Play and self-regulation: Lessons from Vygotsky

Abstract

The authors consider the analysis of the literature on play research by Lillard and others in the January 2013 Psychological Bulletin, an analysis that questioned the prevailing assumption of a causal relationship between play and child development, especially in the areas of creativity, reasoning, executive function, and regulation of emotions. The authors regard these connections as critical for teachers in early-childhood classrooms and for other advocates of child play. They claim that the conclusions of Lillard and her coauthors place these professionals in a difficult position because they already face sharp pressure to replace play with academic activities. The authors suggest that the difficulty researchers have in linking play to development partly results from a failure to account for both cognitive and non cognitive developments across a complex trajectory. To help see the problem more clearly, they argue for a return to the Vygotskian and post-Vygotskian theories that differentiate between immature and mature play. The authors then describe their creation, an observational tool based on such theories, that helps researchers and
practitioners judge the quality of pretend play. Key words: Lev Vygotsky; mature play; Mature Play Observation Tool; play and child development; self-regulation

Full text

Play and Self-Regulation
,ESSONSFROM6YGOTSKY
s
Elena Bodrova
Carrie Germeroth
Deborah J. Leong
The authors consider the analysis of the literature on play research by Lillard and
others in the January 2013 Psychological Bulletin, an analysis that questioned the
prevailing assumption of a causal relationship between play and child develop-
ment, especially in the areas of creativity, reasoning, executive function, and regula-
tion of emotions. The authors regard these connections as critical for teachers in
early-childhood classrooms and for other advocates of child play. They claim that
the conclusions of Lillard and her coauthors place these professionals in a difficult
position because they already face sharp pressure to replace play with academic
activities. The authors suggest that the difficulty researchers have in linking play to
development partly results from a failure to account for both cognitive and non-
cognitive developments across a complex trajectory. To help see the problem more
clearly, they argue for a return to the Vygotskian and post-Vygotskian theories that
differentiate between immature and mature play. The authors then describe their
creation, an observational tool based on such theories, that helps researchers and
practitioners judge the quality of pretend play. Key words: Lev Vygotsky; mature
play; Mature Play Observation Tool; play and child development; self-regulation
It may sound counterintuitive to turn to theories now almost a century old
to answer questions about the current state of knowledge about play, but these
long-standing insights first advanced by the Russian developmental psychologist
Lev Vygotsky in the early twentieth century now help us understand the role
of play in child development in general and the development of self-regulation
in particular. As we developed, implemented, and evaluated Tools of the Mind,
the Vygotskian-based, early-childhood curriculum, we often found it necessary
to defend the major role awarded to make-believe play in this curriculum (Bar-
nett et al. 2008; Diamond et al. 2007). That we should even need to defend play
111
American Journal of Play, volume 6, number 1, © The Strong
Contact Elena Bodrova at ebodrova@toolsofthemind.com

112 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PLAYsFALL 2013
arises from recent social changes, which we discuss later. But prevailing rules
of educational research—today’s allegedly practical approaches—now assume
that the measurement of isolated skills over discrete intervals of time will accu-
rately reflect the mechanisms of development. This assumption imposes high
expectations on any play-based intervention, however, because it presupposes
that a successful intervention will produce immediate results measurable by
standardized instruments. Vygotsky, in contrast, took a longer view and also
took account of the cultural setting of the classroom, including the relations
between students and teachers.
In 1927 Vygotsky explored the limitations of narrow empirical approaches
in his foundational work The Historical Meaning of the Crisis in Psychology
(Vygotsky 1997). Post-Vygotskians today maintain that the difference in meth-
odologies underlying the design of Vygotskian-based interventions and the
methodologies often now used to evaluate their effectiveness make it difficult
to provide a definitive answer about which components of play do have an effect
on specific areas of development.
The familiar Vygotskian contention that in play a child becomes “a head
taller than himself” has, over the last half century, been applied to a wide range
of play and playful behaviors. Yet the basic question remains: how do we know
if a child in fact functions at a higher level when engaged in play? Further, to
understand the importance of play, we need to ask if Vygotsky’s optimal zone
of proximal development requires a specific kind of play. And if it does, we
need to find which characteristics of play will prove most beneficial for child
development. In this article, we examine the main principles of the Vygotskian
and post-Vygotskian approach to play and focus on the relationship between
play and self-regulation. We introduce the concept of mature make-believe play
and attempt to measure “levels” of play based on Vygotsky’s theories. Finally, we
discuss the implications of the Vygotskian approach to play for future research
and classroom practices.
Increasing academic demands make it harder for preschool and kinder-
garten teachers who recognize the value of make-believe play as a “childhood-
specific” activity (Zaporozhets 1986) to advocate for playful formats. Part of
the present problem arises because today’s researchers only vaguely define play.
Following Kurt Lewin’s adage often cited by Vygotsky that there is nothing more
practical than a good theory, we propose to use Vygotskian theories of play to
help us find answers to today’s challenges.

