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Opposition to Soviet Rule in Lithuania 1945-1980.

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Opposition to Soviet Rule in Lithuania 1945-1980.

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... During the 50 years of the Soviet occupation, many books and movies were released, Lithuanian partisans were called 'bandits', 'traitors of the homeland', and 'bourgeois nationalists'. The only counterweight to the Soviet propaganda was publications of Lithuanian intellectuals who had fled West during the Second World War (Tauras, 1962;Vardys, 1965;Remeikis, 1980;Daumantas, 1988). Only after Lithuania restored its independence in 1990, the official attitude towards Lithuanian partisans has changed. ...
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Modern conflict archaeology, investigating military conflicts of the 20th and early 21st centuries has diverged as a branch of archaeology at the turn of the millennium. Since then, the main trends and schools of research, i.e. the First and the Second World Wars, the Spanish Civil War, the Cold War, Latin American military dictatorships, have become prominent. By focusing on landscape, collective and living memory, oral history, text sources, and cartography, modern conflict archaeology has expanded possibilities of investigating recent military conflicts, their analysis and interpretation. In Lithuania, investigation of modern conflict sites began in the 1990s. Over the last three decades, archaeologists have explored mass graves of Nazi and Soviet soldiers, disposal sites of Lithuanian partisans, bunkers, underground quarters, battlefields, and partisan liaison homesteads. For a long time, however, Lithuanian researchers were interested in the prospect of forensic archaeology and forensic anthropology only, therefore, a comprehensive overview of modern conflict sites was not available. During the last decade, the number of investigations of Lithuanian partisan war sites has increased significantly, a scientific approach has emerged, and, eventually, these sites have become an object of Lithuanian archaeology [...].
... In 1944, most killers and collaborators fled to the West, were hiding or worked for the soviets. Tomas Remeikis only briefly mentions this topic 43 , whereas a more detailed discussion is given by Romualdas Misiūnas and Rein Taagepera who claim that the Nazi collaborators fled to Germany or started to cooperate with Moscow; often they changed their names and surnames 44 . This statement shows the choices made by some Nazi collaborators, however, it is too narrow and does not reflect the actual situation. ...
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The Holocaust, the Lithuanian anti-soviet uprising of June, 1941 (further on, the Uprising), and the Lithuanian partisan war of 1944-1953 are three events caused by different circumstances. They have no direct causal relationship and represent very different phenomena. Unfortunately, the historical reality scenes of Lithuania during the Second World War linking the Holocaust, the Uprising and the partisan war ruthlessly twisted these differently treated phenomena – collaboration with the occupants and resistance to them...
Article
This essay discusses the interplay of nationalism and internationalism amongst Soviet youth from the 1960s to the early 1980s, arguing that there was much that united the language, underlying concepts and problems of these political agendas. More than that: they were mutually constitutive, while mobilising youth and generating enthusiasm and anger on a large scale. At the same time, national and international questions became more republicanised in these years: they were experienced and tackled differently across the republics. To show this, the essay discusses a range of archival materials and published sources from Soviet Armenia, Central Asia and Ukraine.
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This is a study of ethnic politics in the USSR as formulated within dissident ethnonationalist movements between 1964 and 1986. The juxtaposition of ethnic politics with nationalism (even if ethno-nationalism) intrinsically demands terminological clarification. Ethnic politics is often perceived as a nascent—pre-nationalist—stage of ethnic assertiveness, which may be progressively evolved into its higher phase—nationalism. It seems that such an approach narrows considerably the realm of both concepts—nationalism and ethnic politics. Therefore, a word must be said here about the meanings and theoretical interpretations of basic terms and concepts used in the book, namely, ethnic politics, ethnic groups, nationalism, modernization, nationalist movements and their demands.
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This chapter discusses how nationalism affected international relations among Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union between the death of Stalin in 1953 and the onset of ‘normalization’ in 1969. It suggests that once Communism was clearly established the national Communist Parties, including the leadership of the CPSU, were incapable of burying national differences. In many cases, rather than cementing over differences, the Parties actually became accomplices to the cracking of the so-called Communist monolith. In a situation parallel to that which led to the break-up of the socialist movement in the late nineteenth century, as outlined in Chapter 2, the events in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union during the 1950s and 1960s bore out E. H. Carr’s assertion that ‘the socialization of the nation has as its corollary the nationalization of socialism’.1
Article
If one may judge by Soviet political humor on Radio Armenia, the so-called “socialist internationalism” among the many nationalities in the USSR has reflected less than a perfect “friendship of peoples” in the past: Question: What is the “friendship of peoples”? Radio Armenia: It's when an Armenian takes the hand of an Uzbek, an Uzbek that of a Latvian, a Latvian that of a Russian, a Russian that of a Kazakh, a Kazakh that of a Ukrainian, and then they all go and beat up a Georgian.
Article
Augustine Idzelis, Lithuanian Research and Studies Center, Chicago The rapid industrialization of Lithuania coupled with an intensification of agriculture and a growing concentration of people in urban areas has seriously disrupted the republic's natural environment. The purpose of this paper is to: (1) assess the extent of environmental pollution in Lithuania particularly as it relates to water and air; and (2) examine the institutional response to the environmental problem. © 1983, Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies. All rights reserved.
Article
While the national question in the USSR has received much attention in terms both of the regime's ideological approach to it and the nationalist response to that approach, the issue of the actual minority territories created in the period from the 1920s to the 1940s has attracted little attention in recent times. Disputes over the external frontier aspects of some of these territories have certainly become familiar, as in the case of the Baltic states and Moldavia, but it is less widely appreciated that disputed borders were created, and continue to exist, within the USSR itself. A number of factors may account for this. In the first place, frequent disdain has been shown in Western emigre writings toward the very relevance of the Soviet federal system and its division of the country into units based either on ethnic composition or on administratively convenient populations. So readily have these divisions been bypassed by the Communist Party's own organization, the KGB, the military, the economic planning organs, major industrial enterprises and combines, and, increasingly, the legal apparatus, that it seemed legitimate to accord the system little import. Then again, with the passage of time, it has come to be taken almost for granted that such boundaries as have been established are correctly and irrevocably drawn to delineate the peoples therein. Finally, it has often been assumed, not least by Soviet officialdom itself, that the borders are destined to prove more and more irrelevant in an era of increasing personal mobility, urbanization, industralization, mass communications, and, most especially, of progress toward the goal of full communism. Nevertheless, despite the opportunities afforded by the change of constitution in 1977 to eradicate them, the territorial units remain, along with the problems they create, many now of longstanding.
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