 2015;Wodak et al. 1990;Wodak and Richardson 2012;Zapata-Barrero 2009;Zapata-Barrero and Van Dijk 2007). ...
... As is the case for superstructure categories, also the syntactic structure of a sentence may make specific meaning elements more salient, indicate whether some aspect of the meaning is already known or expected (the "focus" or the sentence), or whether something new or unexpected is being communicated (the "comment" of the sentence). In this way, one might hide or mitigate the negative actions of dominant groups, for instance in headlines such as "Black student killed by police," or even simply "Black student killed," as has been found in many studies of racist discourse (Van Dijk 1991, 1993; see also the first study of critical linguistics: Fowler et al. 1979). ...
Since the 1960s the multidisciplinary study of discourse has become increasingly popular in the humanities, as well as the cognitive, social and political sciences. This new cross-discipline offers many sophisticated quantitative and especially qualitative methods for the explicit and systematic analysis of text and talk, including the analysis of syntax, semantics, pragmatics, narrative, argumentation, style, corpora, metaphor, ideology, and multimodal analysis of images, among others. These methods have also been applied the fields of the study of migration, ethnic relations, minorities and racism. In this methodological chapter, various methods of discourse analysis are illustrated with passages from a variety of discourses on minorities and migrants.
... Yine "kalabalık ve göstericiler" yerine "çete ve serseriler" sözcüklerinin kullanımı da örnek gösterilebilir. Hatta "bağırmak" yerine "ulumak" ve "kuvvetli bir protesto" yerine de "kudurmak" sözcükleri kullanılabilmektedir (van Dijk, 1991). Haberin retoriğinde ise ikna edici ve inandırıcı verilere ve bilgilere bakılmaktadır. ...
Bu çalışmada eleştirel söylem çözümlemesinin öncülerinden Teun Adrian van Dijk’ın sosyobilişsel yaklaşımıyla, Sabah ve Sözcü gazetelerinde 2023’te yayımlanan ve doktora şiddet içeren haberler incelenmiştir. Çalışma, Türkiye’de van Dijk merkezli eleştirel söylem çözümlemesi çalışmalarında karşılaşılan eksikliklere karşı doğru bir kuramsal temel ve çözümleme vaat etmektedir. Bu çerçevede çalışmada temel amaç “doktora şiddet haberlerini eleştirel söylem çözümlemesiyle doğru biçimde ele almak ve söylemde yapılan ideolojik üretimi ortaya koymak” olarak benimsenmiştir. Çalışmanın kuramsal temelinde Teun Adrian van Dijk’ın yaklaşımındaki bazı kavramlara yer verilmiş ve yöntemde onun şeması ile çözümleme gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bulgular van Dijk’ı doğrularken, Sabah ve Sözcü’nün hemen hemen aynı sunumda birleştiklerini ortaya koymuştur.
... Quotations hold a notable position in news formation, serving as the raw material through which authors convey their messages to readers. Bell (1991) further emphasizes that quotations extend beyond mere citations, encapsulating not only event descriptions, interpretations, and announcements but also evaluative statements and opinions (see also van Dijk, 1991). Within this framework, the analysis extends to various types of quotations and their usage patterns by online news platforms, aligning with Richardson's (2007) classification: (1) 'direct quotation' commonly employed to present news as factual; (2) 'strategic quotation', utilizing 'scare quotes' to assertively emphasize quoted words; (3) 'indirect quotation,' where a reporter summarize the original source's statement or writing; (4) 'transformed indirect quotation', a stylistic approach that avoids reporting verbs like 'say' or 'tell'; and (5) 'ostensible direct quotation', a creative technique where a reporter fabricates the content of a quotation to convey a specific message. ...
... The article mentioned that refugees attempting to reach safe nations is not a new problem. Since the 1990s, numerous refugees, primarily from non-European nations, have sought to reach Britain, prompting the British government to impose stricter regulations on the entry of newcomers (Dijk, 1991). Research indicates that these policies were supported by the British media's portrayal of migrants as criminals or deviants (Pickering, 2001) and the need for secure borders. ...
This research investigates the dominant rhetorical/ discursive strategies in the British mainstream news media regarding their reports on Ukrainian refugees in the United Kingdom (UK). While news media have negatively constructed the non-European refugees, as previous studies have revealed, this research is unique because it specifically focuses on European refugees as its research sample. The ultimate objective was to demonstrate how the news media in the UK portrayed the incoming Ukrainian refugees on British soil. The data were 40 Ukrainian-refugee-related news reports published in four mainstream news media in the UK from March until July 2022. The data was then analysed by using Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), consisting of six analytical categories: Referential, Predication, Argumentation (Topoi), Perspectivisation, Mitigation, and Intensification (Reisigl Wodak, 2008). The research found that regardless of their ideologies, all four news media consistently employed the discursive strategies of humanization and individualization and pervasively established a positive argumentative strategy on Ukrainian refugees. These dominant strategies depict a positive representation of Ukrainian refugees. Moreover, despite the overall negative picture of third-world refugees in British news media, the finding of this research is distinctive from the previous ones, showing that the British news media actively constructed the Ukrainian refugees positively and sympathetically. It is argued that the news media’s ideological stance of Eurocentrism and biased racial values played a decisive role in framing the pictures of European/Ukrainian and non-European refugees in their reports.