Play and Self-Regulation 113
Play and Its Role in the Mental Development
of a Child: The Vygotskian Perspective
We need to remember that the Vygotskian tradition defines play very specifi-
cally; the theory that describes the relationship between play and the develop-
ment of young children is very specific, too. For preschoolers and children of
primary school age, Vygotsky limited the scope of play to typical dramatic or
make-believe play, and he did not include many kinds of other spontaneous
activities such as movement, object manipulations, and explorations that most
scholars refer to as play. “Real” play, according to Vygotsky, features three com-
ponents: children create an imaginary situation, take on and act out roles, and
follow a set of rules determined by these specific roles. As Vygotsky put it, “The
role the child plays, and her relationship to the object if the object has changed
its meaning, will always stem from the rules, i.e., the imaginary situation will
always contain rules. In play the child is free. But this is an illusory freedom”
(Vygotsky 1967, 10).
Thus, engaging in self-regulated behaviors in play becomes possible because
an inherent relationship exists between the roles children play and the rules they
need to follow when playing these roles. For preschoolers, play becomes the
first activity in which children are driven not by the need for instant gratifica-
tion—prevalent at this age—but instead by the need to suppress their immediate
impulses. In play Vygotsky observed, “. . . At every step the child is faced with a
conflict between the rule of the game and what he would do if he could suddenly
act spontaneously. In the game he acts counter to what he wants . . . [achieving]
the maximum display of willpower” (Vygotsky 1967, 14).
Play requires that players observe and restrain themselves. Vygotsky’s
student, Daniel Elkonin (himself a primary school teacher and later a pro-
fessor at Moscow University), expanded the theory about the role of play in
supporting the development of self-regulation. Elkonin attributed the power
of play to support the development of intentional behaviors to several factors.
To sustain play, he said, children must act deliberately, inhibiting behavior that
is not part of the specific role. They first must voluntarily follow rules that
dictate which actions are consistent or not with each specific role. For example,
a child playing patient will resist the temptation to play with an attractive toy
such as a stethoscope because using this toy is a part of a doctor’s repertoire
and not a patient’s. Second, Elkonin observed that to agree on the details of

114 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PLAYsFALL 2013
a play scenario or on the specific use of play props, children needed to spend
some time prior to play in discussing their future actions. Essentially, they
needed to plan their play.
For example, before starting to play “car shop,” children might talk about
the kinds of cars that need repairs, the nature of the repair, who will play the
owner of the car, who will act as the receptionist, and who will play the mechanic.
Such play planning serves as the precursor to reflective thinking, another aspect
of self-regulatory behavior (Goldberg 2009). Finally and crucially, during their
period of “mature play,” (more on this later), older preschoolers will mostly
assume the roles of adults (doctors, drivers, or chefs, for example) who engage
in socially desirable behaviors. By imitating these figures and behaviors in play,
children learn to adjust their actions to conform to the norms associated with the
behaviors of these role models, thereby practicing the planning, self-monitoring,
and reflection essential for intentional behavior (Elkonin 1978).
Elkonin’s students, in their turn, demonstrated the unique role of play
in the development of intentional self-regulated behaviors through a series of
experiments that compared children’s performance on various tasks in play
and nonplay situations. In these experiments, the tasks themselves remained
the same, but the children were asked to perform their tasks under different
conditions, some that included elements of pretend play and some that did
not. For example, Z. V. Manuilenko (1975), another Vygotskian, found higher
levels of self-regulation of children’s physical behaviors in play than in nonplay
contexts. In her experiments, children asked to act as a “lookout” remained at
their posts and did not move for a longer period of time than they did when
the experimenter asked them simply to stand still without providing them any
play task. (The different instructions resulted dramatically in a mean of twelve
minutes versus four minutes!) Notably, this gap between play and nonplay per-
formance opened widest among five-year-old children whom the researchers
assumed to be at the peak of mature play. At the same time, this gap was virtu-
ally nonexistent both for three-year-old children who had not yet developed
advanced forms of play. At the other end of the scale, seven-year-old children
(who no longer needed the support of play to regulate their behaviors) likewise
showed almost no gap.
Researchers found similar results in another study focusing on children’s
ability to persist in moving matches one by one from one pile to another—
a decontextualized and monotonous task. Here again, the youngest children
could not sustain the activity for more than a couple of minutes, and the oldest

