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"Things from the Bush": A Contemporary History of the Omaheke Bushmen
... In the rural areas of South Africa, this ideology led to a type of paternalism called baasskap (bossship), which strongly affected all aspects of social and cultural life, and where it developed hand-in-hand with apartheid (Plotkin 2002). Baasskap would spread far beyond South Africa to rural areas at white settler farms over southern Africa (see Dieckmann 2007;Guenther 1996;Suzman 2000;Sylvain 2001). These relationships included much more than only a labour relation based on employment and wages; it was also a social system in which the white boss could ultimately judge and make decisions about his workers' broader life (Du Toit 1993). ...
... In 'the family', Bushmen farmworkers would become the 'children' of the white, male 'fathers', the 'organic' bosses centrally positioned in power, making decisions and controlling all the resources (Du Toit 1993; Sylvain 2001). Suzman (2000) explained that Namibian farmers still consider Bushmen farm labourers a 'child race': they could not handle the responsibility of employment or money, would drink unreliably and thus needed disciplining. In contrast, Bushmen were much more worried about job insecurity, low wages and working under bad circumstances, regarding their relationship with the farmer as a class struggle (Sylvain 2005;cf. ...
... Murray Li 2000, 151) in contemporary society, indigenous people need to articulate and show themselves as 'inferior' to be indigenous in the first place. As Suzman (2000) explained, the marginalized class of Bushmen develops its identity mostly in relation to more dominant others (instead of their past as hunter-gatherers). As we have seen, these dominant others consist of a variety of people today, and crucially the idea of Bushmen as 'inferior' is part and parcel of these relations, most of which are essentially paternalistic. ...
In southern Africa, the indigenous Bushmen (San) have for long been positioned as an inferior group. First, in pre-colonial paternalist relationships that included slavery and several types of serfdom. Next, they had an inferior position under colonial paternalism ('baasskap') originating at white settler farms and last, they experience inferiority again in relation to the contemporary, mostly black, elites, including state officials. This paper addresses this historical pattern: through ethnographic results and examples from the literature it relates this process to contemporary post-colonial paternalist relations of various groups of Bushmen, particularly in tourism and development programmes. I argue that, despite dominant discourses about bottom-up approaches by the tourism industry, NGOs and the state, tourism and development also provide for a continuation of paternalist relations, in which articulations of inferiority come from 'above' and 'below', thereby often perpetuating Bushmen's inferiority. Moreover, I suggest that this perpetuation is not confined to tourism and development only; an important discourse that underscores inferiority to a degree is the hegemonic global articulation of 'indigeneity', which subtly emphasises indigenous peoples' inferiority.
... Los Herero compartían, en general, la visión que tenían los granjeros blancos sobre los San: creían que era necesario usar la fuerza para obligarles a trabajar, y les caliicaban frecuentemente de "serpientes" o "perros salvajes". Los europeos, por su parte, defendían la práctica de no pagar un salario monetario a los San, o que el sueldo fuera mínimo, con la teoría de que ya complementaban sus ingresos con la caza y la recolección, y además eran estúpidos y no "entendían" el valor del dinero (Suzman, 2000;Sylvain, 1999). En Owamboland, el crecimiento demográico y la llegada de poblaciones Owambo que huían de la Angola portuguesa provocaron la expansión de las comunidades Owambo hacia regiones más remotas, tradicionalmente consideradas poco valiosas para la agricultura y la ganadería, y donde los San habían cazado y recolectado. ...
... Muchos Coordinadores del MLR en los Reasentamientos son de etnias diferentes a los San, lo cual ha provocado tensiones. Por ejemplo, hubo muchas quejas contra una Coordinadora del MLR en Skoonheid, de etnia Tswana, que al parecer usaba a los beneiciarios como trabajadores domésticos (Suzman, 2000;Tapia, 2005). El Coordinador en 2008 también resaltaba la existencia de conlictos entre los diferentes grupos de beneiciarios. ...
El presente artículo intenta analizar la importancia de la visión colonial sobre las poblaciones San de Namibia y su impacto en las políticas desarrolladas por la administración alemana y sudafricana del territorio. Asimismo, muestra como estas visiones fueron en buena parte incorporadas y adaptadas por las demás comunidades africanas y como han influido en las políticas impulsadas por la Namibia independiente. El análisis se centra especialmente en las políticas de tierras de los gobiernos coloniales y postcoloniales, que han reducido al mínimo las áreas reconocidas como pertenecientes a los San. El artículo muestra como las visiones coloniales, a menudo negativas y estereotipadas sobre los San, no fueron homogéneas ni inamovibles, y como fueron adoptadas por los africanos de Namibia y han perdurado hasta la actualidad.
... The extent to which hunter-gatherer and farmers have been culturally and behaviourally intertwined for more than a millennium makes the survival of cultural autonomy initially surprising. Almost all Kalahari Bushmen groups, for example, have been tending livestock at cattle-posts for Bantu-speaking farmers for centuries (Hitchcock and Ebert, 1984: 330) and on European settler farms for over a century (Suzman, 2000). This has given them an intimate knowledge of animal husbandry, but in spite of strong recent government coercion, particularly in Botswana and even involving grants of livestock, few Bushman families have taken up anything more than a short-term pastoralist way of life. ...
... Richard Katz et al. (1997) argue that the focus on particular cultural values around healing and spirituality have been important, particularly for the Northern Bushman. James Suzman (2000) and Mathias Guenther (1999) have emphasised the maintenance of distinctively Bushmen traditions of folklore and stories. Both of these aspects are demonstrated archaeologically. ...
