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Power Sharing and International Mediation in Ethnic Conflicts
... Explanatory data confirm the consociational theoretical proposition that political stability and SEHD outcomes of GNU power sharing increase simultaneously with a rise in the presence of necessary contextual and conceptual factors of power sharing in a GNU. Proponents of consociational power sharing have noted that segmental isolation and its support through political institutions such as federalism make political stability possible by limiting intersegment contact that causes intersegment antagonisms (ie Lijphart, 1968Lijphart, , 1977Lijphart, , 1999Sisk, 1996;Kotzé, 2002Kotzé, , 2013Gold, 2011;Maina, 2011;Noyes, 2013). The findings cast doubt on the role of segmental isolation and federalism as determinants of improvement in post-GNU political stability and SEHD as their absence in sampled cases failed to affect the outcomes. ...
... Where consequences of bad governance have resulted in intrastate conflicts, liberal democracy political institutional reforms for power sharing have been a recurrent policy intervention as a means to bring affected countries to sustainable peace necessary for socioeconomic and human development (SEHD) (Lijphart, 1968(Lijphart, , 1977(Lijphart, , 1999Sisk, 1996;Kotzé, 2002Kotzé, , 2013Gold, 2011;Maina, 2011;Noyes, 2013). In inductive terms, political instability and violent conflicts have led to power-sharing agreements becoming increasingly popular as a means to create cooperative governance for sustainable political stability. ...
... This study sought to fill knowledge gaps in the literature and policy practice in light of the fact that, despite the upsurge in scholarly work on power sharing and political stability (Lijphart, 1968(Lijphart, , 1977(Lijphart, , 1999Sisk, 1996;Kotzé, 2002Kotzé, , 2013Gold, 2011;Noyes, 2013), scant attention has been paid to determining whether a GNU as a short-term measure facilitates inclusive political institutions for political stability and/or improving SEHD in the sub-Saharan African context. This has been so notwithstanding the continued prescription of power sharing to African intrastate crises and theoretical propositions stating that to facilitate political stability and social and economic development, effective and strong inclusive institutions capable of harmonising divided societies, such as power sharing as a form of political inclusion, are very crucial. ...
This study comparatively examined how governments of national unity (GNUs) in Liberia (2003), Kenya (2008), and Zimbabwe (2009) served as an institutional engineering mechanism for political stability, inclusion, and socio-economic and human development (SEHD) in sub-Saharan Africa. It was conducted under the auspices of consociational theory and the liberal institutional reform approach to peacebuilding. The main research question of this study was: Are GNUs a necessary political solution to facilitate political stability, as well as to facilitate post-conflict cooperative governance or coalitions for the advancement of economic development and human security as set out in Africa’s Agenda 2063? The study found that political stability measured in terms of peacefulness, rule of law, political inclusion, and political freedom indicators improved during GNU power sharing in two sampled GNU cases. Some SEHD indicators in the post-GNU segment also improved compared to the pre-GNU period. The study observed that capability of GNU power sharing to improve political stability and SEHD was more in cases that had more favourable contextual factors and adhered to more key conceptual principles of consociationalism in a power-sharing framework. External pressures
and guarantees were very useful in creating the sticks and carrots needed to create a successful GNU in all cases. The study contributes to liberal institutional reform approach to peacebuilding by redefining political stability to include indicators such as the rule of law, respect for human rights and SEHD in addition to the cessation of hostilities as key result areas to be assessed in evaluating the successes of GNUs. To consociational theory, the study contributed by developing analytical frames that can be used to collect and create public datasets on GNUs and conceptualise peacebuilding interventions in a manner that emphasises sustainable development goals. This study argues that the cessation of hostilities after GNUs can only mean sustainable political stability when accompanied by the institutionalisation of strong rule of law, respect for human rights and addressing socio-economic triggers of political instability. The conclusion that the inclusion of more conceptual tenets of consociational power sharing in GNUs increases political stability and SEHD in a post-conflict era is of primary interest to institutional designers in divided societies and regional and international peace and development players.
Keywords: Government of national unity, Power sharing, Socio-economic and human
development, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Liberia
... The findings on poly-marginalization of the Sabaot minority in Bungoma County align with the perspective presented by Sisk (1996) in their study on "Power sharing and international mediation in ethnic conflicts." Sisk (1996) argued that while decentralization is often seen as a means to address ethno-cultural tensions and conflicts, it can also exacerbate such tensions or lead to new problems. ...
... The findings on poly-marginalization of the Sabaot minority in Bungoma County align with the perspective presented by Sisk (1996) in their study on "Power sharing and international mediation in ethnic conflicts." Sisk (1996) argued that while decentralization is often seen as a means to address ethno-cultural tensions and conflicts, it can also exacerbate such tensions or lead to new problems. Sisk (1996) study highlighted that one of the principal concerns of decentralization, where granting autonomy powers to minorities, who become a majority in a geographically defined territory, may inadvertently create new minorities. ...
... Sisk (1996) argued that while decentralization is often seen as a means to address ethno-cultural tensions and conflicts, it can also exacerbate such tensions or lead to new problems. Sisk (1996) study highlighted that one of the principal concerns of decentralization, where granting autonomy powers to minorities, who become a majority in a geographically defined territory, may inadvertently create new minorities. This phenomenon is referred to as "rearranging the configuration of minorities and majorities." ...
In an era where globalization is producing homogeneity, ethnic differences continue to produce some of the most violent conflicts. Indeed, the post-cold war period was marked by a decline in interstate contestations. However, violent intra-state contestations have been on the upsurge. These are projected to further rise in the next two decades. Population explosion, urbanization, deteriorating land quality and adverse effects of climate change are set to catalyse these contestations. The African Continent is set to bear the brunt of these contestations. Rooted in a long historical quest for land rights spanning over 100 years, the carnage violent inter-communal conflicts epitomized state failure to secure sustainable peace over land distribution in Mt. Elgon Region. Because of its ability to address this “distance decay” that led to the conflict, devolution was perceived as a pathway in addressing the historical land question in Mt. Elgon region. However, slightly over a decade since the implementation of devolution, sustainable peace in the region remains elusive. This paper sought to interrogate the role of devolution as a preventive risk factor in the management of land-use conflicts in Mt. Elgon Region. Drawing from primary data collected using questionnaires from 400 household respondents, 2 key informant interviews with community elders, 2 focus group discussion with male and female victims of conflicts. The study findings reveal that devolution has been passive in addressing the historical land question and has, in fact, exacerbated the majority-minority disparity concerning development in the area. To foster a peaceful, just, and inclusive Mt. Elgon Region, the study recommends that addressing homegrown extremism and effectively managing land-use conflicts requires comprehensive and inclusive measures that go beyond devolution alone in addition to first, addressing the underlying historical land question. The paper adds to the sustainable development agendas 1,2,3,10 and 16, contributes to policy on streamlining devolved systems and aligns to the U7+ call for Universities to deepen role in peace and research.