... La production de cette image particulièrement stéréotypée passe par divers mécanismes sociocognitifs, identifiés dans les études du discours raciste (Guillaumin, 1972;Windish, 1978;van Dijk, 1991;Hall, 1992), que l'on retrouve, à des degrés divers, dans l'ensemble du matériel didactique : essentialisation, infériorisation, homogénéisation, voire démonisation de l'Autre; légitimation de sa propre nation ou de l'Occident, entre autres par la dichotomisation, le comparatisme, le moralisme, le catastrophisme ou le renversement des responsabilités (Blaming the Victim). Le degré de centralité du rapport historique avec le monde musulman induit, toutefois, des différences dans le traitement curriculaire. ...
Cet article présente les résultats d’une recherche qui étudie comment les manuels du programme québécois d’« Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté » représentent les Noir⋅e⋅s. Il s’agit d’une démarche qualitative fondée sur une analyse documentaire et une analyse de discours. L’approche théorique propose une conception de la représentation des Noir⋅e⋅s sous l’angle des rapports de domination. Nos résultats révèlent que les phénomènes de domination et d’exclusion des Noir⋅e⋅s dans la société, relevés par la littérature savante contemporaine, s’observent aussi dans ces manuels (2007-2010). L’invisibilité et le mutisme des Noir⋅e⋅s qui ressortent de ces manuels, où les personnages noirs restent à l’arrière-plan et où leurs témoignages sont censurés, même quand il s’agit de raconter l’esclavage par exemple. Les conclusions dégagées de cette étude nous permettent d’affirmer que la lutte contre l’exclusion et le racisme passe d’abord par l’école. Il est donc essentiel de changer les représentations des Noir⋅e⋅s et de transformer la manière dont l’histoire est racontée dans le système scolaire.
... Newspaper texts can be prospective CDA areas for investigating and understanding the ideologies of institutions, such as Bekur Newspaper, that are generated, practiced, and perpetuated through the newspaper. CDA was used by Ref. [25] to investigate the functions of news reporting on ethnic relations in newspapers. McGregor (2003) is another academic who has researched the role of news stories in society's dominant forces. ...
This study aims to examine the construction of the war between Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and the central government, as well as its actors, in the local newspaper Bekur. Both a theoretical framework and a research methodology have been developed around critical discourse analysis (CDA). Methods for data analysis include Hodge's war discourse components and Van Dijk's ideological square. The findings indicate that Bekur constructed the war between TPLF forces and the central government as a war of existence. The stories portrayed the war in Ethiopia as a conflict between “country savers” and “dismantlers.” Furthermore, the TPLF forces—the out-group—are portrayed as country destabilizers, while the central government is portrayed as the country's saviour. The newspaper also represented the PM as central to winning the battle. Lastly, the positive representation of us, the in-group, and the negative representation of them, the out-group, in the newspaper seem to blatantly support the continuation of unequal power relations among those involved in the war in Ethiopia.
... В этом смысле не случаен интерес и активное обсуждение автором этнофолизмов -негативных обозначений различных культурных групп: «ватники», «русня», «хохлы». Эти этнофолизмы маркируют не только наличие определенного «языка вражды», но во многом определяют политику исключения для такого рода групп в политическом и социальном пространстве ( van Dijk 1991). В этом смысле работа Гусейнова становится продолжением не только исследований по влиянию языка на политику и политики -на язык, но и критического дискурс-анализа, в котором показывается, как именно языковые игры режима отражаются на его политической практике и «переодеваются» слова, чтобы скрыть «истинный» смысл происходящего. ...
... The study of hate speech and, in particular, racist hate speech or racist discourse, messages have an over 20 years old tradition in linguistics and discourse studies (Whillock & Slayden 1995). Racist and more generally discriminatory discourses are being investigated since the eighties/nineties by Teun van Dijk (1984, 1991, 1993 and some year later also by Ruth Wodak together with Reisigl (2001) and with Meyer (2009). In current research, hate speech is mainly analyzed on a lexical-semantic level (verbal communication), adding in some cases also visual aspects (visual communication), but neglecting the other two levels of communication: body language (non-verbal communication) and the use of the voice (para-verbal communication). ...
... Falamos dos estudos de linguagem na vida social, não propriamente dos estudos estruturalistas e formalistas da linguagem, embora estes possam fazer parte daqueles. Nossa referência inicia-se com a Linguística Crítica (FOWLER et al, 1979), tem continuidade com a Gramática Funcional (HALLIDAY, 1985;HALLIDAY & HASAN, 1985), com a Semiótica Social (KRESS & HODGE, 1988), com a Análise de Discurso Crítica (ou Análise Crítica do Discurso) (FAIRCLOUGH, 1989 e adiante; VAN DIJK, 1991;WODAK, 1996; VAN LEEUWEN, 1996, COUTHARD & COULTHARD, 1996JÄGER, 2001;SCOLLON, 2001 e outros). E aqui no Brasil, Magalhães, I (1986), Heberle (1995), Meurer (2004) e tantas/os outras/os que torna difícil citar aqui. ...
... "Comunicar, informar, tudo é escolha" (Charaudeau, 2006, p. 39). E por causa da impossibilidade de aplicar este valor em sua integralidade, ainda que mantenha-se como a prática hegemônica (Carpentier & Trioen, 2010), a objetividade jornalística tem sido criticada por pesquisadores de diferentes orientações teórico-metodológicas (Hall, 1978;Moretzsohn, 2002;van Dijk, 2015). Entre as críticos, Boykoff e Boykoff (2004) chegaram a de- monstrar que a aplicação acrítica dos valores da objetividade, tais como o equilíbrio (balance), acaba por distorcer acontecimentos. ...