Play and Self-Regulation 115
children could sustain the activity for much longer. As for the children in the
middle, they were able to perform at a level similar to the older participants only
when researchers added play elements to the situation—an imaginary character
watching to see whether they followed the directions, for example.
These findings supported Vygotsky’s view that play “is the source of devel-
opment and creates the zone of proximal development,” further demonstrating
that new developmental accomplishments do become apparent in play far earlier
than they do in other activities. Vygotsky’s (1978) description of new develop-
mental accomplishments emerging within a child’s zone “under adult guidance,
or in collaboration with more capable peers” (86) has been mostly applied in
the literature to the conditions of one-on-one teaching or peer tutoring. At the
same time, post-Vygotskian studies of play expand our understanding of what
“assisted performance” means in the context of the zone of proximal develop-
ment to include assistance provided by specific activities such as play.
From Isolated Pretend Episodes to Mature
Make-Believe Play: Levels of Make-Believe Play
Do children need to reach a certain level of play to benefit from it? Vygotskians
say they do. Elaborating on Vygotsky’s insights on the nature of play, Elko-
nin (1978, 2005b) introduced the idea of mature play, emphasizing that only
this kind of play can be a source of development in early childhood. Elkonin
used such terms as “advanced” or “fully developed” to call out mature play
as a “unique form of children’s activity, the subject of which is the adult—his
work and the system of his relationships with others” (Elkonin 2005a, 19),
thus distinguishing this form of play from other playful activities in which
children engage.
Vygotsky and Elkonin and their students identified several components
of mature play (Bodrova and Leong 2007). First, in mature play, children use
object-substitutes that may bear little if any resemblance to the objects they
symbolize. They will use a pipe cleaner as a stethoscope or a box as a boat; it
only matters that these substitutes can in some way perform the same function
as the object-prototype. As play continues to advance from less mature to more
mature, these object-substitutes eventually become unnecessary because most
of the substitution takes place as the child uses gestures or words to invoke
imaginary objects.

116 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PLAYsFALL 2013
Second, children are able to take on and sustain a specific role by consistently
engaging in pretend actions, speech, and interactions that fit their particular char-
acter. For example, two children, one pretending to be a teacher and the other a
student, will portray completely different manners of walking, talking, and using
props. The choice of vocabulary and speech register used in these two roles will
differ as well. The more mature the play, the richer the roles and the more com-
plex the relationships between them. Mature players usually go beyond simple
reciprocal actions such as feeding-eating or buying-selling, but they also engage in
these actions in a manner they associate with a particular role in a given scenario.
For example, a child acting as a receptionist in the doctor’s office may start with
a formal “we do not have any openings this week, please make an appointment”
but will change her tone and say “the doctor will see you right now” after seeing
the “parent” concerned with the health of her “baby.” Children exhibit another
sign of mature play when they become able to follow the rules associated with the
pretend scenario in general (playing restaurant versus playing school) and with a
chosen character in particular (playing a chef versus playing a teacher).
Mature play also characteristically produces high-quality play scenarios
that integrate many themes and span the time of several days or even weeks.
Such scenarios may combine themes such as family, transportation, and res-
taurant, as children perform the events of a family on vacation. Finally, as play
becomes more mature, children progress from extended acting out preceded
by rudimentary planning to extended planning followed by rudimentary act-
ing out. Elkonin summarizes this change, pointing out that “the more general
and abbreviated the actions in play, the more deeply they reflect the meaning,
goal, and system of relationships in the adult activity that is being recreated”
(2005b, 40). A younger child pretending to feed a baby will take particular
care not to miss a single step in the process; in contrast, an older child may
reduce the entire procedure to a couple of symbolic gestures—with or without
a spoon—and proceed to the next episodes by taking the baby to the doctor
or to the playground.
Changes in the Social Situation of Development—
Changes in Play
Evidence sampled from early-childhood classrooms across the world supports
the observation that mature play no longer prevails (Gudareva 2005; Levin