... This type of mechanism draws on critiques of consociationalism that focus on institutionalizing the participation of conflicting (and patriarchal) identity groups. These mechanisms and policies include incentives to cooperate on an inter-ethnic basis ahead of electionsfor example, electoral laws that effectively encourage the formation of pre-election coalitions through the pooling of votesor innovative forms of distribution of power on the territorial level or by emphasizing, at the political level, cross-cutting issues and the equitable distribution of resources (Sisk, 1996). Ultimately, the power-sharing dimension of the system will depend on how it works and how everyone understands the logical use of the term "powersharing." ...
... As there are several scientific hypotheses claiming the positive role of power-sharing, much attention has also been drawn to the risks and limitations of this conflict settlement tool by scholars. These are exemplified in the work undertaken by Timothy D. Sisk (1996). He writes that the paradox of advocating power-sharing early in an ethnic conflict's escalation is that parties may be hesitant to accept power-sharing techniques because they are not desperate enough or do not feel driven enough (Sisk, 1996). ...
... These are exemplified in the work undertaken by Timothy D. Sisk (1996). He writes that the paradox of advocating power-sharing early in an ethnic conflict's escalation is that parties may be hesitant to accept power-sharing techniques because they are not desperate enough or do not feel driven enough (Sisk, 1996). After a period of intense violence, antagonisms between parties may be too severe for them to share power for mutual gain. ...
The Nagorno Karabakh enclave has been a point of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan for decades. With the main parties being two conflicting sovereign states and the "de facto state" of Nagorno Karabakh, the conflict has grown into one of the world's most persistent and complex confrontations and has entered a new phase of reality following the second war. For this reason, it is critical to examine peace prospects and the likelihood of finding a solution for the state of NK. This thesis examines peace possibilities following the second Karabakh war and the practicality of three conflict management tools: power-sharing, division, and territorial autonomy, using a rationalist perspective as the main theory. The principal objective of this thesis has been to study the research findings and determine if they met my expectations and how well they fit into the framework I constructed in the beginning. This paper concisely addressed the core research question, ensuring that the reader comprehends the central point and contribution of my study. The preliminary results of my research indicate that the unwillingness of the Azerbaijani and Armenian sides to find a compromise acceptable to all sides stemming from a lack of trust and the Azerbaijani government's consolidated and hegemonic authoritarian attitudes complicate the bargaining process. However, any possible agreement considering the interests of all parties in the framework of new realities will lead to peace in the region, strengthen regional integration, and restore economic ties between the two countries.
... Ironically, the best outcome of political contestation is dialogue and compromise, which translates into more participatory and responsive policies (Sisk, 1996). Even in conflict, the need to solve the problem usually motivates political players to talk and negotiate, always working within the confines of their divergences to locate common ground. ...
... Mitigating the detrimental consequences of political conflict demands a multifaceted approach. It fosters a culture of dialogue and compromise, where conflicting parties prioritize peaceful negotiations over violence (Bercovitch, 1996)-establishing robust institutions, like independent judiciaries and truth commissions, aids in addressing past grievances and ensuring accountability (Sisk, 1996). Inclusive power-sharing mechanisms, protection of minority rights, and promoting social cohesion further contribute to building a resilient and stable democratic society (Lijphart, 1968). ...
The Complex and Multifaceted Interaction between Political Conflict and democratic reform As part of their argument, this paper analyses the inter-relationship between political divisions and democracy, discussing how political conflict can potentially be both a driver of democratic progress and a risky destabilizer. It explores forms of political conflict and their origins, from peaceful protests to violent uprisings, and their sources, whether socio-economic grievances, identity-based divisions, ideology-based divergences, or institutional weakness. It elucidates how conflict can spur political participation, reveal institutional failings, encourage dialogue and compromise, and increase accountability, all of which will push democratic reform. However, the piece admits it can also have downsides, from political polarization, at least in the short run, to gridlock and the erosion of trust in democratic institutions. The assessment emphasizes that conflict needs to be managed constructively through sound institutions, inclusive dialogue, and addressing deep-seated grievances in the long run. It reflects the need for a finer-grained understanding of political conflict dynamics, emphasizing the importance of each person's role in navigating democratic reform in an increasingly interdependent and polarized world.
... Bodoland's experiment of creating a sui generis model of asymmetric federal structure lies in its timing of negotiation, rather than the nature of its armed struggle. Sisk (1996) [52] argues that "timely negotiation of autonomy that successfully addresses and accommodates selfdetermination claims with a robust power sharing model, is more likely to promote peace". This approach is seen to be effective before the self-determination turn into independence/homeland movements. ...
... Bodoland's experiment of creating a sui generis model of asymmetric federal structure lies in its timing of negotiation, rather than the nature of its armed struggle. Sisk (1996) [52] argues that "timely negotiation of autonomy that successfully addresses and accommodates selfdetermination claims with a robust power sharing model, is more likely to promote peace". This approach is seen to be effective before the self-determination turn into independence/homeland movements. ...
This article explores the use of asymmetric autonomies as territorial management strategy to accommodate questions of self-determination in multi-ethnic societies like India. It examines the institutional arrangements in Northeast India, presenting a comparative study of Assam and Manipur. The Indian Constitution’s provisions granting different levels of autonomy to tribal groups are analyzed. Despite the relative success of territorial management in promoting self-governance and accommodating sub regionalism, challenges persist, particularly in balancing ethnic identity and territorial claims. In an attempt to present a nuanced understanding of asymmetric autonomies, Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and Manipur Hill areas are studied to understand the divergent nature of territorial management in addressing ethnic self-rule demands. In addition, the paper seeks to understand how different levels of autonomies have created varied political outcomes, in the case of Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in Northeast India, highlighting the complexities and effectiveness of asymmetric federalism
... 2) Power Sharing Power sharing, appropriately organized, can support balance and debilitate radicalism. Power sharing builds stability and reduce violence [48]. ...
In this article, different factors that impact organization leadership has been described, and how it effects leadership effectiveness is examined. Different sixty articles have been studied to find integrative model on effective leadership in organization. The aim of the model is to study all the important aspects that builds effective leadership in the organization.
... The third model is power-sharing, where powers are shared between various ethnic groups (Horowitz, 2014;Sisk, 1996). This model is sometimes called the ‗consociational model' (Lijphart, 1969: 207). ...
... Culturally sensitive development programs are needed to specifically address indigenous women's concerns. It also harnesses their contributions to improve livelihoods, governance, and stability (Sisk, 1996). The contribution made by women's groups such as Meira Paibis from Manipur, Mahila Samitis from Assam and Naga mothers association in addressing structural inequities need to be documented The intersectional discrimination not only hampers the advancement and well-being of women but also perpetuates gender inequality and ethnic marginalization. ...