The journalistic coverage of popular demonstrations and protests tends to emphasize negative aspects of the event, as shown by studies related to the protest paradigm. In turn, the fragmentation of the media ecosystem driven by digital networks has made other narratives about the same event come to the surface and dispute the representations about this type of event. This was what happened in the general strike held in Brazil on April 28, 2017. In this study, I propose a descriptive and comparative analysis of audio-visual reports produced by two of the main Brazilian news TV programs, Jornal Nacional and Jornal da Record, and productions in video of four alternative media with diffusion by Facebook, Jornalistas Livres, Coletivo Nigeria, Marco Zero Conte do and Coletivo Catarse. The objective is to understand the discursive strategies employed by each one of them to construct the audio-visual journalistic narratives, giving verisimilitude to the reports, although they are stuck in obvious biases. Among the conclusions, traditional media sought to emphasize their legitimacy from the voices of ordinary people, while alternative means strengthened contra-official sources, especially trade unionists, by institutionally marking their position alongside workers' interests.
... It is important to emphasise that, although for the purposes of the present study we shall consider "critical discourse analysis" as one tendency or movement which is both recognisable from the "outside", as having common features, and self-aware, in the sense that its representatives believe themselves to be working within a "critical" paradigm as far as discourse analysis is concerned (Wodak 2011: 50), there are several identifiable "schools" or groups within CDA, and not all the points that will be made apply equally to all the groups or individual practitioners. It is particularly important to distinguish between the initial British approaches embodied by Fairclough (1985Fairclough ( , 1989 and Fowler (1991) and its later, more developed and coherent form explained in Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999); the so-called "sociocognitive model" of critical discourse analysis epitomised by van Dijk (1991) and his group; and the Viennese "discourse historical school" led by Wodak (Wodak et al. 1990;Wodak 1996Wodak , 2007. However, Wodak (2011) also distinguishes a French school of CDA that can be traced back to Pêcheux (1982), and to the influence of Bakhtin; a Duisburg school (Jäger 1999) which centres particularly on media language viewed in a Foucaultian perspective; and the approach advocated by Maas (1989) which scrutinises the way in which contradictions in society are inscribed in texts, and the way that readers are led to collude in ideological discourses. ...
The study investigates the hidden (figurative) meaning behind the literal meaning of the ironic statements in the Arabic texts. The linguistic and psychological literature shows the controversy around the theory of Irony. The data had been collected from “Their Hearts with us while Their Bombs Launching Towards us,” which is written by the Arabic writer Ahlam Mistaghanmi. The book is full of the ironic statements, which address the Iraqi situation. The data had been translated to Arabic by an English-Arabic translator. The data being analyzed is based on Irony. The conclusions find out that the selected data show that there is an intended/ hidden message behind each statement, which is conveyed to her readers ironically.
... What we notice first about these texts are the headlines, which include the metonym nomadi in a clear context of crime. According to van Dijk (1991), headlines have important textual and ideological functions, since they are read first -in fact, sometimes only the headlines are read -and they provide the reader with a strategy for understanding the content that follows. Headlines summarise what, according to the journalist, is the most important aspect of the article. ...
This study examines the use of the metonymies zingari/nomadi/rom [Gypsies/Nomads/Roma] in Italian media discourse, in order to critically reflect on their relation to the perception of Roma. The author analyses the frequency of these terms in general discourse and crime discourse, as well as the way they are used in context. The findings reveal that nomadi and rom are used to directly and indirectly index Roma, and have a significant impact on their ethnicisation and criminalisation. In addition, the episodic framing of crime events, combined with the use of these metonymies, erases the Italian government's responsibility for the conditions of Roma in Italy.
... Los medios de comunicación generalistas son la principal fuente de información sobre la inmigración en Italia. En este sentido, los noticieros recubren un papel muy importante en la (re)producción de comportamientos sociales, consolidando y creando estereotipos sobre los inmigrantes ( VAN DIJK, 1991. ...
... Tanto unos como otros desempeñan un papel económico importante y contribuyen a la proyección de algunas ciudades ( Barou 2006). Cabe pues recordar que la emigración contribuye, desde su inicio, a la economía del país en donde se instala y a la de los países de origen-lo pondremos en evidencia en el capítulo cuarto-, algo que se tiene cierta tendencia a olvidar y a transformar en negativo, presentando al inmigrante como una carga financiera como lo han puesto de manifiesto los numerosos estudios basados en el análisis crítico del discurso llevados a cabo tanto en nuestro país ( Bañón Hernández 1996Caser 2005aCaser , 2005b; Martín Rojo 2003a; Zapata-Barrero 2004; Pujol Berché en prensa a, en prensa b) como fuera de él ( Van Dijk 1991, 2003a, 2003c). La emigración incluso en la época helénica contribuye a la demografía, tanto para los países receptores 9 , como para los países donantes. ...
... However, CDA practitioners do believe otherwise, and there are at least two reasons for that. The first is that readers might not have the skills to read the text critically, as mentioned by Fowler (1991) and van Dijk (1991). The second reason is that audiences deduce the texts based on their previous knowledge and the one they already have in relation to that subject . ...