The transition to farming is often written in the language of progress. The search has been for the oldest sedentary farming settlements, the processes of plant and animals domestication and the profound societal alterations that accompanied the choice to change lifeway. Perhaps because most of us come from long-standing farmer ancestry, we tend to assume that farming is a superior and more secure way of life. Is there any data to support this? Evidence from southern Africa since the 1970s has shown that the Kalahari hunter-gatherers living in what is a comparatively harsh environment have/had a relatively easier life, with considerably more leisure time and a longer life expectancy than those living in early farmer groups (Lee and DeVore, 1976). Many hunter-gatherers in East Asia will have had even more comfortable and leisure filled lives than those of the Kalahari Bushmen. It is therefore important to ask the question as to why East Asian hunter-gatherers took up farming and whether all hunter-gatherer groups made this choice swiftly and willingly. I use evidence from studies into hunter-gatherer interactions with farmers in sub-saharan Africa to consider this question. It was originally hoped that groups such as the Bushmen of southern Africa, the Pygmies of central Africa and the Hadza/Sandawe of East Africa could give us glimpses into a universal hunter-gatherer past. Revisionist studies since the 1970s have sought to undermine this hope and have emphasised that early research recorded the end product of at least two millennia of interaction, influence and change from being amongst pastoralists and farmers. Archaeology has made significant contributions to this debate, providing evidence for the nature and extent of interaction, continuity and change. Today we are therefore well-positioned to consider the specifics of how hunter-gatherer groups responded to the coming of livestock keepers and farmers in different parts of Africa. This paper will review African interaction models so as to consider their implications for East Asia. I do not provide a general model for interaction, indeed I would be ideologically opposed to any attempt at this kind of universalism, but I seek to provide a convincing glimpse of the kinds of real-world complexity and contextuality in the choices made by East Asian hunter-gatherers in their responses to the presence and influence of farmers.
... We group southern Africa with the Americas and Australia, however, because of the shared experiences of these territories in terms of European settlement and the ensuing dislocation of indigenous peoples from the land via processes of genocide and proletarianisation. For dryland southern Africa see Bley (1996), Skotnes (1996, Gordon and Sholto Douglas (2000) and Suzman (2000). ...
... This is because in many ways the binary oppositions on which they are built -equilibrium/non-equilibrium thinking, state/nomad science, settled/mobile practices, modernity/postmodernity -are ideological in nature, extending from fundamentally different ways of imagining, conceptualising and being in the world, as well as from different ways of realising power. As Saner (1999, p3) (Suzman, 2000). Nevertheless, our focus here is on the ways in which pastoralists have met with, been incorporated within, and been accommodated by the modern state, and our position is that this encounter has been systematically problematic for indigenous herders and nomads. ...
... Particularly important is a recognition that in areas of historically overlapping and contested claims to land it tends to be the same groups who are marginalized from decisionmaking on account of both culturally-influenced associations with resources, and perceptions of these associations by others (e.g. Marindo-Ranganai and Zaba 1994;Mosimane 1996;Sullivan 1999Sullivan , 2000aTaylor 1999;Gordon and Sholto Douglas 2000;Suzman 2000;Twyman in press). ...
... This phenomenon is illustrated by the experience of the aforementioned San people who are indigenous to southern regions of Africa (Koot, 2020). The San have a history of paternalistic relationships, including the former presence of white colonial 'masters,' who controlled their labor and made decisions about the personal lives of San people, considering them a "child race [that] could not handle the responsibility of employment or money… [and] needed disciplining" (Suzman, 2000). These white authority figures were called baas, and Koot, a white man, quickly and unintentionally stepped into a baas role. ...
... The KPF's activities include educational initiatives, water provision, sports and heritage projects, supply delivery, the facilitation of human-rights conversations regarding schooling in Botswana and, most recently, the support of the translation and communication of COVID-19-related information to San groups in South Africa and Namibia (Hitchcock et al 2006;KPF 2020). Other ethnographers have disclosed issues such as physical and financial exploitation of San working at farms (Suzman 2000;Sylvain 2001), in media spectacles (Gordon & Douglas 2000), or in tourism and nature conservation (Gressier 2020;Koot, Hitchcock & Gressier 2019), while again others have collaborated to build up hands-on development projects (Koot 2012) or Indigenous knowledge projects that emphasise historical ties to specific lands and the environment (/Omis 2021). ...
Research among hunter-gatherers has often been exploitative, based on neo-colonial and/or contemporary socio-economic power imbalances. Consequently, research codes and contracts have been created with the important goal of empowering them; such instruments seem to be on the rise globally. In this article, we focus on this phenomenon among the San of Southern Africa, and we contribute to the professional and public debate on such formalising instruments, with a specific focus on ethnography. Based on our collective experiences, we demonstrate that in the case of the San codes and contracts, there are three limitations when regarded as instruments of empowerment. First, there are practical constraints for many San when it comes to familiarising themselves with the contents of such instruments. Second, some codes and contracts are too general, failing to differentiate between media and different types of research, such as human genetics or ethnography. Third, as political instruments based on, at times questionable, leadership structures and ‘communalisation’, codes and contracts can disregard the differences between and agency of San individuals, especially the most marginalised. We argue that codes and contracts need to allow the San a greater say in their development and how these instruments are applied and by
whom, while leaving space for individuals to make their own choices regarding research participation. Moreover, the limitations we identify are important for consideration when such instruments are applied among other hunter-gatherer groups globally.
... The KPF's activities include educational initiatives, water provision, sports and heritage projects, supply delivery, the facilitation of human-rights conversations regarding schooling in Botswana and, most recently, the support of the translation and communication of COVID-19-related information to San groups in South Africa and Namibia (Hitchcock et al 2006;KPF 2020). Other ethnographers have disclosed issues such as physical and financial exploitation of San working at farms (Suzman 2000;Sylvain 2001), in media spectacles (Gordon & Douglas 2000), or in tourism and nature conservation (Gressier 2020;Koot, Hitchcock & Gressier 2019), while again others have collaborated to build up hands-on development projects (Koot 2012) or Indigenous knowledge projects that emphasise historical ties to specific lands and the environment (/Omis 2021). ...
... As nomadic hunter-gatherers, the Ju|'hoansi were not seen to need a permanent land base for their subsistence and survival. Instead, they were incorporated as an underclass of manual farm workers on commercial and communal land (Suzman, 2000;Sylvain, 1999). After Independence, Namibia has undertaken a massive land redistribution reform. ...
... We recognise the heterogeneity of descent, class and political affiliation of white people which will invariably result in diverse ways of belonging through land and nature. This chapter however, concentrates specifically on white belonging which emerged out of the typical southern African style 'settler farm', where black people and white settlers' lives intertwine on the newly surveyed land (Du Toit, 1993;Van Onselen, 1990, 1992Rutherford, 2002;Suzman, 2000;Sylvain, 2001). The conditions that led to farm occupations and the paternalistic social relations that developed in these spaces gave rise to different experiences and memories that continue to have an effect today, far beyond farms (Koot, 2016;Sylvain, 2001). ...
... Stock keeping was a strategy to cope with risk (besides symbolising the owner's wealth). In using these different strategies, the Hai om of Etosha were no different from other Hai om or other San groups (e.g., Guenther 1986, Suzman 2000, Widlok 1999. ...