This paper critically explores the application of Anti-Oppressive Practice (AOP) within the social work practices in Northeast India to challenge historical and contemporary forms of social injustice. It emphasizes the pivotal role AOP can play to mitigate the adverse effects of conflict, human rights violations, and discriminatory policies on ethnic and vulnerable communities. The need for culturally tailored and indigenous approaches in social work is highlighted to promote social equity and integration. This paper charts the development of social work education in the region and advocates for AOP in the social work educational framework and practice for comprehensive development. With the help of secondary sources, case studies and case illustrations from the region are presented in order to build the scope of practice. The paper underscores the systematic oppressive practices in the region and advocates for inclusion of pedagogical understanding of the region in social work education and practice. The paper proposes scope of AOP in the region and advocates for strategic interventions policy reforms in the region to foster social justice, equality, and community empowerment. The paper further emphasizes for more empirical research and community-specific strategies.
... In this context, decision-making is based on a consensus of coalitions that are widely inclusive, thus transcending strict ethnic boundaries. The central issue is the search for those institutions and practices that create an incentive structure for ethnic groups to negotiate their differences via the legitimate institutions of a common democratic state (Sisk 1996). Put differently, we might ask: what form should an inclusive and moderate democracy take in a deeply divided society like Myanmar? ...
... The accommodation framework, in contrast, considers the public recognition and accommodation of diversity and heterogeneity as enduring values which are crucial to 'hold together' deeply divided societies (McGarry et al. 2008;Hausing 2022;Stepan et al. 2011). The ability of multinational states to forestall centrifugalism and secessionism on the one hand and their ability to hold together deeply divided societies on the other hand is attributed to their capacity and willingness to timely recognize and accommodate the self-rule or self-determination claims of territorially concentrated groups (Sisk 1996;Cederman et al. 2015;Anderson 2016;Erk/Anderson 2009;Gagnon/Gregoire 2015). Confronted by linguistic and cultural diversity, multinational states around the world envision diverse institutional arrangements to recognize and territorially accommodate the self-rule and/or self-determination claims of territorially mobilised groups, such as the Walloons and Flemings in Belgium, Quebecois in Canada, and Telugu, Gujarati, Marathi, Tamils, and Punjabi -among others -in India. ...
Auch die 24. Ausgabe des Jahrbuchs ist ein breit angelegtes Kompendium, das den Leser:innen – primär in Politik, Verwaltung, Wissenschaft, Forschung, Lehre, Studium sowie in der interessierten Öffentlichkeit – in 36 Beiträgen einen aktuellen und zusammenfassenden Überblick über verschiedene Aspekte föderaler und regionaler Struktur und Politik bietet. Im Schwerpunkt beleuchtet das Jahrbuch 2023 das Thema „Krisen-Föderalismus“. Dabei wird untersucht, ob es in Mehrebenensysteme beim Umgang mit Krisen und Katastrophen – angesichts der verfassungsmäßigen Aufteilung von Kompetenzen und Ressourcen auf den unterschiedlichen Politik- und Verwaltungsebenen – zu einem „Lösungswettbewerb“ oder „kollektiver Krisenbewältigung“ kommt. Mit Beiträgen von Elisabeth Alber | Thomas Birkland | Luisa Burgmer | Peter Bußjäger | Christian Calliess | Federica Cittadino | Claus-Peter Clostermeyer | Lisa Damaschke-Deitrick | Rob DeLeo | Harald Eberhard | Leon Eckert | Mathias Eller | Annegret Eppler | Lucas Flath | Anna Gamper | Michael Gehler | Alexander Gorskiy | Martin Große Hüttmann | Marius Guderjan | Sibel Yasemin Gürler | Armin Hatje | Kham Khan Suan Hausing | Eva Heidbreder | Mario Hesse | Tobias Heyduk | Anna-Lena Hollo | Jaroslaw Jańczak | Jörg Kemmerzell | Alexander Kille | Michèle Knodt | Mario Kölling | Markus Kotzur | Marco Krüger | Matthias Lemke | Celine Matthies | Ela Moussa | Uliana Movchan | Julia Nelles | Julia Oberdanner | Wolfgang Petzold | Katharina Platzer | Klaus Poier | Iris Reus | Henrik Scheller | Johanna Schnabel | Antonios Souris | Tim Starke | Christian Stecker | Moritz Stockmar | Roland Sturm | Edina Szöscik | Kristin Taylor | Hendrik Träger | Monika Vierheilig | Carolin Zwilling
... The most challenging task in this phase is to achieve a meaningful demobilization and disarmament of rebel groups as a way of eliminating the choice to relapse into violence (Spear, 2002;Schulhofer-Wohl and Sambanis, 2010). At the same time, the strength of the peace agreements is often linked to the provisions that manage to adequately address the underlying grievances that instigated the rebellion and provide power-sharing mechanisms that would grant access to decision-making roles to former rebel groups (Sisk, 1996;Hampson, 1996;Hartzell and Hoddie, 2015). ...
Purpose
This study aims to explore the role of rebel group legitimacy and ideology in durable peace (DP) following peace agreements to end civil wars. It builds on earlier research showing that justice and civil society involvement are critical in achieving DP. This study adds the impacts of rebel group activities and support on DP. Activities include service delivery and mobilization. Support is gauged with outcomes of presidential and parliamentary elections held following peace agreements.
Design/methodology/approach
Five data sets were used to measure the key variables: DP, inclusive commissions (IC), legitimacy symmetry (electoral outcomes), service delivery and ideological mobilization. A measure of rebel group integration in the political system was also constructed. Impacts of the integration, legitimacy and ideology variables were assessed with a hierarchical regression model (HRM). This study begins with a base model drawn from earlier research showing the key predictors were procedural justice (PJ) and IC. The authors ask about the extent to which the rebel group variables contribute additional variance to the prediction of DP.
Findings
The main contributors to the prediction of DP were PJ, IC and integration in the political system. None of the legitimacy or mobilization variables added significant variance to the prediction. Only one of the mobilization variables, forced recruitment, was significant. The decision to integrate into the political system following the agreement did not mediate the relationship between PJ in the negotiation process and DP. Results of a factor analysis showed that DP, PJ, IC and integration formed a cluster with strong loadings on the first factor.
Research limitations/implications
The negative results for the legitimacy and mobilization variables may not be the last word on rebel group influences. Lack of support for the key hypotheses spurs attempts to discover other sources that contribute to the survival of rebel group actors in the political system and, in turn, to DP.
Practical implications
The issues raised by this study contribute to debates about ways to attain peaceful relations among competing groups following a civil war. It appears that attention to factors inside and around the negotiation process (PJ, ICs and conversion) may be more important than rebel group activities outside of these processes. The results call attention, in particular, to the important role played by political integration. From a policy perspective, it would be useful to develop levers for encouraging rebel groups to emerge as political actors in the post-agreement environment.