The overall purpose of the study is to make visible various aspects of CDA. It presents various approaches to discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis to justify the adoption of certain models over others. A general theoretical account of the various influential approaches to the text will be presented first, followed by a critical approach next to arrive at their range of usefulness as a means to an end. Besides the absence of a general terminological consensus among text linguists, the fact is that there is no one generally accepted theory of discourse analysis that undertakes to provide the complete analysis of texts. While all text analysts acknowledge the fact that a text has structure, coherence, function, organisation, character and development, their approaches differ as to how each of these properties is realised and mutually related to other properties, hence the advantages of the eclectic approach which provides for the necessary step of integrating a variety of compatible systems of discourse analysis whenever these are found useful and adaptable to the requirements of each study. Such an approach, while lessening the problems of indeterminacy and partiality, remains just one model yielding one specific interpretation. However, variation in interpretations is resorvable and can ultimately be made definitive given a text and the same vital background information and approache(s).
To alleviate the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on tourism, tourist facilities in Bali are informing visitors of the relevant health protocols, using posters to describe the appropriate behaviours. Using critical discourse analysis, this study examines the microstructure of the texts in these posters to identify their semantic, syntactic, lexical, and rhetorical elements. The study findings show that the semantic aspects consist of background, intention, and detail. The syntactic elements involve coherence and the use of the pronouns ‘you’ and ‘we’, and of the imperative, and the declarative. The lexical aspects include abbreviations and vocabulary, related to the health protocol. The textual messages are delivered in official language, supported by pictures and photographs.
Using interpretative analysis methods, the paper looks at policy and analyzes the meaning, values and judgements implicit in the devices that gave footing to the program’s creation and of the analysis of six interviews with public officials in a position to make decisions and that participated in part in the creation or modification of the program. The results show that the prejudices of the culture of poverty are present in the documents that gave rise to the program, in the founding documents of the program and within the narratives of said public officials.
The two-decade-long US occupation of Afghanistan, following the September 11, 2001 attacks, finally ending with the withdrawal of the US forces on August 31, 2021. The ensuing political, social and economic chaos for Afghanistan continues to reverberate throughout Pakistan as well. Several journalists have lost their lives while covering ‘combating operations’ against terrorist organizations. The missions of secret agencies, target killings, insurgencies created by Taliban militants in the north, Baloch separatists’ movements in the south, and ‘disrupted law and order’ are some of the great threats faced by the media professionals while rending their professional assignments. By and large, Pakistan’s mainstream print and electronic media have covered the government’s National Action Plan to mount an ongoing anti-terrorist offensive with a positive tone. Extensive research has been carried out with regards to the image of Pakistan in the realm of terrorism in its national media.
The aim of the study is to perform a comparative analysis of the increasing discrimination of immigrants in connection with the migration movements occurring around the world, through selected European countries. The Migrant Integration Policy Index/The Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) classification table was taken as a basis in the selection of the target countries, and the relevant data were supported by the studies of the European Statistical Office (EUROSTAT). The study is based on document analysis, which is a qualitative research method. In addition to the studies on the fight against discrimination, related studies of respected individuals, institutions and organizations are also included. Will contribute to improving the quality of life of immigrants and the implementation processes of public policies on immigration in the increasing migration climate. As a result of the research, it was concluded that the rankings of 4 different countries (Sweden, France, Spain, Switzerland) selected from different categories between MIPEX data and application area changed disproportionately. According to the results obtained, it has been understood that the standards applied to EU citizens in the relevant 4 countries are not applied to immigrant individuals. It has been concluded that immigrant individuals experience social and economic problems, especially social exclusion, in countries.
Este artículo se inscribe en las perspectivas de análisis culturales en torno a la pobreza
y se propone conocer si los tomadores de decisiones reproducen prejuicios derivados
de las tesis de la cultura de la pobreza en el diseño y la implementación del programa
Progresa-Oportunidades-Prospera. Se emplean métodos de análisis interpretativo
de políticas,analizando los significados,valores y juicios implícitos en los artefactos que
dieron pie a la creación del programa, y del análisis de seis entrevistas con servidoras y
servidores públicos en posición de tomar decisiones y que tomaron parte en la creación o las modificaciones del programa. Los resultados muestran que los prejuicios de la
cultura de la pobreza están presentes en los documentos que dieron pie al programa, los
documentos de creación y en las narrativas de las servidoras y los servidores públicos.
Political discourse analysis is aimed at highlighting the emancipatory agendas of political actors who dialectically produce their discourses for the specific purpose of grasping “pro-ideologies” of masses without giving much room to their real interests. To a great extent the manipulation of language serves as a sturdy tool for political benefits and consequently it provides a strong base for the exploitations of the ideological assumptions of people on a large scale. A critical discourse analysis of Imran Khan’s point of view on Islamophobia suggested that a good speaker always overwhelms the masses and changes the way of thinking of the public. The researchers have accentuated that Imran Khan has affected the mindset of the people regarding Islamophobia. Also an analysis has been done by the researchers of discourses examples in the Imran Khan’s Speech. The researchers have explored various indicators of van Dijk in the Speech of Imran Khan. This paper aims to discuss the realization of the resistance of islamophobic ideology in Imran Khan Speech by means of language use in a political discourse, which is mainly grounded in Teun van Dijk‟s assumptions in critical discourse analysis. For this aim, the discursive strategies of the Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan during a press conference in the United Nation General Assembly held on 25th September 2019.The Speech will be examined within the context of his ideological, cultural and language background. . Keywords Political Discourse, Power, Ideology, Critical Discourse Analysis.