... In recent times, the Omaheke San have attracted more attention from anthropologists and linguists. Suzman (2000) and Sylvain (1999Sylvain ( , 2002Sylvain ( , 2006 have documented the transition amongst the different Omaheke San groups as they struggle to come to terms with their new existence in a modern and independent Namibian society, particularly in Gobabis, the district capital, an Afrikaans-speaking and reputedly conservative town. The same kind of documentation from a (socio-) linguistic point of view, however, is completely lacking. ...
This paper describes the past, present, and future of a remotely-sited, community-based language documentation project near the border between Namibia and Botswana, where the Ju|’hoan (ktz) and ǂX’ao-||’aen (aue) languages are spoken. The paper presents an example of reignited linguistic pride within a community which speaks an indigenous language in danger of being supplanted by more dominant ones
... This knowledge continues to speak of a "time of hunting and gathering" when they "depended solely on the bush"knowledge that plays an important role in continued efforts to maintain access to the region by legitimising their claims of indigeneity. At the same time that this knowledge has been liberating and empowering, it has also given rise to a series of stereotypes about them as hunter-gatherers in pristine isolation or, at their most pejorative, as "things from the bush" (Suzman 1999, also see Sylvain 2001). Over the course of the transition, Ju|'hoansi have at once sought to capitalise on these stereotypes to make a living through cultural tourism and research and to challenge them through indigenous media or to resist them through local advocacy. ...
This thesis is about how experiences of uncertainty shape the way people share with one another. It is an ethnographic study of a rural conservancy in north-eastern Namibia, the Nyae Nyae Conservancy, and the urban town at its centre, Tsumkwe—between which people “roam in order to live”. The people at the centre of this study are the Ju|’hoansi (meaning “true people” or “people of proper custom”), known to anthropology both as hunter-gatherers and as a famously “egalitarian society”. In Namibia, they are a “traditional community” with ancestral rights to a communal land region that they now manage largely as a commercial enterprise. In doing so, they aim to perform the complementary work of conserving their ancestral way of life and the diverse fauna and flora they share it with, and enticing tourists, entrepreneurs, and trophy-hunters to provide the cash now necessary to do so. This work only goes so far in making people self-sufficient, however, giving rise to a regular push and pull between their territories and town. These movements reflect broader shifts towards informality, precariousness, and rising inequality across southern Africa, but they are also extensions of a much longer history of “roaming” that has been the subject of extensive writing within the discipline on hunter-gatherers and their fiercely egalitarian values. This writing sees roaming as a practice circumscribed by the assumption that those who have more than they can immediately use or consume will give in to the demands of roaming others without expecting repayment. In its contemporary guise, however, roaming necessitates encounters not with “true people”, like themselves, whom they expect will share without hesitation, but with “other people” who “want to refuse you”, “want to ruin you”, or who “cannot be trusted”. This thesis takes this nexus—between the values ordinarily associated with egalitarianism and the contemporary social context—as a productive space within which to explore the way that people go about sharing in the face of uncertainty and negotiating the ambivalence that emerges in the process. This thesis is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in the Nyae Nyae conservancy between October 2014 – December 2015. It contributes to current debates within the anthropology of value on redistributive regimes and within the anthropology of ethics on experiences of moral ambivalence, and to broader fields of research on the relationship between state processes and informal economies in southern Africa.
... When recruited these men already drew on embodied experiences with surviving in a harsh landscape, the practices of living and finding sustenance and of being able to track and hunt animals for food. These were part of local Ju/'hoansi San lifeways, habitus, subsistence and history as gatherers and hunters, despite increased pressure, geographical and physical constraints on their ability to freely pursue the latter (Tanaka, 1980;Lee, 1993;Suzman, 1999;Widlok, 1999;Gordon & Sholto, 2000;Wiesner, 2002;Rodaway, 2011). Former SADF member Tas van Solms, who developed an instruction course and formed a Tracker Unit to train spoorsnyers (trackers) 'in the military aspects of tracking' (Uys, 2014: 64-65), was interviewed. ...
This paper attends to the phenomenology of particular military landscapes as experienced through the bodies of San spoorsnyers (trackers) as they trailed insurgents during a specific historical moment, the ‘Bush’ War (Namibian War of Independence or South African Border War) on the border between Namibia (formerly South West Africa) and Angola. As an ethically defined group, the San (Also referred to as Bushmen) were enlisted on the basis of stereotypical representations of them as hunters and trackers who could, when trained in the Army, trail insurgents through landscapes. The paper elaborates the ways in which these trackers experienced landscapes in and through bodies in motion and practice: as visual, olfactory, auditory, tactile and atmospheric. It emphasizes the particularity of the San trackers’ lived experiences of military landscapes, as the latter drew on a combination of historical, culturally informed and soldierly habitus, somatic modes of attention and bodily dispositions.
... "Forever he will stay a boy": baasskap in the way of development Another important reason in southern Africa why "participation" is so hard to achieve (and therefore economic and educational trickle down effects), is because of baasskap and its underlying assumptions that go back to the start of Western colonisation. It is a very specific patronÀclient relationship that implies the natural role of whites as superiors (Koot, 2013;Plotkin, 2002) and has spread far beyond the borders of South Africa, mostly to farms (see Dieckmann, 2007;Guenther, 1996;Koot, 2015;Suzman, 2000;Sylvain, 2001). Baasskap contains edification, care and protection, thereby also providing many benefits to the "immature" workers, such as a place to live, medical assistance, basic education and transport, all in return for labour. ...