Originality/value
Developing measures of the symmetry of rebel group legitimacy and integration in the context of a comparative case study are the primary original contributions of this study. Furthermore, the mode of analysis (HRM) is novel in this literature. This approach builds on and extends the earlier research on factors influencing DP.
... 38 Bauzon, "The Philippines: The 1996 Peace Agreement for the Southern Philippines: An Assessment." 39 Gurr, Why Men Rebel; Regan, Sixteen Million One: Understanding Civil War. resolution approaches particularly in governance disputes have increasingly turned toward utilizing various forms of power-sharing (Sisk, 1996), while forms of local autonomy on either a short or long-term basis can characterize secessionist agreements. Political power-sharing provisions, such as those that provide a certain number of seats for opposition or a devolution of power in the form of federalism, allow those that felt politically marginalized to obtain a certain level of participation in the governing process. ...
... Together, these between-group and within-group strategic interactions produce a toxic brew of distrust and suspicious that can explode into murderous violence. , 1985); also Sisk (1996); Arend Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999); Andrew Reynolds, "Majoritarian or Power-sharing Government." in Crepaz, Koelble and Wilsford eds., (2000) comparative institutionalism suggest that certain institutions that cultivate and nurture power sharing could be keys to avoid violent conflicts between ethnic groups. 12) ...
... Although mediation is good thing to do, it seems that sometimes it goes beyond its limitation and the mediation efforts get biased. Sisk (1996) points out that when the mediator goes beyond their role of making negotiations easy for the conflicting parties and supports power sharing solution, the process engages choosing sides. Stressing that the biased mediators are important, Svensson (2013) argues that there are situations where biased mediators do better than the neutral mediators. ...
... to the political establishment in order to pull parties toward moderation and reinforce the center of a deeply divided spectrum (Sisk, 1996). Proponents of centripetalism believe that consociationalism reinforces ethnic identities by creating a landscape of political mobilization that occurs on the basis of segmental identities, allowing parties to organize themselves strictly on an identity basis (Choudhry, 2008, p. 17). ...
Territorial and institutional settlements—from federalism and regional autonomy to consociationalism, centripetalism, and other forms of power-sharing—represent leading strategies by which to end protracted ethnicized conflicts. Yet there remains considerable debate as to the long-term merits of such approaches. Does consociationalism entrench divisions and immobilize government decision-making? Is federalism merely a precursor to secession? Or are territorial and institutional settlements the best prospect by which to deliver peace, democracy, and stability to deeply divided societies? The debate remains unsettled.
Two main iterations of the debate regarding institutional design choices in divided societies in the Global South can be identified: one—accommodation versus integration—tends to present the options in zero-sum terms. In these earlier stages of the debate, consociationalism and centripetalism are frequently cast as opposing and irreconcilable forms of government in deeply divided societies (e.g., consociationalism versus centripetalism). Later scholarship tracks a different approach. In the second iteration—what can be labeled the turn to hybridity—scholars have shifted toward emphasizing their compatibility (e.g., consociationalism and centripetalism) or charting a path between them (consociationalism, then centripetalism).
Beyond scholarly debates, institutional and territorial settlements in the Global South, including from across Latin and South America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, exhibit a wide variety of forms and manifestations, some of which support accommodation while others tend toward integration.
... to the political establishment in order to pull parties toward moderation and reinforce the center of a deeply divided spectrum (Sisk, 1996). Proponents of centripetalism believe that consociationalism reinforces ethnic identities by creating a landscape of political mobilization that occurs on the basis of segmental identities, allowing parties to organize themselves strictly on an identity basis (Choudhry, 2008, p. 17). ...
Territorial and institutional settlements—from federalism and regional autonomy to consociationalism, centripetalism, and other forms of power-sharing—represent leading strategies by which to end protracted ethnicized conflicts. Yet there remains considerable debate as to the long-term merits of such approaches. Does consociationalism entrench divisions and immobilize government decision-making? Is federalism merely a precursor to secession? Or are territorial and institutional settlements the best prospect by which to deliver peace, democracy, and stability to deeply divided societies? The debate remains unsettled.
Two main iterations of the debate regarding institutional design choices in divided societies in the Global South can be identified: one—accommodation versus integration—tends to present the options in zero-sum terms. In these earlier stages of the debate, consociationalism and centripetalism are frequently cast as opposing and irreconcilable forms of government in deeply divided societies (e.g., consociationalism versus centripetalism). Later scholarship tracks a different approach. In the second iteration—what can be labeled the turn to hybridity—scholars have shifted toward emphasizing their compatibility (e.g., consociationalism and centripetalism) or charting a path between them (consociationalism, then centripetalism).
Beyond scholarly debates, institutional and territorial settlements in the Global South, including from across Latin and South America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, exhibit a wide variety of forms and manifestations, some of which support accommodation while others tend toward integration.
... A fragmented state and a feeble federation meant that Croats could govern their own futures without being constrained by ineffective official institutions and businesses run and maintained by Serbs, given their longstanding hostility to Hapsburg administration. However, nationality disputes may have been settled via democratic institutions in a confederation, collective privileges for minorities, systems of political participation in elections, and collective decision-making procedures in assemblies that would safeguard the voices of minorities and favor coalitions over majority rule (Sisk 1996). These changes would have made it difficult for nationalist leaders to enlist the support of the populace. ...
The brutal conflicts in Bosnia-Hercegovina were the reminder of chaos and upheaval which dominated post Cold War World. The fall of Soviet Union and resulting shifts in international security did not created the ‘New World Order’ that was envisaged by many, rather it was a rampant security disorder that stayed for long. At the core of this has been massive increase in communal, religious and ethnic violence. Governments and people released from former Soviet rule swept by new democratic wave began to take up slogans of nationalism. In some instance, this was peaceful arising such as split of Czechoslovakia. In other cases like Yugoslavia, Georgia and Azerbaijan nationalist sentiment exploded violently. Europe and its surroundings had not seen bloodshed of this scale since World War II. The break up of huge empires invariably resulted in periods of general political instability and intense nationalism. In remote troubled areas like Angola and Somalia where nationalism had lesser role, experts predicted outbreak of conflict. As the cold War was over these regions lost immediate strategic importance, as a result inter ethnic conflicts emerged in tribal regions. These conflicts were protracted and international community remained reluctant to intervene. An example of such conflict is Bosnia, where wide array of local and international factors resulted in conflicts. This article attempts to thoroughly examine the factors responsible for the conflict. Moreover, it also sheds light on the role played by international actors that either amplified or resolved the conflict. For this purpose, the study adopted a qualitative approach (i.e. using the existing body of literature-books, newspapers, and journal articles to draw conclusion). Keywords: Bosnia-Hercegovina, conflict, war, religion, political, ethnicities
... 14 When high-stakes events such as elections or crises like economic shocks and natural disasters occur, they easily become destabilizing because insecurity and political uncertainty can lead rival leaders and ordinary people to take the situation into their own hands through violence. 15 In societies that lack enforceable norms or procedures for managing such episodes and channeling their public expression, these events and crises may evoke outbreaks of hostility, counterreactions, and recurrent conflicts. ...