Sinema, toplumun içerisinde yaşayan bir sanat olarak yaşadığı toplumdaki eğilimleri, ideolojik kodları
ve hassasiyetleri gösterme potansiyeline sahip, ideolojik bir sanattır. Bu perspektiften yola çıkılarak Film
Sanatının içerisinde çok boyutlu şekillerde duran söylemsel kodları ve ideolojik orijinleri, sosyokültürel
bağlamda, eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla analiz etme fırsatı vardır. Bu noktada filmlerdeki ırkçı söylemlere
de, eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemini kullanarak ve söylemsel kodları sosyokültürel bağlamda analiz
ederek çözümlemeye gitmek mümkündür.Toplumun içerisinde aktif olarak üretilen “ırkçı söylem” kodlarının filmlerle de ne şekilde desteklendiğini, Fairclough’un sosyokültürel bağlamı ve çok boyutlu
yorum sürecini temel alarak yol gösterdiği eleştirel söylem çözümlemesiyle “Elite” dizi filmi özelinde
göstermek çalışmanın amacıdır. Filmlerdeki ideolojik ve ırkçı kodların çözümlemeleri sadece eleştirel
söylem analizi kullanmakla yetinilmeyip aynı zamanda sinematik kodların da bu ırkçı söylemlere ne
şekilde destek olduğunu göstermek amacıyla sinematografik analiz yöntemi de çalışmaya eklenmiştir.
Etnik ayrımcılığa dayalı filmsel kodların sinematik yapının içine ne şekilde estetize edilerek eklemlendiğini bahsi geçen iki analiz yöntemiyle açığa kavuşturarak literatüre katkıda bulunmaya
çalışılmıştır.
There is a broad academic consensus on the role of the media in promoting and maintaining hegemony. However, the media can also be used to counter hegemonic discourses and empower people who have no voice. This is the case of ethnic minority media. The development of media by these groups has contributed to their inclusion into the public sphere, understood as the space in which citizen issues are articulated and negotiated, and where the struggle related to the imposition of hegemonic meanings takes place. In this context, they have become a tool in the fight against cultural hegemony, exclusion, and discrimination. Considering their enormous potential to counteract not only the biased and criminalizing representation of ethnic minorities in the mainstream media but also the “discursive exclusion” of these groups, the academic literature has described minority media as “alternative,” in two aspects: on the one hand, in relation to the generalist media, and on the other, in relation to their potential to offer new voices and discourses on social reality. This work focuses on elucidating the extent to which one can consider this type of media as “alternative,” considering that, despite their emancipatory potential, they are subject to the tensions and contradictions of the media space, which is emerging as a very complex space, influenced by other fields of power, e.g., political and economic. For these media, tensions are also generated in the transnational space, adding enormous complexity to the field. Resumen Existe un amplio consenso académico sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en el fomento y mantenimiento de la hegemonía. Pero los medios también se pueden utilizar para contrarrestar los discursos hegemónicos y empoderar a las personas que no tienen voz. Este es el caso de los medios de minorías étnicas. El desarrollo de medios por parte de estos grupos ha contribuido a su inserción en la esfera pública, entendida como el espacio en el que se articulan y se negocian las cuestiones ciudadanas, y donde se produce la lucha por la imposición de significados hegemónicos sobre la realidad social. De este modo, se han convertido en una herramienta para la lucha contra la hegemonía cultural, la exclusión y la discriminación de colectivos minoritarios. Con su enorme potencial para contrarrestar no solo la representación sesgada y criminalizadora de las minorías étnicas en los medios de comunicación generalistas, sino también la “exclusión discursiva” de estos colectivos, la literatura científica ha calificado a los medios de minorías como “alternativos”, y ello en una doble vertiente: por un lado, en relación a los medios generalistas, y por otro, en relación a su potencial para ofrecer nuevas voces y discursos sobre la realidad social. Este trabajo se centra en dilucidar hasta qué punto podemos considerar a este tipo de medios como “alternativos”, teniendo en cuenta que, a pesar de su potencial emancipador, se encuentran sometidos a las tensiones y contradicciones del espacio mediático, que se perfila como un espacio muy complejo, influido por otros campos de poder, como son el político y el económico. En estos medios, dichas tensiones se generan además en el espacio transnacional, aportando una enorme complejidad.
The objective of this study is to examine the linguistic representation of social actors in the selected Malaysian and foreign news reports on the circulated event of the missing MAS flight MH370. Despite extensive studies of news discourse, less attention is paid on how news event are speculated and the extent the social actors are relegated. Hence, the study explores the role of newspaper editorials in promoting stereotypical depictions through the representation of self- and other- in their reporting of the MH370 tragedy. The study retrieved a total of fifty (50) news reports of the missing MAS flight MH370 incident from ten news press, twenty-five (25) published by five local (Malaysian) English newsagents: The Star, New Straits Times, Sun Daily, Malaysian Insider and Malaysiakini, and twenty-five (25) others from five foreign newsagents: Daily Mail (UK), The Guardian (UK), Washington Post, New York Times and USA Today. The corpora were collected from March 8, 2014, to November 5, 2014, and analysed using Van Dijk’s (1998) Ideological Square framework, as well as Reisigl and Wodak (2000) Discursive Strategies. The analysis of this study discovers evidence of the “intergroup bias” made by the selected news press in representing the MH370 social actors. The selected news press displays an overt preference for own group and obvious demotion of the other group. The study also reveals the occurrence of lexicalization of the ‘other’ in the foreign news reports indicating positive representation of their in-group and exhibiting apparent disapproval of the actions by the out-group. On the other hand, the analysis also reveals an impartial representation of the MH370 social actor by the local news press both for in-group and out-group.