p>The question of who controls Indigenous tourism is of wide and growing relevance in post-colonial societies, especially in so-called transition economies, that are moving from state-led economies to mostly market-based economies. This paper explores such global–local dynamics for an Indigenous group in South Africa in relation to authenticity, development and power relations. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among the Indigenous South Kalahari Bushmen (≠Khomani) and their interactions with the tourism sector, especially up-market accommodation projects, it questions assumptions that economic and educational benefits will “trickle down” to the poor. It exposes two key contradictions in the capitalist tourist system. The first is that authenticity is opposed to becoming inauthentic; the Bushmen stay “authentic” for tourists who impose modernity as consumers, making the Bushmen merely an “Indigenous brand” that attracts tourists, creating revenue that trickles down into the area but hardly to those who are the brand. The second contradiction is that of poverty alleviation through a system that marginalises the Indigenous, and critically probes the concept of tourism “developing” (educating) Indigenous people. This assumed education is minimal: Bushmen and white managers are entangled in colonial paternalism (baasskap), with managers often lacking broader understanding of development, focusing mainly on economic growth.</p
... Plus proches de nous, les populations de chasseurs-cueilleurs des pays plus tardivement colonisés ont subi, au cours des dernières décennies, un processus d'acculturation du fait de leur entrée dans des relations de dépendance à l'égard de leurs voisins -fermiers blancs en Namibie, fermiers tswana ou blancs au Botswana -et dans des relations d'échange inégales à la périphérie du système de l'économie de marché. Il n'y a plus guère aujourd'hui de sociétés de chasseurs-cueilleurs bushmen, et la plupart des travaux actuels en anthropologie sociale portent du reste sur les transformations identitaires et les formes d'exploitation que subissent ces derniers ; citons l'exemple des « pisteurs » bushmen engagés par l'armée sudafricaine contre la guérilla indépendantiste de la SWAPO dans les années 1980 et qui ont été « rapatriés » en Afrique du Sud au moment de l'indépendance namibienne (Sharp & Douglas 1996) ; ou encore le cas des « Bushmen de ferme » (farm Bushmen) de l'Omaheke, province de l'est de la Namibie, qui illustre la très forte prégnance du statut de Bushmen, dans un contexte de disparition totale des référents sociaux collectifs et d'une économie de chasse et de cueillette (Suzman 2000). ...
For more than a century, the Khoisan peoples of Southern Africa, in particular the huntergatherers called Bushmen, have served as a reference mark in studies on prehistorical mankind in Europe. Beyond the legitimate preventive measures to be taken when doing this, certain aspects of the societies and of human evolution in Southern Africa over the past 2000 years can be useful for comparisons under condition that close attention is paid to the diversity and complexity of social, technical or identity-making processes, which might still be at work.
... A partire dalla fine del XVII secolo, con l'espansione del dominio coloniale europeo sull'Africa Subsahariana, il panorama storico-antropologico locale è stato attraversato da modificazioni drammatiche e profonde, subendo un radicale processo di etnicizzazione che, basato sulle logiche e sui discorsi violentemente razzisti dei conquistatori, è stato da essi rapidamente diffuso e imposto grazie alla forza, al ricatto e all'inganno. In questo processo simbolico e politico, imperniato in una nozione essenzialista di cultura prettamente occidentale (Sylvain, 2005), i san sono stati identificati come il residuo più arcaico e primitivo di un'umanità di scarto, liminale e animalesca, l'anello mancante fra l'uomo e la scimmia (Smith et al., 2000, 39-40;Suzman, 1999, xvi-xvi), venendo privati di ogni autonomia e diritto e relegati al gradino più basso della scala razziale e sociale. ...
Sciamani attraverso lo specchio. Rito, performance e identità fra i san contemporanei CLAUDIA CANCELLOTTI* Parole chiave: san/boscimani, danze rituali, teoria della performance, autoetnografia. riassunto — Il seguente articolo, basato su una ricerca antropologico-musicale svolta fra il 1999 e il 2006 in alcune comunità san (meglio conosciuti come boscimani) di Namibia, Botswana e Sud Africa, tratta del fenomeno dello sciamanesimo rituale san contemporaneo in rapporto ai suoi diversi contesti di performance. L'approccio al fenomeno prende spunto dalla teoria della performance schechneriana – che postula una sostanziale continuità fra fenomeni apparentemente diversi quali gioco, sport, musica, danza, teatro e riti, in quanto tutti imperniati sulla centralità della performance nell'intenzione e nell'azione – per approdare a un'interpretazione della ritualità san contemporanea quale forma di autoetnografia sviluppata in una 'zona di contatto' post-coloniale ancora caratterizzata da una sostanziale iniquità nei rapporti di potere. Quali testi autoetnografici, le performance rituali dei san contemporanei non rappresentano una forma propriamente autoctona di auto-rappresentazione, in quanto profondamente embricate in dinamiche relazionali transculturali sovente dominate da altri, e dunque imprevedibili ed instabili negli effetti e nel senso, ogni volta ri-definiti a partire da un complesso di fattori contestuali e relazionali. Questa prospettiva consente di superare la questione dell'autenticità delle performance rituali san, rinunciando a confrontarle con la finzione etnografica di un modello originale e puro, per riconoscerle quali pratiche discorsive transculturali attraverso cui i san contemporanei descrivono e rappresentano la propria identità e la propria cultura nel tentativo di negoziare la propria posizione sociale e politica nel mondo. summary — The article, based on a filed-research in anthropology of music undertook between 1999 and 2006 in some San, or Bushmen communities of Namibia, Botswana and South Africa, is focused on the current shamanic ritual practices diffused among contemporary San. The approach to the topic departs from the theory of performance of Schechner, which postulates an essential continuity between apparently spurious activities – such as games, sports, music, dance, theatre and ritual – because of the common centrality assigned to performance in their motivation and realisation, to come to an interpretation of contemporary san rituality as a form of autoethnography developed within a post-colonial 'contact zone' still characterised by a significant unbalance in power relations. As indigenous auto-ethnographic texts, contemporary San ritual performances do not embody strictly autochthonous forms of self-representation, since their definition is deeply imbricated in transcultural dynamics and discourses often dominated by others, and therefore unpredictable and instable in their effects and meaning, which are basically redefined each time by a complex of contextual and relational * Dottoressa di ricerca in Antropologia Musicale.
... "Forever he will stay a boy": baasskap in the way of development Another important reason in southern Africa why "participation" is so hard to achieve (and therefore economic and educational trickle down effects), is because of baasskap and its underlying assumptions that go back to the start of Western colonisation. It is a very specific patronÀclient relationship that implies the natural role of whites as superiors (Koot, 2013;Plotkin, 2002) and has spread far beyond the borders of South Africa, mostly to farms (see Dieckmann, 2007;Guenther, 1996;Koot, 2015;Suzman, 2000;Sylvain, 2001). Baasskap contains edification, care and protection, thereby also providing many benefits to the "immature" workers, such as a place to live, medical assistance, basic education and transport, all in return for labour. ...