... Power sharing is intended as practical policy advice as well. For instance, researchers of the United States of Peace have explored alternative power sharing arrangements to solve ethnic conflicts (Sisk 1996), while the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance has issued a handbook that provides policy advice for negotiators to promote democracy in societies with violent ethnic conflicts (Harris and Reilly 1998), both advising some power sharing institutions as a political prescription. ...
What factors contribute to the establishment of ethnically inclusive governments and what ethnic groups enjoy from such inclusion? Although its benevolent effects have been under scrutiny in the voluminous literature on democratization on civil wars, how to arrive at an ethnically inclusive polity has only received scarce attention. This thesis focuses on the dynamics of interethnic cooperation. More precisely, it explores the factors that lead to more ethnically inclusive governments (i.e., power-sharing coalitions) in divided societies and factors that affect the stability of such governments. Overall, the study argues that elite behavior is key to understanding the dynamics of interethnic cooperation and that such behavior is conditioned by the particular ethno-political context in which the elites operate. Once ethno-political factors are entered into the equation, unlike what classical studies of power sharing suggest, formal political institutions should have little or no influence on the formation of ethnically more inclusive governments. The ethno-political factors particularly relate to “ethno-demographic distribution of the population” and “the record of interethnic relations” in each polity. At the level of its actors, the study maintains that the characteristics of ethnic groups have a decisive effect on the likelihood of their inclusion at the political center. In particular, these factors concern the so-called overlapping or reinforcing identity cleavages between ethnic groups and their relative mobilizational capacity.
To test the claims, this study employs a quantitative analysis involving over 100 countries for the years between 1946 and 2017. The analyses situate at both the country- and group-level to reveal a more complete picture of ethnic inclusion and the functioning of the “structural” determinants as well as the operation of its actual “actors” (i.e., ethnic elites). The results confirm the expectations as well as the plausibility of the hypotheses on the effects of the ethno-political factors with respect to the making and maintaining of ethnic inclusion. Overall, the empirical analyses suggest that varying ethno-political contexts of countries and actor characteristics can better explain the variation in ethnic inclusion and the stability of ethnic regimes in that the same ethnic groups remain in power. More precisely, the empirical analyses reveal three main findings. First, at the country-level, the level of ethnic inclusion is lower in ethnically more divided countries as well as in the context of ongoing ethnic violence. In contrast, the previous experiences of inter-ethnic cooperation foster the level of ethnic inclusion. Second, at the group-level, multiple identity cleavages between the ruling group and a given ethnic group decrease its likelihood of being included in the state apparatus, whereas more populous ethnic groups are more likely to make it into the governing circle. Third, and finally, so-called survival analysis shows that the higher levels of ethnic inclusion promote the stability of the ethnic composition of governments. In contrast, the underrepresentation of a coalition partner decreases the stability of such regimes. The study concludes by discussing the theoretical and implications of these results and delivers suggestions for future research.
... 7 The following are the outlets included in the Commission's decision: the Ammanbased Dijlah TV and Anb TV, the Dubai-based Al-Sharqiya TV, the Saudi-funded Al-Arabiya Al-Hadath, the US-funded Radio Sawa, the Sulaymaniyah-based NRT News and Radio Nawa, and the Baghdad-based Al-Rasheed TV, Al-Fallujah, Hona Baghdad, Radio Al-Nas and Radio Al-Youm (CPJ 2019). 8 Advocates of the integrative power-sharing model call on Donald Horowitz (1985) and propose a system capable of mitigating the negative effects of pure consociationalism (Sisk 1996;Ben Reilly 2001;Reynolds 2002). They call for: the introduction of centripetal institutional mechanisms that encourage moderation and avoid polarising tendencies in electoral campaigning (attracting votes from different constituencies); an arena of bargaining capable of creating space for compromise; and party or coalition politics of a centrist type. ...
... Сообщественная демократия основывается на большой коалиции, сформированной после выборов, в то время как центростремительный подход ищет стимулы для формирования межэтнических коалиций до выборов. Т.Сиск отмечает, что в идеале должны быть созданы мультэтнические партии, объединенные на основе широких идеологических платформ (Sisk, 1996). Теоретические аргументы, поддерживающие тезис об опасности этнических партий, были представлены в работе Э. Рабушки и К. Шепсле (Rabushka & Shepsle, 1972). ...
Ethnic parties are representing the interests of ethnic groups in politics. There is a debate in political science about whether ethnic parties are catalysts for ethnic conflict. The purpose of the article is to provide a critical review of contemporary theoretical and empirical arguments about the relations between ethnic conflicts and ethnic parties. The author focuses on theoretical arguments of supporters of the model of consensus democracy (consociationalism) and supporters of the centripetal model of multiethnic states’ institutions. These models see the roles of ethnic parties differently. Consensus model of democracy presupposes active ethnic representation with ethnic parties, while the centripetal model proposes to incorporate ethnic parties into nationwide pre-electoral coalitions. The article proves that these models do not contradict each other, but only describe different institutional designs that can be used in different circumstances. Comparing theoretical and empirical arguments, the author of the article shows that the connection between ethnic parties and ethnic conflicts is found in the context of institutional restrictions on the possibility of including ethnic groups in politics and the lack of cooperation between the elites of ethnic groups
... Sa druge strane, konstitutivni znači da je taj narod državotvoran, ali samo u zajednici sa ostalim konstitutivnim narodima, da je ustavotvoran, to jeste da se bez njega ne mogu donijeti bitne odluke, kao što su donošenje ili izmjena ustava, dok u sociološkom smislu navedeni pojam znači da je narod osnovni dio nekog društva (Ibid. [49][50]. ...