p class="ParaAttribute4">This research aims to find out the racism occurs from verbal language by using Selma movie as the object. It is based on insight from Yule’s (1996) illocutionary act theory to analyze the type of Martin Lurther King’s utterances and Hymes’ (in Wardhaugh, 2006) speaking ethnography theory to analyze the context behind Martin Lurther King’s utterances. The writer finds commissive act (8%); expressive act (44%); and directive act (48%) as the illocutionary act which be used by King, and some datum of speaking ethnography without genre because genre can be found in written text only. The writer finds unity, solidarity, nationality and movement as the meanings which be categorized into racism’s representation from analysing the type and context.</p
The present study explicates the nature of the lexicogrammatical choices made in journalistic discourse about the death of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The case is internationally represented in the mostly circulated newspapers. The online versions of the four newspapers Arab News (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), Hürreyat Daily News (Turkey), New York Times (United States of America) and Tehran Times (Iran) are selected for the study. Proceeding within the framework of the transitivity system, the paper intends to expound how the four newspapers express the stances and viewpoints about the case. The analysis positions the newspapers writing technique within an ideological bifurcation of the legitimized US and the delegitimized THEM. The use of the transitivity system as an approach for analysis of the headlines unveils how journalists’ attitudes steer readers toward the opinions preferred by the national policies of their countries.
The aim of this article is to analyze the religious discourse on Polish Facebook in relation to the refugee crisis. The primary focus is on how religious memory is presented. A discourse analysis implemented by the author helps to identify and examine certain nodal points related to the religious debate about refugees, and then instruments used to recall religious memory are shown. In the course of the analysis, the author uses the theory of religion as a chain of memory. As a result, a complex attitude of Polish users toward the Pope, Islam, Christian martyrdom and religious buildings is shown. All of them refer to religious traces from the past.
This chapter analyzes the multimodal representation of the narratives associated with the figure of the student as an inherently violent social actor in the media, as reflected in a journalistic investigation that foregrounded the student movement as a possible suspect of the bombing of an underground station in Santiago (Chile). In particular, we explore the recontextualization of the students’ political actions and motivations throughout the identification of metaphors and their function in the overall legitimation of their representation. We analyze the 11-minute news report called “X-ray of the [Chilean] student movement” (Canal 13, 2014), and the analysis combines, adapts, and develops two main methodologies. On the one hand, we use the concepts of multimodal metaphors (Feng and O’Halloran, Semiotica 197:79–100, 2013a; Feng and Espindola, Ilha Do Desterro 64:85–110, 2013) and emotional prosody (Feng and O’Halloran, Rev Cogn Linguist 11(2):320–335, 2013b; Feng and Qi, Narrat Inq 24(2):347–367, 2014) to identify how the students’ political actions are materialized and naturalized systematically within narrative structure provided by the news report. On the other hand, we adapt van Leeuwen’s approach to motive and legitimation of social actors/actions (Van Leeuwen, Discourse Commun 1(1):91–112, 2007; Van Leeuwen, Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008) to describe how these multimodal constructions enhance the crime narrative associated with the student movement in hegemonic discourses such as the media (Pérez, Logos: Revista de Lingüística, Filosofía y Literatura 22(2):4–26, 2012; Pérez, Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales 30:5–26, 2016). Results show that the multimodal recontextualizations of the students and their actions revolve around three main areas: their representation as social actors, the representations of public space, and the representations of their motivation. Additionally, the representation of hooded students, along with their disruptive and violent characteristics, is used metonymically to represent the student movement as a whole, thus negatively recontextualizing and criminalizing their actions and motives through a multimodal narrative in which subversion and civil disorder are neutralized.
This research began with an assumption that Punjabi proverbs are
ideologically patriarchal. Therefore, proverbs of different languages
including Punjabi language were explored to find gender representation in
them. However, on close analysis it was found that a no such study was
conducted on Punjabi proverbs. Thus a sample of 588 Punjabi proverbs
specifically dealing with/mention of gender was collected from Saadey
Akhaan (Our Provrebs) (Shahbaz, 2004), a dictionary of proverbs. Proverbs
were selected through purposive sampling with the help of NORMs. Subject
specialists were consulted to transcribe and translate the finally short listed
proverbs and to divide them into categories on the base of gender of the
characters targeted in them. Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis is used as
a theoretical framework. Both quantitative and qualitative methods have
been used to analyze the data. The findings reveal that a large number of
proverbs are targeted at female characters as compared to male characters.
Most of the proverbs targeting females portray them in face threatening
manner while those targeting males are mostly face saving. However,
proverbs targeting mothers are mostly face saving. This study concludes
that Punjabi proverbs hold fast to the principles of traditional society and
strengthen patriarchal social set up. Punjabi proverbs not only reflect but
also conserve, propagate and perpetuate gender bias. Punjabi proverbs are
ideologically loaded rather than being accurate and precious sources of
cultural depiction. Further research can be done on the actual use of Punjabi
proverbs by native speakers to find the differences between the reported
proverbs in written sources and those being actually used to perpetuate
gender bias and patriarchy.
The study of news texts has been of interest to researchers for several decades. However, most research in this field has focused on analyzing news discourse and, in some cases, on the compliance with linguistic principles. Almost all of these studies have been conducted without considering the differences between various news categories (political, economic, labor, cultural, international, sports, social, and scientific), treating them as a single type.