The question of who controls Indigenous tourism is of wide and growing relevance in post-colonial societies, especially in so-called transition economies, that are moving from state-led economies to mostly market-based economies. This paper explores such global–local dynamics for an Indigenous group in South Africa in relation to authenticity, development and power relations. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among the Indigenous South Kalahari Bushmen (≠Khomani) and their interactions with the tourism sector, especially up-market accommodation projects, it questions assumptions that economic and educational benefits will “trickle down” to the poor. It exposes two key contradictions in the capitalist tourist system. The first is that authenticity is opposed to becoming inauthentic; the Bushmen stay “authentic” for tourists who impose modernity as consumers, making the Bushmen merely an “Indigenous brand” that attracts tourists, creating revenue that trickles down into the area but hardly to those who are the brand. The second contradiction is that of poverty alleviation through a system that marginalises the Indigenous, and critically probes the concept of tourism “developing” (educating) Indigenous people. This assumed education is minimal: Bushmen and white managers are entangled in colonial paternalism (baasskap), with managers often lacking broader understanding of development, focusing mainly on economic growth.
... It is necessary, in the context of Botswana, to consider the word 'indigenous' in a broader sense in order to take into account the experiences of other people whose lives reflect experiences similar 76 There is a growing body of academic literature on how dominant stereotypes have served to shape their contemporary status. For Botswana see Wilmsen ( 1989) and for Namibia see Gordon ( 1992) and Suzman (2000). 77 Aspects of this issue at the policy level are discussed briefly in section 3.4.6 of this report. ...
... The director of SI, Stephen Corry, encouraged global mobilization against Botswana on the grounds that 'the tragic destruction of the Gana and Gwi reaches into the very roots of humanity ð They are the last survivors of the world's first modern humans' (SI, 2005). While SI's accusation that Botswana was dealing in 'blood diamonds' has been widely criticized (Solway, 2009;Saugestad, 2005;Suzman, 2002a), its use of essentialist rhetoric to promote indigenous rights was singled out for particular criticism by James Suzman, an anthropologist committed to the revisionist program (see Suzman, 2000; see also Wilmsen, 2009). ...
In this paper I examine assumptions about race and identity that inform debates about indigenous rights in southern Africa. I illustrate how the ‘Kalahari debate’ and the more recent ‘indigenous peoples debate’ both rely on dubious assumptions about what ‘social construction’ means. I draw from public controversies and academic debates surrounding the forced relocation of San from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve in Botswana to illustrate two key arguments in this paper: The first is that deconstructionism does not always confront the forms of justice it claims as its priorities, such as racism and class inequalities; the second is that the deconstructionist project commits us to problematic assumptions about what ‘race’ means and what ‘real’ identities must be.
... The angry words spoken by a Namibian Zhu man in reply to the question 'What is it that makes a Bushman a Bushman?' capture, more eloquently than any written by those of us who have only witnessed the present state of his humiliation, the demeaning condition in which he finds himself, a condition ethnographic depictions have endorsed: 'I do not know what makes a Bushman a Bushman … It is them who say we are just Bushmen, that we are just things from the bush' (Suzman 2000 :1, original emphasis). Obviously, anthropologists cannot be held responsible for the misappropriation of their work by others, but we should expect them to protest vigorously when they find it done. ...
Against a backdrop of calls for a more layered understanding of the dominant societal concerns which influence anthropologists' thinking, and thus the need to address the philosophies and assumptions that for so long misrepresented those characterized as 'primitive' along with others marked out as culturally or biologically inferior, I reflect on the existential crisis that engulfed Euroamerica in the early Cold War years. This was a threat anthropology was well placed to relieve; it did so in part by framing a natural 'primitive man' in opposition to 'civilized' humanity to restore the 'family of man' to psychic security. An image of 'Bushmen' etched by ethnographers rapidly emerged as a centerpiece of anthropological practice. I show how that image is indistinguishable from the fictional version popularized by Laurens van der Post and that both forms of it derive ultimately from the work of Jung. I argue that the image feeds readily into racialist discourse; thus, the time to render it obsolete has long passed.
... The term reflects the characterization of the San "Bushmen" of South Africa. The word signals a reference to traditional culture and Indigenous people, and is often employed as a pejorative term that implies savage, exotic, primitive and isolated peoples (see Garland and Gordon 1999;Lee 1979;Meskell and Weiss 2006;Suzman 2003;Sylvain 2002). "The bush" in Kenya shares this meaning. ...
... Particularly important is a recognition that in areas of historically overlapping and contested claims to land it tends to be the same groups who are marginalized from decisionmaking on account of both culturally-influenced associations with resources, and perceptions of these associations by others (e.g. Marindo-Ranganai and Zaba 1994;Mosimane 1996;Sullivan 1999Sullivan , 2000aTaylor 1999;Gordon and Sholto Douglas 2000;Suzman 2000;Twyman in press). ...
... comm.). Despite the inadequacy of historical sources, in the context of broader literature about the emergence of inequality which marks San relationships with Bantuspeaking groups (Wilmsen 1989, Gordon 1992, Suzman 2000, Widlok 2000), it is likely that Mbukushu attempts at domination of Khwe in the early 20th century were successful. It is also likely, based on oral accounts collected in the last decade, that practices such as intermarriage and exchange were, and still are, integral to this domination and, accordingly, that identities were more fl uid than represented today (Rousset 2003, Boden 2003 ). ...
What was the role of San in the conflicts of Southeast Angola and Northeast Namibia during the period 1960-2000? What were the effects of this involvement on their identity-building processes? Much of this history has yet to be written. Based on field research in the period 2003-2006, and on secondary sources, this piece emphasizes that the socio-political and economic ramifications of 'militarized' San identities extend beyond the periods of conflict themselves.The paper focuses on Khwe, a San group living in West Caprivi, but highlights parallels and connections between the roles and identity-building of San under the military in both Namibia and Angola. Their collaboration with the apartheid military has contributed to the construction of Khwe as a 'subversive' threat to nation-building. Simultaneously, Khwe in Namibia and immigrant !Xun in South Africa have often sought to gloss over their military past in favour of mobilizing identities as 'indigenous people' to garner support from NGOs and strengthen their claims to authority. The effects and implications of San military identities in post-conflict southeast Angola are yet to be studied; this paper offers preliminary suggestions for themes to be investigated.