U radu se analizira ustavnopravni položaj Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) između ustavnog nacionalizma i ljudskih prava. Evropski sud za ljudska prava (ESLjP) je u presudama Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH te Zornić protiv BiH utvrdio da Ustav BiH nije u skladu sa Evropskom konvencijom o ljudskim pravima i temeljnim slobodama (EKLjP). Naime, privilegiranje tri konstitutivna naroda u Ustavu BiH, ESLjP je ocijenio kao suprotno zabrani diskriminacije koja je propisana EKLjP-om. U tom smislu, u radu se analizira da li je trenutni bosanskohercegovački ustavni model oblik konsocijacijske demokratije ili ustavnog nacionalizma? Autori analiziraju presude ESLjP-a u smislu (ne)postojanja legitimnog cilja za održavanje diskriminatornih odredbi u Ustavu BiH. Također, analizira se važnost implementacije presuda ESLjP-a za budućnost vladavine prava u BiH. Ključne riječi: ustavni nacionalizam; ljudska prava; ESLjP; EKLjP; konsocijacijska demokratija UVOD Ustav BiH sadrži dvije značajne karakteristike koje mogu u određenim okolnostima biti, a u ovom slučaju i jesu, dijametralno suprotne. Ovdje govorimo o specifičnoj zaštiti kolektivnih prava i zaštiti individualnih prava pojedinca. Ustavni sistem BiH prepoznaje obje navedene zaštite, pa tako se kolektivna zaštita ogleda u specifično određenim pravima koja pripadaju samo konstitutivnim narodima, dok se zaštita Benjamin Nurkić, Suad Murselović Između ustavnog nacionalizma i ljudskih prava-budućnost vladavine prava u Bosni i Hercegovini? DHS 1 (18) (2022), 361-394
... Sa druge strane, konstitutivni znači da je taj narod državotvoran, ali samo u zajednici sa ostalim konstitutivnim narodima, da je ustavotvoran, to jeste da se bez njega ne mogu donijeti bitne odluke, kao što su donošenje ili izmjena ustava, dok u sociološkom smislu navedeni pojam znači da je narod osnovni dio nekog društva (Ibid. [49][50]. ...
This paper analyzes the constitutional position of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) between constitutional nationalism and human rights. In its judgments in Sejdić and Finci v. BiH, and Zornić v. BiH, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) found that the BiH Constitution was not in line with the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR). Namely, the privilege of the three constituent peoples in the Constitution of BiH, the ECHR was assessed as contrary to the prohibited discrimination prescribed by the ECHR. In this sense, the paper analyzes the current Bosnian constitutional model of a form of consociational democracy or constitutional nationalism. The authors analyze the presumption of the ECtHR in terms of the (non) existence of a legitimate goal for maintaining discriminatory provisions in the Constitution of BiH. Also, the paper analyzes the importance of the implementation of the ECtHR judgment for the future of the rule of law in BiH.
... Um die Massen der singhalesischen Wähler zu gewinnen, erwies es sich für die singhalesische Elite als äußerst vorteilhaft, ein ethnic-outbidding der Tamilen zu betreiben (vgl. Sisk 1996) und Ethnizität zwecks Mobilisierung der Bevölkerung zu politisieren. Nicht nur wirtschaftliche Faktoren, sondern ebenfalls der Organisations-und Wahlmodus des demokratischen Systems legte also einen Ausschluss der Tamilen nahe. ...
... Power-sharing is an enduring fixture among institutional arrangements for mitigating political tensions in diverse democratic societies (Lijphart 1968, Andeweg 2000Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer 2010), and it also plays a prominent role among mechanisms for peacebuilding after violence (Sisk 1996;Hartzell and Mehler 2019;Hartzell and Hoddie 2020). Power-sharing takes different forms, including political, territorial, military, and economic, and operates at different levels: national, regional, and local. ...
Power-sharing is a widely recognized strategy for reaching durable settlements to civil wars with center-periphery and identity-based cleavages. However, in practice, power-sharing arrangements are often violated when one side exploits windows of opportunity for power-grabs. We examine public support for power-sharing versus power-grabbing in the context of sectarian and center-peripheral power struggles over control of local policing in Mosul, Iraq. In a survey experiment conducted with over 1000 respondents in both Mosul and Baghdad, we explore whether individuals believe that security in Mosul, in the aftermath of Islamic State (ISIS) occupation, is enhanced or reduced under varying power-sharing versus power-grabbing treatments. With respect to policing, we find that both Iraqi Sunnis in Mosul and Shia in Baghdad regard one-sided power-grabs as security-enhancing and opposing-side power-grabs as security reducing relative to joint power-sharing. Overall, our results underscore the challenges of finding common ground on power-sharing mechanisms for peacebuilding after insurgent violence.
... Moti (2012) sees power-sharing as a mechanism for settling disputes regarding who should occupy the most influential position in a political system through the joint exercise of power, which is designed to enable unity and integration. It provides the majority and minority groups in the polity with the ability to represent and make decisions on common concerns including a level of autonomy over subjects relevant to the groups (Sisk, 1996). The adoption of an appropriate power-sharing arrangement is often seen as a political remedy for societies endangered by civil conflicts because it ensures that conflicting parties are accommodated and included in a joint coalition government (Binningsbo, 2013). ...
The theory of consociationalism has been extensively discussed in literature; however , its feasibility in managing conflicts in deeply divided societies is heavily contested. The few studies that have examined how the theory applies in real-world situations remain inconclusive. The present work, therefore, explored the prospect of consociational power-sharing model in addressing the problem of under-representation, political exclusion, and marginalization in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the incessant separatist agitations in Nigeria, which has undermined the peace, stability, and unity of the country. Using qualitatively analyzed data from secondary sources, this study argues that even though Nigeria does not meet any of the favorable conditions of consociationalism set out by Lijphart (1985), it would still benefit from consociational power-sharing. The study proposes the adoption of semi-presidentialism based on the principle of grand coalition and proportionality and gives an assessment of how it could work for Nigeria. It contends that the rotation of power among the six geo-political zones in the country and the adoption of proportional sequential mechanism would facilitate elite cooperation and inclusion of all segments of the society in the political process, thereby easing the fear of sectional domination in Nigeria.
... two seminal works by Donald L. Horowitz (1985, 1991a). See also Sisk (1996). ...
... In the course of the last years many scholars have been conducting research on international mediation (Frei 1976;Zartman and Touval 1985;Stedman 1991;Sisk 1996Sisk , 2009Bercovitch 1996Bercovitch , 2011Kleiboer 1996;De Soto 1999;Walter 2002;Bercovitch and DeRouen 2004;Doyle and Sambanis 2006;Zartman 2007;Savun 2008;Clayton 2013;Wallensteen 2011;Wallensteen and Svensson 2014). They all focus on mediation effectiveness and conceptualize mediation success differently from each other. ...
Recent studies on international mediation have mainly focused on the impact of mediation on armed intra-state conflicts, emphasizing successfully completed ceasefires and peace agreements. Scholars have largely neglected the important part which mediation has played in implementing peace agreements. Accordingly, this dissertation aims at closing the research gap, analysing the impact of "pure" and "power" mediation on the successful implementation of peace agreements. To explain why some agreements have been successfully implemented, whereas others have experienced less progress, one should duly acknowledge the third-party mediators' performance involving various qualities such as leverage power, facilitation, communication, monitoring, dispute resolution, confidence-building, providing security and spoiler prevention, planning timetable and arranging financial support for the implementation process. This study demonstrates that multiple power mediators (the UK and the Republic of Ireland in Ulster) and multiple pure mediators (the UN and COPAZ in El Salvador) are mutually supportive in the successful implementation of peace agreements. They are by far more successful than a singly acting pure mediator (Organization of Islamic Cooperation in Mindanao) or a single power mediator (Syrian Arab Republic in Lebanon). My thesis conducts a case analysis and likewise a comparative case analysis of four comprehensive peace agreements, revealing the two highest and the two lowest degrees of implementation. It takes extensive account of the difficult conditions under which governments and rebels have implemented peace agreements supported by international mediators. It thus reinforces the theories and practice of international mediation, of implementing peace agreements and of sustainable peace. Failed implementation leads to humanitarian disasters such as in Angola, Rwanda, Liberia and Sierra Leone.