Play and Self-Regulation 117
2008). Even five- and six-year-old children who, according to Vygotsky and
Elkonin, should have reached the peak of their play performance, often dis-
play signs of the immature play more typical for toddlers and even younger
preschoolers. The school-aged children may play only with realistic props,
enact stereotypical and primitive play scenarios, and display a limited range
of themes and roles (Miller and Almon 2009; Smirnova and Gudareva 2004).
While children in years past enjoyed acting out complex events such as a moon
landing, an Arctic exploration, or the Olympic games, it is easy to observe
today’s children playing at a single theme for months on end with little varia-
tion. In addition, teachers in early-childhood classrooms now often will not
provide much needed support for play; as a result, children not only fail to
make progress but even regress to more primitive forms of play. Consequently,
children playing at the higher “associative” level in the beginning of the year
may revert to less mature parallel play by year’s end (Farran and Son-Yar-
brough 2001).
With the main elements of the imaginary situation remaining under-
developed and roles and rules remaining less specified, this “immature” play
no longer matches the kind of play that Vygotsky and his students once identi-
fied as a fertile source of child development. Consequently, we conclude that
present-day play at this low level can no longer foster skill development in the
child’s zone of proximal development. Today’s player may no longer grow a head
taller. A Russian study replicating Manuilenko’s experiment (Elkonin 1978)
found that preschool children no longer demonstrate superior self-regulation
in play the way past generations have (Smirnova and Gudareva 2004). In addi-
tion, the ability to follow directions at all ages and in all conditions has generally
declined in comparison to the l940s study. For example, seven-year-olds of today
exhibit self-regulation levels more like those of the five-year-old children of
the 1940s in that they are not able to control their physical actions in following
the directions of an adult. Researchers have attributed this phenomenon to the
decline in both quantity and quality of play that preschools and kindergartens
now offer. In fact, in one recent study, only 10 percent of observed six-year-olds
demonstrated a mature level of play and 48 percent of the five-year-olds dem-
onstrated the lowest (toddler) level of play (Gudareva 2005). Examples of such
toddler play included children engaged in disconnected and repetitive actions
like putting dress-up clothes on and taking them off, taking shoes out of the
boxes and placing them back, and pretending to “chop” plastic vegetables. They
played alone or in parallel without attempting to communicate with their peers

118 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PLAYsFALL 2013
about the role they were playing or about the props they were using. Researchers
found similar results in studies conducted in the United States in which they
noted positive correlations between levels of play and self-regulation (Berk et
al. 2006; Germeroth et al. 2013).
In a worrisome trend, many signs indicate that today’s make-believe play
does not simply differ in content from play of the past but that it has declined
in both quality and quantity (Johnson et al. 2005; Karpov 2005; Russ and Dil-
lon 2011). We find this qualitative and quantitative decline of play even more
troubling when viewed in light of declining self-regulation in young children
that puts them at risk of later cognitive and social-emotional problems (Blair
2002; Blair and Razza 2007; Raver and Knitzer 2002; Rimm-Kaurfman, Pianta,
and Cox 2000).
Assessing Mature Play
Our review of existing play assessments revealed several deficiencies. None of
them addresses the very features of play that Vygotskians have considered criti-
cal, such as the level of child’s engagement in role planning. Similarly, none of
the existing play assessments includes the precise features of mature play that
make it possible for children to practice self-regulated behaviors when play-
ing—play planning and “meta-play”—those out-of-role comments that children
use to manage the play (Christie and Roskos 2009). Current assessments lack an
instrument capable of capturing make-believe play in its entirety, which in turn
frustrates accurate assessment of the level of play in regard to its possible impact
on self-regulation. Additionally, current play assessments omit the adult’s role in
supporting children’s play, and these assessments focus solely on the behaviors
of an individual child or a group of children. Thus, existing instruments reflect
the prevailing view of play as a child’s activity that spontaneously “emerges” or
“unfolds.” This view of play incorrectly assumes that adults need only to provide
children with time, space, and props, and children will engage in play on their
own. Those who hold this view reserve explicit adult support only for those
children who experience difficulties owing to cognitive or social-emotional dis-
abilities. In contrast, Vygotskians view play as an imminently cultural activity
with adults assuming a critical role in engaging children in play and in support-
ing and scaffolding play as it develops.
To address these missing elements in current play assessments, we devel-