This essay aims to examine the effect of power relations on news discourse within the framework of Van Dijk’s theory of ideology. Another objective of this research is to compare these effects across different news categories. Within this framework, power relations will be analyzed in each major genre, and the results will be compared to determine which category is most influenced by power relations and which is least affected.
This research adopts an analytical-descriptive method. The results indicate that political news is most affected by power relations, while scientific news is least influenced.
This article examines research carried out over the last 40 years in the area of media and migration in the British context. This thematic review of more than 60 empirical studies explores how U.K. media attention to the immigration issue has fluctuated over time, but has displayed consistent negativity in its terms of reference, exclusionary features, and significant interpretative limitations, not least in the conflation of distinct types of migration.
This article addresses structural discrimination in everyday lives of Danes with mixed racial heritage. We explore how discrimination (implicit, underlying, and discursive) is expressed and resisted in seemingly neutral interactions. Using structural discrimination as our framework, we look at how this type of discrimination contributes to the racialisation of national belonging in Danish contexts. In particular, we examine how notions of ‘Danishness’ are discursively linked to racialisation. Furthermore, we discuss some dilemmas that arise for racially ‘mixed’ and other racialised Danes. These include denial and deflection of discrimination, as well as problematics of belonging. Constructions of Danishness, we argue, rely on (and express) racialised understandings and discriminatory assumptions which explicitly and implicitly influence the experience of (and potential for), belonging within constructions of Danishness. Our findings suggest that certain paradoxes arise in the lives of Danes with mixed racial heritage and other racialised Danes.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07256868.2018.1484346?casa_token=277idEUvg94AAAAA%3A_pBbdFo5NgB4kPgv-5K5aJa_1oJqjQju-xmFG6e7X1XAQ1TgiejBZzv3c6gEQKDcwx64gkI5NTw
2011 yılının mart ayında Arap Baharı’nın bir uzantısı olarak Suriye’de başlayantoplumsal hareketler zamanla bir iç savaşa dönüşerek, ülkeyi etkisi altına almıştır.Türkiye de bu iç savaştan etkilenmiş ve sayıları yaklaşık 4 milyonu bulan Suriyelimülteciyi kabul etmiştir. Medyanın bu kitlesel göçü ele alışı ve göç edenleri nasıl temsilettiği de önem kazanmıştır. Çünkü medya üzerinden temsil edilme süreçlerindekiayrıştırıcı fikirler ve tutumlar, toplumsal hayatta somut davranışlara dönüşebilmektedir.Suriyeli mültecilerin haber metinlerinde ve söylemlerinde öteki olarak temsili, toplumsalbilinçte oluşan Suriyeli mülteci figürü ile doğrudan ilgilidir. Bu çalışma kapsamındada Suriyeli mültecilerin Türk yazılı basınında öteki olarak nasıl temsil edildiği analizedilmiştir. Özellikle haber medyasında üretilen söylemler dikkate alınarak habermetinlerindeki toplumsal eşitsizliği, ayrımcılığı Suriyeli mülteciler örneği üzerindenortaya çıkarmak amaçlanmıştır. Haber metinlerinin analizi için yöntem olarak Teun vanDijk’ın çerçevesini oluşturduğu eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Çalışmakapsamında Hürriyet, Milliyet ve Sabah gazeteleri örneklem olarak seçilmiştir. Bugazeteler; kitle gazeteleri olmaları, yüksek satış oranlarına sahip olmaları ve ana akımgazeteler olarak tanımlanmış olmaları nedeniyle örneklem olarak seçilmişlerdir. Bugazetelerde 2011-2017 yılları arasında Suriyeli mültecileri konu edinerek yayınlananhaberler analize tabi tutulmuştur. Yapılan analizler sonucunda Suriyeli mültecilerin;Türkiye’de kaldıkları süreyle de orantılı olarak, ekonomi, eğitim, dil, sağlık, yasaldüzenlemeler, sosyal uyum gibi konularda sorunlu, ayrıştırıcı ve ötekileştirici söylemleriüzerinden temsil edildikleri görülmüştür.
The new generation is fascinated by the overwhelming exposition of media. Today, media is performing powerful role in the mental growth and emotional development of children. At the very first stage of cognitive development, children copy the words and expressions used in their surroundings. Cartoons and language used in them directly affect cognitive and linguistic development of children. The present study dissects the linguistic patterns and ideologies used in cartoons shown in Pakistani media. It further attempts to overlook the impact of linguistic features of cartoons on language learning propensities of children. The study adopted mixed method research design by following qual-quan approach. The linguistic analysis of the cartoons was done qualitatively whereas its impact on children’s language was measured through quantitative way. 100 students and 100 teachers were selected to determine the sample by applying random sampling technique. Self-developed questionnaire was used to collect data from the respondents. The collected data shows that cartoons are source of education, entertainment and information for children. Children can improve their language competencies by watching cartoon. However, students were found using many Hindi words in their daily conversation. Linguistic benefits of cartoon language collide with the cultural threats faced by a large number of parents. The findings of the study recommend that children should be shown level oriented and culturally specific cartoons so that students may get maximum linguistic benefits from them.