... By encouraging numerical representation, favorable policies, and elite cooperation with ethnic minorities, citizens will have their voices heard and develop "a sense of shared belonging" with ethnic outgroup citizens (OSCE, 2012, 18). Pressure from the international community along these lines often results in leaders engaging in ethnic accommodation of minority groups, with the international community hoping that citizens' views about the outgroup will improve as a result (Hartzell and Hoddie, 2003;Rothchild, 1997;Sisk, 1996). ...
Can country leaders improve citizens’ ethnic outgroup views by changing ethnic representation in government? Years of pressure from the international community calling for leaders to make particularly their cabinets more ethnically representative seems to suggest that ethnic representation—conceptualized as descriptive and substantive representation and ministerial cooperation—is key to improving citizens’ outgroup views. I argue that increasing ethnic representation influences majority and minority citizens differently; minority citizens’ outgroup views will become more favorable, while majority citizens’ views will worsen. Using a pre-registered vignette experiment with ethnic Albanians and Macedonians in North Macedonia, I show that ethnic representation does not provide the improvements in outgroup relations that many have hoped. Both groups’ affect toward and perceptions of the cabinet change somewhat, but increasing ethnic representation does not improve overall outgroup attitudes. These results suggest that ethnic representation alone does not lead to more productive interethnic relationships.
In this article the author analyzes the term “power sharing” (PS) in the context of power exercised within a state. He first examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of power sharing between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic power sharing by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria such as common ancestors, relatives, or racial background, and / or cultural ones such as a common language, religion, or celebrations. The basic segmental units in this sense are nations (understood in the sociological sense), ethnic groups, or religious and denominational communities that form part of divided societies. Third, the article shows the differences between the principal models (types) of PS in the narrow sense: consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power sharing.
This article examines the formation of Telangana as an illustrative case to show the possibility and limits of using Article 3 of India’s Constitution as an instrument of federal rescue and accommodation of territorially concentrated groups who are at the receiving end of political marginalization and perceived oppressive rule by dominant kin ethnolinguistic groups. Drawing from the existing literature on the politics of recognition and redistribution in multinational federations, it argues that far from investing the Centre with a unilateral power to make or break States, Article 3 entails a far more complex and multilevel federal interactive process. Given that the norms, rules, and procedures of making or breaking States entailed in Article 3 are never definitive, the formation of Telangana demonstrates that State formation in India is contingent on political opportunity structures which emerge from the alignment of complex interests and agendas of multiple actors.
This essay examines Venezuelan political elite behavior and how decisionmakers might contemplate power-sharing as a means to restore the nation-state. The article delves into the challenges and prospects of adopting power-sharing as a strategy not only for peacekeeping but also, crucially, peace-making processes. Starting with an overall assessment of Venezuelan democracy, the paper identifies factors that may hinder consociational democracy. It then analyzes sociopolitical elements favoring autocracy and partitocracy before discussing current challenges and opportunities for effective power-sharing. It highlights the role of Venezuelan elites and the persistent issue of elite non-circulation as critical factors in the ongoing political deadlock. Additionally, it explores the relationship between democracy, state-building, and the impact of autocratization
SEEKING INDEPENDENCE: DE FACTO ETHNIC AUTONOMIES IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV SPACE The violent breakup of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in the early 1990s meant that the link between territorial autonomy and accommodation of groups in the post-communist world has been regarded almost uncritically as an anathema and a threat to the territorial integrity of the state. Nevertheless, territorial solutions are still taken into consideration as suggested tools for regulating ethnic and national tensions – in the post-communist area, three forms of their implementation can be identified: federalism and formally existing autonomous regions; decentralisation, which can be reduced to classical self-government with a strong ethnic component (e.g., Macedonia); and de facto ethnic autonomies based either on formal structures, as in the case of Macedonia, or informal ones, as in the cases of Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having said that, the aim of this article is to compare these three de facto ethnic autonomies, i.e. structures existing outside formal territorial arrangements, that have been developed in the post-conflict and post-Yugoslav space: Serb in Kosovo, Albanian in Macedonia and Croat in Bosnia. Moreover, I also assume that their level of autonomy depends on the policies and support of kin states connected to these entities by ethno-national ties.
This chapter employs a comparative perspective to analyze the practice of power-sharing in the Global South. The contrast between the European phenomenon of power-sharing, which employs institutions that stem from consociational and consensus models of conflict management, and the Global South’s use of power-sharing as a means of ending civil wars forms the central basis of this comparison. Focusing on the role that intrastate conflict has played in shaping the Global South’s approach to power-sharing, the chapter describes the types of power-sharing measures that have been adopted by a variety of countries in the Global South. This forms the basis for a discussion of the implications that power-sharing arrangements have had for who exercises power as well as some of the political and economic effects they have generated. The chapter concludes by describing trends in the adoption and evolution of power-sharing institutions in the Global South, noting what these might imply for the future of power-sharing in the Global South.
Recognizing and accommodating diverse ethnic, religious, and language identities has become the new feature of twenty-first-century politics. In many parts of the world, people are mobilizing around old grievances involving ethnic, religious, or cultural identities and demanding acknowledgment and recognition by a wider society. They are protesting discrimination, marginalization from social and economic opportunities, and demanding social justice. Political scholars and leaders have long argued against explicit recognition of cultural identities because they pose threats to social harmony. Effective constitutions have two basic elements: A system of government with a set of institutions to make and implement laws and policies and people’s shared acceptance that the constitution is authoritative. Authoritarian constitutions are window dressing that provide lip service to the rule of law and other fundamental freedoms without the intention to enforce them.