Portuguese
Qual foi o papel dos San nos conflitos do sudeste de Angola e o nordeste da Namíbia (Caprivi) entre 1960 e 2000 ? Quais foram os efeitos deste envolvimento nos seus processos de construção identitária ? Falta escrever uma grande parte desta história. Com base no trabalho de campo realizado no período entre 2003 e 2006, e em fontes secundárias, este trabalho realça o facto que as ramificações socio-políticas e económicas das identidades « militarizadas » dos San prolongamse além dos períodos dos conflitos.Este artigo fala dos Khwe, um grupo San que vive na zona occidental de Caprivi, mas sublinha os paralelos e as relações entre os papéis e a contrução identitária dos San num contexto militar na Namíbia e em Angola. A sua colaboração com o exército durante o apartheid contribuíu para uma imagem dos Khwe como uma ameaça « subversiva » para a nação em formação. Ao mesmo tempo, os Khwe na Namíbia e os imigrantes !Xun na África do Sul procuraram muitas vezes minimizar o seu passado militar para mobilizarem a sua identidade como « povo indígena », para garantir o apoio das ONGs e reforçar as suas reivindicações junto das autoridades. Os efeitos e as implicações na identidade dos San militarizados do sudeste de Angola no período pós-conflito precisam de ser estudados e este artigo sugere algumas pistas de investigação.
French
Quel fut le rôle des San dans les conflits entre 1960 et 2000 dans les régions du Sud-Est angolais et Nord-Est namibien (Caprivi) ? Quels en furent les effets sur les processus de construction identitaire de ces populations ? L'essentiel de cette histoire reste à écrire. Ce travail s'appuie sur une recherche de terrain entre 2003 et 2006 et sur des sources secondaires ; il permet de montrer que les identités « militarisées » des San ont des ramifications dépassant largement la seule période des conflits.Cet article traite des Khwe - un groupe san vivant dans l'ouest du Caprivi -, et souligne le parallèle et les liens entre rôles et construction de l'identité san en Namibie et en Angola en contexte militarisé. Leur collaboration avec l'armée pendant l'apartheid les fait apparaître comme une menace « subversive » pour la nation en formation. Dans le même temps, les Khwe de Namibie et les immigrants !Xun d'Afrique du sud cherchent à minimiser leur passé militaire, dans une tentative de mobiliser leur identité comme « peuple indigène » afin d'attirer le soutien des ONG et de renforcer leur légitimité. Dans le sud-est angolais, les effets et implications sur les identités des San militarisés dans la période post-conflit restent à étudier et cet article ne fait que suggérer quelques pistes de recherche.
This chapter focuses on the relation between play, work and learning among San and Hadza post-forager children in Southern and East Africa. Pre-school and non-school attending San and Hadza children structure their daily lives based on interest and motivation and spend long periods of unsupervised time playing mostly non-competitive games and imitating adult behavior and activities. This plays an instrumental role for the learning of a wide range of social, ecological and subsistence knowledge. Since the San and the Hadza are extremely socioeconomically marginalized in their respective countries, their approaches to work and leisure are largely perceived in negative and deficient terms by neighboring groups and state institutions. Our goal with this chapter is twofold. First, we will explore the meaning of the term leisure in the context of (post-forager) San and Hadza children. Then we will examine how the term differs from dominant understandings of it and how it relates to ‘legitimate’ notions of work and learning. At the end, we will discuss the implications of these differences in the context of a rapidly changing world and San and Hadza children’s increased participation in school.
Evictions have been shown to be a mechanism of primitive accumulation in nature conservation. This paper adds an historical analysis to the discussion on primitive accumulation in conservation by exploring the seemingly innocuous mechanism of White belonging to land in South Africa's private nature reserves. Contemporary articulations of White belonging are replete with stories and images of White male “pioneers” from the colonial era who, upon arrival in “empty lands”, were able to create economies out of nothing. Such representations of history on private nature reserve websites and other promotional material invisibilise Black belonging and legitimise private conservation. By illuminating the inconsistencies in the empty lands narrative and the legacies of three championed conservation pioneers from the 19th century, this paper argues that White belonging is a mechanism of primitive accumulation, while Black belonging continues to be expressed in various ways in contemporary South Africa.
This article examines Namibian San youths’ aspirations about the future. Based on 170 essays, the analysis shows that disadvantaged San students aspire for future lives radically different from the lives of their families. We argue that San students have acquired the repertoire of “the good Namibian citizen” as a form of resistance through mimesis. These assertions create an opening for the projection of a positive and “proud” San identity. (https://doi.org/10.1080/15595692.2022.2045581)
The article is dedicated to the loving memory of !A|’xuni.
The Ju|’hoansi of east central Namibia sometimes refer to the state as a whiteman and to the whiteman as a /’hun (steenbok). In this article, I contextualize these naming practices by tracing the history of colonial encounters on the fringes of the Western Kalahari through a small‐scale animist perspective. I then discuss what this means for the concept of ‘recognition’, which I treat as a two‐way intersubjective process of making oneself un/knowable to others. I argue that the Ju|’hoansi have engaged in parallel processes of mis/recognition vis‐à‐vis their colonial Others. By failing to enter into reciprocal relations with the Ju|’hoansi, the whiteman and the state have remained outside of the Ju|’hoansi's social universe and have thus compromised their own personhood.
This article presents findings from research about the Orang Asli people (also known as the Jahai group)—an ethnic group of 439 people living in Yala and Narathiwat provinces, in the Hala-Bala Wildlife Sanctuary and Bang Lang National Park, which are connected to the Belum forest in Malaysia. The Jahai ethnic group are organized socially into kinship groups. The Jahai people do not have a written language, but they have designs for their weaponry and gifts that men give to their wives. Their organizational structure consists of families and relatives. Men are heads of families, while women are managers. Elderly men and women are the most powerful, able to communicate with their ancestors in different dimensions and provide consultation and advice to group leaders. Jahai society is classless and organized according to the age of the members. Jahai people have mutually dependent relations with outsiders in the plains, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Buddhists. However, today the Jahai are facing economic hardship and wage exploitation due to various factors, including to their lack of official Thai identification and knowledge of the the present world but it is abundant. Furthermore they believe that the ancestors can restore the abundance of the current natural world by drawing upon the wealth of nature in the parallel dimension. The health and economic situation of the Jahai is critical. Nevertheless, the Jahai people still want to live as hunter gatherers in Thailand rather than in neighboring Malaysia, as it is in Thailand that they can maintain their independent and nomadic livelihood.