Constructions of Hunger and Poverty: a Critical Discourse Analysis of The Los Angeles Times and The Guardian Newspaper articles on Ethiopia
Abstract
This paper examines the construction of hunger and poverty with a particular reference to the 2008 occurrence of famine in Southern Ethiopia. A comparative analysis is conducted from the perspective of critical discourse analysis. The paper therefore analyzes two daily newspapers from the USA and the UK, The Los Angeles Times and The Guardian, respectively. The analysis covers an examination of various discursive strategies and also rhetorical devices uncovered during the reading of the texts. The various levels of semiotic analysis are also presented and discussed. The analysis revealed that in both the Los Angeles Times (August 05, 2008) and The Guardian newspapers( 13 June,2008), ‘hunger’ is the main subject of the news items reported in conjunction with Ethiopia. The macro-propositions of both newspapers are also the same. The discourse of the publication of the Los Angeles Times reveals the representation of Ethiopia as a truly needy child and ‘poor’ while the donors are represented as more responsible and generous. In The Guardian Ethiopia is represented as a needy child while the west is represented as responsible, kind and battling compassion fatigue. The content of the two newspapers gleam light on power relationships. In two of them poverty in Ethiopia is presented without reference to the exploitative contexts of global capitalism or neo-liberalism. Both of them consistently omitted, concealed or obscured those social actors responsible for global food and fuel price hikes and recurrent famine. The newspapers focus almost universally on the internal factors to food crisis. The newspapers have different political and ideological leanings, but similar representations of hunger and poverty in Ethiopia. This would indicate the extent to which there is uniform stereotypical, naturalized discourse on hunger and poverty in Ethiopia.
The literature on transitional justice in former Yugoslavia holds that the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) proceedings, meant to establish the facts about the past, punish the perpetrators of mass violence, and even facilitate reconciliation, have led to the unexpected transformation of convicted war criminals into heroes in their home countries. Drawing on cultural criminology, the article looks at the phenomenon of “criminal celebrity,” which emerges at the juncture between public personality, intensive media attention, and high audience resonance. Considering that this transformation largely depends on the ability of different actors, including the convicts themselves, to create socially acceptable public personalities by reframing crimes, and their contexts and perpetrators, this article looks at the attempts to create such alternative accounts in the memoirs of the convicts, and in the media. This article argues that the mediation of war criminals in the ICTY facilitated a new type of criminal celebrity—the “ICTY celebrity,” who emerges from his/her relation to an allegedly unjust legal authority, rather than to the crimes. The ICTY celebrity is not a hero, known for heroic deeds or achievements—instead, his main function is to represent a flattering and consoling narrative about the past, enabling wide identification within the ethnic community.
This article presents an analysis of the use by police investigators of presupposition-bearing questions (PBQs) in interrogation as a process for communicating certainty of guilt. Among the techniques of interrogational maximization employed by police is the communication to the suspect of the interrogators’ certainty of the suspect’s guilt. While social science research notes that such communication of certainty is given directly, for example by statements that they ‘know’ the suspect is guilty or by direct accusations such as ‘you did it’, this analysis shows that certainty of guilt can also be communicated by presuppositions embedded in interrogation questions. Discourse analysis of the complete transcript of the interrogation of a 14-year-old suspect reveals further that through the use of 177 PBQs, interrogators are able to accrue inadvertent admissions to three crucial global ‘facts’ about the suspect’s involvement in the crime – each of which is composed of multiple subsidiary ‘facts’. In addition to identifying the role of PBQs in eliciting inadvertent admissions, the analysis also notes how PBQs serve as ‘a powerful instrument in the implicit assertion of debatable propositions’ as part of the interrogational record.
South Africa (SA) has been undergoing a process of transformation since the end of White minority rule (apartheid) in 1994. During this period, various employment and lifestyle opportunities have given rise to a growing Black middle class (BMC). Against this backdrop, the article draws upon an intersectional approach to corpus-assisted discourse studies in order to examine the construction of the BMC in a 1.4 million-word corpus composed of 20 mainstream Anglophone South African newspaper titles published between 2008 and 2014. With the help of the corpus tool AntConc, the article investigates the collocates of ‘black middle class’, ‘black diamonds’, ‘clever blacks’ and ‘coconuts’, classifying results according to semantic categories in order to provide an idea of the multiple but nuanced representations of the BMC in contemporary SA. The analysis finds several lexically rich moralizing and paternalistic discourses that, in accordance with an intersectional perspective, enact a complex pattern of strategies that are simultaneously exclusionary and inclusionary.
News reporting on conflict situations mainly manipulates discursive and representational strategies in portraying people, actions and events either negatively or positively based on certain prejudiced ideologies. This article examines salient discursive strategies deployed by Nigerian and Cameroonian newspapers to represent socio-political ideologies in their reports on the Bakassi Peninsula border conflict. Data comprise 127 instances of discourse strategies drawn from two Nigerian and two Cameroonian English-medium national newspapers published between August 2006 and August 2010. By integrating insights from van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis, findings reveal that both countries’ reports create polarity of positive in-group and negative out-group ideologies through seven discursive strategies which include slanted headlining, negative labelling, evidentiality, number game, hyperbolism, victimization and depersonalization. The strategies embody ideological prejudices of positive self- and negative other-representations which are rife in both nations’ news reports on the disputed Peninsula.
In the year 2000, Israel purportedly adopted a multicultural educational policy. It replaced the covert assimilation policy, which was referred to as ‘the integration policy’. The aim of the present study was to analyse the contemporary Israeli program of value education. Using the method of content analysis, the present study sought to determine whether the syllabi
of the contemporary program reflect the adoption of a multicultural educational policy, or whether they produce only multicultural rhetoric. The findings reveal that the program reflected mainly the pluralistic approach while still maintaining traces of ethnocentric rhetoric of certain syllabi in the program.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.