Suriye’de 2011 yılından bu yana farklı beklenti ve hedeflere sahip birçok aktörün dahil olduğu bir iç savaş yaşanmaktadır. Yüzbinlerce insanın hayatına mal olan bu savaş ve çatışmaların sosyoekonomik ve politik birçok nedeni olmakla birlikte esas belirleyici nedenini, Suriye’deki otoriter rejimin on yıllardan beri uygulamış olduğu etno-mezhepsel politikalar oluşturmaktadır. Suriye’deki çatışmaların sona erdirilmesi ve barışın sağlanması için çözüm mekanizmalarına ve yeni bir anayasal düzene yönelik çabalar, savaşın patlak vermesinden itibaren başlamıştır. Ancak bu çaba ve girişimler henüz barış inşası ve anayasal tasarım adına olumlu bir sonuç vermemiştir. Bu makale, Suriye’deki savaşın ve çatışmaların genel yapısını ve niteliklerini, tarihsel ve toplumsal nedenlerini analiz ederek bu çatışmaları sonlandıracak, barış, demokrasi ve istikrarı inşa edecek olası bir anayasal tasarımın ve barış anlaşmasının temel ilkelerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Suriye’nin muhtemel bir barış inşası ve anayasal tasarımı için teorik bir zemin sunması maksadıyla bu çalışmanın ilk bölümünde çatışmalı ve/veya bölünmüş toplumlarda anayasal tasarım ve barış inşasına yönelik genel bir inceleme yapılacaktır. İkinci bölümde ise ilk olarak Suriye’deki çatışmaların genel yapısı, aktörleri ve toplumsal nitelikleri analiz edildikten sonra tarihsel ve siyasal arka planına bakılacaktır. Akabinde Suriye’de çatışma çözümü, barış inşası ve anayasal tasarıma yönelik çabalar ele alınacaktır. Bu kısmın sonunda Suriye’de çatışmadan barışa geçişi sağlayacak bir barış antlaşmasının ve anayasal tasarımın temel çerçevesi/ilkeleri ile ilk bölümde sunulan genel inceleme arasında bağ kurulacaktır.
The functioning of Belgium relies on the power-sharing of Flemish and Francophone
politicians. As this collaboration often proves to be particularly hard, the governability of Belgium and the feasibility of power-sharing is regularly questioned. In this respect, observers and scholars typically point towards the impact of the decentralization reforms that transformed Belgium into a peculiar federation. Decentralization is often promoted as a tool for conflict management, but according to the ‘paradox of federalism’, it might exacerbate tensions and undermine stability. As the debate goes on, a solid empirical view on the ethno-territorial clashes that burden everyday power-sharing is yet to be presented. This doctoral dissertation aims to address this lacuna. It sheds unprecedented light on over 1,000 cabinet conflicts in Belgium (1979-2018). Studying their characteristics, evolutions, outcomes, and several conflict determinants, two questions are tackled. (1) How did the ethno-territorial conflict in Belgian power-sharing cabinets evolve? (2) And how did decentralization impact this conflict? The results disprove the paradox thesis on all levels. There are fewer ethno-territorial clashes than in the past, the ones that still arise have a friendlier face, the pacification trends are statistically related to decentralization, and hollowing out the central level did not burden the process of conflict resolution in the long run. In making sense of these results, the author provides some counterweight to conventional views on bipolar federalism, the political incentives in split party systems, and the idea that the Belgian federal level has been emptied to a problematic degree.
What determines which identity cleavage, ethnicity or religion, is mobilized in political contestation, be it peaceful or violent? In contrast to common predictions that the greatest contention occurs where identities are fully segmented, most identity conflicts in the world are between ethnic groups that share religion. Alternatives in Mobilization builds on the literature about political demography to address this seeming contradiction. The book proposes that variation in relative group size and intersection of cleavages help explain conundrums in the mobilization of identity, across transgressive and contained political settings. This theory is tested cross-nationally on identity mobilization in civil war and across violent conflict in Pakistan, Uganda, Nepal and Turkey, and peaceful electoral politics in Indonesia. This book helps illustrate a more accurate and improved picture of the ethnic and religious tapestry of the world and addresses an increasing need for a better understanding of how religion contributes to conflict.
Das Buch vergleicht drei multiethnische Gesellschaften Süd- und Südostasiens - die Philippinen, Sri Lanka und Malaysia - in Bezug auf deren Fähigkeit, interethnische Konflikte gewaltarm zu bearbeiten. Gezeigt wird, dass weder Multiethnizität Gewalt befördert, noch dass eine demokratische Regierungsform als Allheilmittel zur Zivilisierung des interethnischen Konfliktaustrags gelten kann. Vielmehr kommt dem Faktor Kultur eine zentrale Rolle sowohl für die Wege in die Gewalt als auch für deren Vermeidung zu. Ethnizität und politische Institutionen können in Abhängigkeit von kulturellen Mustern sowohl konfliktverschärfend als auch -zivilisierend wirken.
Hariz Halilovich, 2018, ‘Pedagogies of Place and Peace: Experiential and Reflexive Learning in Post-conflict Context’, in M. Mulalić, N. Obralić, A. Mulalić & E. Jelešković (eds) Education, Culture Identity: The Future of Humanities, Education and Creative Industries. Sarajevo: IUS, pp. 70-92.
Assuming the primacy of established patterns of bargaining over the formal ones, in transitional, unstable settings—well-known to the power-sharing systems—informal institutions can emerge as the preponderant rules of interaction. Yet, there is significant negligence in the power-sharing literature that should have been devoted to the informalities embedded in the political systems of divided societies. Filling in this gap, the paper analyses the creation, role and meaning of informal institutions in the consociational model. Using the case study of the Brčko District in Bosnia and Herzegovina and framework offered by Helmke and Levitsky (‘Informal institutions and comparative politics: A research agenda’, Perspectives on Politics, 4, 724–740, 2004), it claims that the presence of informal-corporate institutions is crucial for the functioning of its consociational system and necessary to accommodate the existing formal-liberal ones. The detailed case study analysis brings conclusions that could extend the current understanding of the power-sharing model and tackle the debate about liberal consociationalism being the preferred version of power sharing.
The Clinton administration and its predecessors have had a difficult time assessing the impact of ethnicity and nationalism on international conflict. They are inclined to focus on state power and individual rights considerations, downplaying the importance of the ties of communal identity and the emotive appeals of ethnic self-determination. Then, when ethnic groups do gain political significance, U.S. officials often give the communal concerns a prominence out of proportion with reality. The primary challenge for the Clinton administration is that U.S. liberalism classically has involved commitments that preclude flexibility on communally based demands for self-determination and group rights. Such perspectives can at times complicate the formulation of effective foreign policies for a region only partially integrated into the global capitalist economy, and therefore autonomous for some purposes from U.S. manipulation. What is needed is an involved but pragmatic liberalism that links U.S. conflict management objectives with what Thomas Friedman describes as a “coherent post–Cold War strategic framework.” Without that framework, he writes, “the Americans look like naive do-gooders trying to break up a street brawl.”
Peacebuilding and transitional justice are viewed as integral components of statebuilding in post-conflict spaces. This Special Issue critically evaluates statebuilding and peacebuilding in Iraq through macro and micro-level analyses of Iraq's political development following foreign-imposed regime change. In line with the articles in the Special Issue, this introduction critically examines Iraq's post-2003 trajectory as an outcome of the failure of securitized statebuilding and the absence of legitimacy in externally-imposed democratization. It concludes by highlighting the impact of expedient and exogenous statebuilding on transitional justice and post-conflict peacebuilding.
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