บทความวิจัยนี้นำเสนอกลุ่มชนโอรังอัสลี กลุ่มย่อยจาไฮ (the Jahai) เกี่ยวกับข้อมูลพื้นฐานที่ สำคัญได้แก่จำนวนประชากร มีทั้งหมด 439 คน ทั้งหมดมีภูมิศาสตร์ถิ่นที่อยู่อาศัยที่จังหวัดยะลาและนราธิวาส ในเขตรักษาพันธุ์สัตว์ป่าฮาลา-บาลา และ อุทยานแห่งชาติบางลางซึ่งเชื่อมต่อกับป่าเบอลม (Belum) ประเทศมาเลเซีย มีการจัดกลุ่มองค์กรทางสังคม (social organization) เป็นแบบกลุ่มเครือญาติ (band) ชาวจาไฮไม่มีภาษาเขียนแต่มีศิลปะลวดลายอยู่ในอาวุธและของขวัญ (gift) ที่ผู้ชายทำให้ให้แก่ภรรยา โครงสร้างองค์กรประกอบด้วยครอบครัวและเครือญาติ ผู้ชายเป็นหัวหน้าครอบครัวผู้หญิงคือผู้จัดการ ผู้สูงอายุทั้งชายและหญิงเป็นผู้มีอำนาจสูงสุดสามารถติดต่อกับบรรพบุรุษที่อยู่ในโลกต่างมิติได้ ให้คำปรึกษาและข้อแนะนำแก่ผู้นำกลุ่ม สังคมจาไฮไม่มีชนชั้น จัดช่วงชั้นตามวัยของสมาชิก ชาวจาไฮมีความสัมพันธ์กับคนภายนอกที่อยู่ในที่ราบ คือ ชาวมลายูมุสลิมและชาวไทยพุทธ ในลักษณะต่างพึ่งพากันและกัน แต่โดยส่วนใหญ่ไม่มีบัตรประชาชน ไม่มีความไม่รู้ทั้งกฎหมายและมีความจำเป็นในเรื่องอาหาร เช่น ข้าว ซึ่งนำมาทดแทนหัวมันในป่าที่กำลังขาดแคลน จึงกลายเป็นเบี้ยล่างทางเศรษฐกิจถูกกดขี่ค่าจ้างแรงงาน จากปัญหาการทำลายพื้นที่ป่าบริเวณกว้างจากเขื่อนบางลางทำให้พวกเขาต้องปรับโครงสร้างขององค์กร มีการรวมเป็นกลุ่มใหญ่อยู่บนที่สูงประมาณ 800 เมตรจากระดับน้ำทะเล และแตกเป็นกลุ่มย่อย 7-15 คนเพื่อรับจ้างและนำข้าวกลับไปสนับสนุนการยังชีพในกลุ่มใหญ่หลายกลุ่ม ชาวจาไฮมีศาสนา นับถือบรรพบุรุษที่คล้ายพระเจ้าผู้ให้กำเนิด และมีความเชื่อหลังความตายว่าผู้ตายจะพลิกไปอยู่มิติคู่ขนาน ซึ่งเหมือนกันกับโลกปัจจุบันแต่มีความอุดมสมบูรณ์ไม่เสื่อมตามโลกปัจจุบัน และบรรพบุรุษสามารถพลิกเอาความสมบูรณ์ของธรรมชาติโลกจากคู่ขนานมาฟื้นสภาพป่าโลกปัจจุบันได้ สถานการณ์ชาวจาไฮอยู่ในระดับวิกฤติถูกฉวยใช้ประโยชน์จากบางคนและบางกลุ่ม และวิกฤติจากปัญหาโภชนาการ แต่อย่างไรก็ตามชาวจาไฮยังคงต้องการอาศัยอยู่ในที่แห่งนี้ และในประเทศไทย เพระต้องการความอิสระในการดำรงวิถีชีวิตแบบเร่ร่อน (nomadic) เพื่อ ล่าและเก็บหาของป่า (hunter and gatherers) ได้เช่นเดิม ซึ่งแตกต่างจากประเทศมาเลเซียที่ต้องปรับตัวอยู่อาศัยในหมู่บ้านในที่ราบ
Since the dying years of apartheid, so-called farm attacks and farm murders have become commonplace in South Africa. In public discourse, these crimes have often been politicized and understood in racial terms, with some arguing that they constitute a form of white or Afrikaner genocide. Acclaimed director Darrell Roodt's Treurgrond [Soil of mourning] (2015) is an Afrikaans feature film that takes farm attacks as its subject matter. In this article, I explore the film's key motifs and how they relate to popular constructions of Afrikaner identity and of Afrikaners' position in postapartheid society. By shifting between the textual content of the film and the context in which it was produced and received, I show how Treurgrond conjures up images of beleaguered Afrikaners no longer welcome in Africa. These images fit neatly into widely circulating narratives about Afrikaners' victimization under a democratic regime and the purported attacks on their lives, culture, heritage, and language. By focusing on one film and the world that exists around it, I attempt to lay bare the logic through which farm attacks and farm murders have been mythologized in white South Africa, how these mythologies have inspired collective fear, and how this fear has been used to mobilize Afrikaners as an ethnic community.
State and society’s perhaps guilty recognition of the San in the coat of arms of post-apartheid South Africa was accompanied by a scholarly and creative revival of interest in the San’s poetic and material legacy. Two recent books explore that legacy. Helize van Vuuren’s A Necklace of Springbok Ears, which argues for the parity of Von Wielligh’s Boesmanstories with the work of Bleek and Lloyd, shows that writers, drawing inspiration from !Xam orality, have enriched our literature and reached towards its integrity and continuity with its historic (and perhaps pre-historic) past. In a global perspective, James Suzman’s Affluence without Abundance, an anthropologist’s account of his life with the Ju/’hoansi of Namibia, revives and revitalises the argument that twenty-first-century humanity can learn and benefit from the morality and the ecology of hunter-gatherers, suggesting that in some survivors, their critical and creative imagination continues to sustain their cultural heritage.