Play and Self-Regulation 119
oped our own play instrument—the Mature Play Observation Tool (MPOT)—
that we based on levels of play identified in Vygotskian and post-Vygotskian
tradition. This tool addresses specific behaviors and components that define
mature play, including both teacher and child dimensions, and contains detailed
and tiered items to provide a systematic means for observing the complexities
of mature play (Germeroth et al. 2013). The child dimension includes children’s
use of self-created props, engagement in meta-play, role playing, the use of role-
specific speech, and the nature of play interactions. To measure role-specific
speech, we noted the number of theme-related words and phrases that described
a child’s own role or the roles of her peers (“I will be the doctor, and you will
be the nurse”), pretend actions (“I am fixing the car”), or words describing the
meaning of a prop (“This is my scanner”). We observed and included the teacher
dimension as well, noting such factors as a teacher’s management of play in
centers, the amount of time a teacher allotted for play, a teacher’s modeling of
play scenarios, and teacher interventions during play.
Recently researchers pursuing a larger efficacy study in a large urban dis-
trict used MPOT to assess children’s play and teacher scaffolding of play in
preschool classrooms randomly assigned to treatment and control conditions
(Germeroth et al. 2013). Treatment classroom teachers received training in a
Vygotskian-based instructional approach emphasizing teacher scaffolding of
make-believe play; control classroom teachers either received no additional
training or received training in instructional strategies not focused on play.
Preliminary data demonstrated that the MPOT has high overall reliability
(Cronbach’s α = .909). Additionally, the MPOT demonstrates high content
validity, as we observed significant differences between treatment and control
classrooms on components of play. Specifically, treatment classrooms exhibited
significantly more key components of mature play—child-created props, more
instances of role play, and role speech. Additionally, teachers in treatment
classrooms were more likely to intervene in play briefly and specifically to
encourage continued play, and they were less likely to intervene exclusively to
manage child behavior. Teachers in the treatment classrooms were also more
likely to use a center management system that involved color-coded center
signs and coordinated clothespins and picture cards. The use of these simple
“tools” made it easier for children to regulate themselves prior to and during
make-believe play.
Promising preliminary results of MPOT assessments used in multiple effi-
cacy trials demonstrate the relationship of play components to child outcomes

120 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PLAYsFALL 2013
and classroom quality. Thus, the MPOT may soon provide teachers and research-
ers with a tool that effectively measures play. Because the MPOT measure takes
social context into account, we may also soon identify the type of play that
promises the greatest developmental impact.
Conclusion
That today’s young children do not seem to reach the same levels of play as their
peers of past decades may mean it is time for us to revisit our ideas about the
impact of play on various areas of child development. Instead of stating in a
general way—as we had for many years—that play is essential in child develop-
ment, we need to look closely and specifically at types of play and their potential
benefits. From a Vygotskian perspective, we find it evident that to enable child
development—in other words, to create the zone of proximal development—
play itself must not remain frozen at the same level throughout early-childhood
years, but instead it needs to evolve to reach its most mature level. This more
differentiated view of play may shed some light on the recent—somewhat dis-
appointing—findings of the studies that failed to show a positive correlation
between children’s play and the development of specific competencies, namely
self-regulation (Lillard et. al. 2013). While the concept of mature and immature
play may very well apply to many forms of playful behaviors such as building
with blocks, movement games, as well as board games and computer games, it
seems logical to explore first the relationship between levels of play and child-
hood outcomes in the context of play that Vygotskians declared the leading
activity of early childhood: make-believe play.
Research conducted in the Vygotskian tradition in Russia and in the West
reveals challenges as well as opportunities for future studies designed to assess
the relationship between make-believe play and self-regulation. Some of the
challenges to our understanding stem from the differences in research meth-
odologies employed by post-Vygotskians and the narrower methodologies that
still dominate Western educational research. In particular, we expect that tak-
ing a broader, long-term view of the development of self-regulation (where
the outcomes are not limited to a set of standardized measures but involve
more ecologically valid classroom-based observations) may provide valuable
information about the mechanisms of the development of play itself and a
view of the dynamics of its effects on self-regulation. Finally, when assessment

Play and Self-Regulation 121
tools prove least suited to measuring the very types of play that hold the great-
est developmental potential, they prevent us from learning if or in which way
play may enhance education. Instead, we conclude that determining the causal
relationship of play to development will depend on formulating definitions pre-
cisely, framing theoretical questions usefully, and pursuing different and more
appropriate and productive methodologies. And for this we look back nearly a
century to the practical benefits of a clearer theory.
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