Die afgelope dekade het Piet van Rooyen drie romans en 'n outobiografiese werk gepubliseer waarin die Ju/'hoan boesmans 2 van Namibië sentraal figureer: óf as die gemeenskap onder wie hy ontwikkelingswerk gedoen het in Agter 'n eland aan, óf as romankarakters. Aangesien hierdie fokus in sy werk nou volgens eie segge afgesluit is (Van Rooyen, 2001c: 6), fokus ek in hierdie profiel op dié vier belangwekkende en samehangende tekste. Hierby laat ek sy twee vroeë digbundels, Draak op die erf (1973) en Rondom 'n boorvuur (1983), wat ook hier en daar boesmanmateriaal bevat, buite beskouing. Ook die roman Die brandende man (2002) en die digbundel Goedsmoeds (2002) wat nie tematies aansluit by die oeuvre gefokus op die boesmans waarmee Van Rooyen naam gemaak het nie, en van mindere allooi is, laat ek buite bespreking. Neerslag van Ju/'hoansi kultuur en mitologie Die outobiografiese teks Agter 'n eland aan bied insig in die skrywer se ervaring van, en sy perspektief op die Namibiese Ju/'hoan (vroeër !Kung). Hy werk van 1990 tot 1991 vir die Nyae Nyae Ontwikkelingstigting in die noordooste van Namibië. Sy hooftaak, uiteindelik tevergeefs, was om as plaasvervanger vir John Marshall te help met die vestiging van beesboerdery onder die Ju/'hoan in die Nyae Nyae Reservaat. Sy kollegas indertyd was die antropoloë Megan Biesele en Claire Richie, asook die linguis Patrick Dickens, wat hul lewens gewy het aan ontwikkelingswerk onder die Ju/'hoan. Hier leer hy die ontwortelde Ju/'hoan se leefruimte en tradisionele kultuur, hul hui-dige situasie en die relatiewe uitsigloosheid daarvan intiem ken. Agter 'n eland aan bevat baie van die feite en rumateriaal waaruit die drie romans ontstaan het, en waarop hulle kreatief voortbou. Die fiksionele oeuvre word dus aansienlik verhelder deur 'n intertekstuele lesing saam met dié
The use of archery to hunt appears relatively late in human history. It is poorly understood but the application of poisons to arrows to increase lethality must have occurred shortly after developing bow hunting methods; these early multi-stage transitions represent cognitive shifts in human evolution. This paper is a synthesis of widely-scattered literature in anthropology, entomology, and chemistry, dealing with San (“Bushmen”) arrow poisons. The term San (or Khoisan) covers many indigenous groups using so-called ‘click languages’ in southern Africa. Beetles are used for arrow poison by at least eight San groups and one non-San group. Fieldwork and interviews with Ju|’hoan and Hai||om hunters in Namibia revealed major differences in the nature and preparation of arrow poisons, bow and arrow construction, and poison antidote. Ju|’hoan hunters use leaf-beetle larvae of Diamphidia Gerstaecker and Polyclada Chevrolat (Chrysomelidae: Galerucinae: Alticini) collected from soil around the host plants Commiphora africana (A. Rich.) Engl. and Commiphora angolensis Engl. (Burseracaeae). In the Nyae Nyae area of Namibia, Ju|’hoan hunters use larvae of Diamphidia nigroornata Ståhl. Larvae and adults live above-ground on the plants and eat leaves, but the San collect the underground cocoons to extract the mature larvae. Larval hemolymph is mixed with saliva and applied to arrows. Hai||om hunters boil the milky plant sap of Adenium bohemianum Schinz (Apocynaceae) to reduce it to a thick paste that is applied to their arrows. The socio-cultural, historical, and ecological contexts of the various San groups may determine differences in the sources and preparation of poisons, bow and arrow technology, hunting behaviors, poison potency, and perhaps antidotes.
The San of the Drakensberg are assumed to be extinct. Yet, there are Zulu-speaking people in the Drokensberg who still identify as San. These people and their claims both challenge the preconceived notions of what it means to be San in southern Africa and show the situational nature of ethnicity. The claims revolve around mutual ties and family genealogies that do not necessarily constitute a salient or 'complete' identity, but a process intimately tied with the history of the region and all its complexity, violence and changes. I show how people claim different ethnicities at different times, past and present, in order to respond to changing social and political conditions. By highlighting the situational nature of ethnicity, I fracture singular notions of ethnicity as seen in the image of the San as essentially Kalahari hunter-gatherers.
Namibian Bushmen, such as the Hai//om and the Ju/'hoansi, are increasingly involved in the growing, white-dominated tourism industry. In this, white Namibians tend to position Bushmen and themselves as people of nature and conservationists. Elsewhere, white from southern African have avoided contact with blacks by identifying more with nature than with people. This has been an important element in their “politics of belonging” to the land. From this perspective, Bushmen occupy a special position because they are considered “part of nature” while they are also members of contemporary society. Although this view is paradoxical at first sight, I argue that essentialising Bushmen as people of nature and modernising (developing) them “into society” are compatible ideas that can strengthen white Namibians’ belonging to nature and society. Against the background of the global indigenous movement and local history, crucial elements in this process of belonging are the tourists’ quest for authenticity and southern African paternalism.
This article examines images of Bushmen in Namibian cultural tourism from two angles: that of the tourists and that of the community-based tourism provider. By looking at the tourist activities offered at Treesleeper Camp, it will be shown that in host–guest encounters, tourists’ images of (Hai//om) Bushmen interrelate with the images presented by the local hosts, and that tourists’ perceptions and the images sought to be transmitted by the community-based local tourism provider are (partly) different. Tourists’ quest for authentic Bushmen cultures often reflects the expectation of a pristine and exotic ‘other’ – an image that is derived from colonial views, anthropology, media and the tourism industry. But there are also tourists who are looking for Bushmen in a process of development. The community-based cultural tourism project of Treesleeper attempts to create awareness of Bushmen using their traditions to deal with current life challenges. The dual nature of the project is the starting point for showcasing the recreation of images as well as the tourism provider's ambivalence – in order to fulfil tourists’ expectations – between the objectives to create awareness of the Hai//om Bushmen's cultural heritage and their contemporary life.
Book synopsis: Wildlife conservation and other environmental protection projects can have tremendous impact on the lives and livelihoods of the often mobile, difficult-to-reach, and marginal peoples who inhabit the same territory. The contributors to this collection of case studies, social scientists as well as natural scientists, are concerned with this human element in biodiversity. They examine the interface between conservation and indigenous communities forced to move or to settle elsewhere in order to accommodate environmental policies and biodiversity concerns. The case studies investigate successful and not so successful community-managed, as well as local participatory, conservation projects in Africa, the Middle East, South and South Eastern Asia, Australia and Latin America. There are lessons to be learned from recent efforts in community managed conservation and this volume significantly contributes to that discussion.
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