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Comparative Jurisprudence (I): What Was It like to Try a Rat?

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... Ewald 1998, pp. 701-707, 705-706;Ewald 1995Ewald , p. 1896. It proposes methodologies for the study of the intellectual foundations of rules protecting rights in various legal systems. ...
... A study of how anti-discrimination law operates within various legal systems can lead to conclusions on which liberties are more worthy of protection in various legal systems (Suk 2007b;2007a;Tourkochoriti 2015;. A study of hate speech in Germany can enlighten the constitutional culture of that country as one that accepts limitations to free speech, in opposition to the US, where the self-understanding points towards protecting free speech (see Tushnet 1998Tushnet -1999Tushnet , p. 1278 This approach is a version of the one comparativists have characterized as the search for 'mentalités' (Samuel 1998;Legrand 1995, p. 273) and 'Styles of thought' (Ewald 1994(Ewald -1995(Ewald , p. 1948. It is also close to what some other scholars have characterized as 'expressivism', the inquiry as to how constitutions help constitute the nations, 'offering to each nation's people a way of understanding themselves as political beings'. 5 It is also broader than this as it aims at identifying wider patterns of thought and ex ante understandings, conscious and unconscious elements at play within the understandings of jurists on the legitimate limits of a liberty within a legal system. ...
... William Ewald advocates a similar approach inEwald 1995Ewald , p. 1944.Dit artikel uit Law and Method is gepubliceerd door Boom juridisch en is bestemd voor anonieme bezoeker ...
... A striking feature of the literature is the consensus that comparative law suffers a longstanding 'malaise' (Ewald, 1995(Ewald, : 1891. Indeed, the 'so-called "malaise of comparative law" has become a catchphrase' (Smith, 2010: 332 (footnote collecting sources omitted)). ...
... For some, the lack of disciplinary coherence displays itself in comparatists' weak 'sense of ultimately belonging to the same guild and of working towards similar goals', relative to groups such as international lawyers and legal historians (Reimann, 2002: 687). Tackling matters of method that return below, the field's leading scholars characterize comparative law as 'superficial and unsystematic, dull and prone to error' (Ewald, 1995(Ewald, : 1891. Riles (2001: 3 (footnote omitted)) remarks 'a certain ubiquitous angst' about comparative law's identity vis-à-vis disciplines such as comparative politics, jurisprudence and the anthropology or sociology of law. ...
... Such tacit rules may help to explain why what is superficially the same rule operates differently in different places (and within a place). In turn, Ewald (1995: 2111 (emphasis omitted)) encourages attention to 'law in minds', the aim being 'to understand the legal system from within and be able to think about it as a foreigner thinks' (Ewald, 1995(Ewald, : 1948. A variation looks to 'paradigms'lawyers' 'hard core of shared understandings, of basic theories and concepts, a common language, a common methodology' (Van Hoecke and Warrington, 1998: 513À514). ...
... Perhaps they did not know much about the historical importance of the term for a legal understanding of style or simply did not consider the issue. 6 On the academic context of Spiethoff's paper in German economics, see Redlich (1970); on modern uses of economic style in (comparative) economics, see Schefold (1994;1994-1995 as he is after 'those features that jointly determine the style of entire groups of legal systems' (Zweigert, 1961, p. 47). ...
... Rather than providing a basis, it merely puts a new label on Arminjon, Nolde and Wolff's pre-existing classification. As indicated above, Constantinesco arguably had the false expectation that the doctrine of style would 14 'We must, it seems, for this purpose conceive of law as a cognitive phenomenon, seeing in it not just a set of rules or a mechanism for the resolution of disputes, but a style of thought, a deliberate attempt, by people in their waking hours, to interpret and organize the social world: not an abstract structure, but a conscious, ratiocinative activity' (Ewald, 1995(Ewald, , p. 1940. See also Ewald (1998). ...
Article
Through a close reading of Konrad Zweigert's 1961 essay and related writings, the paper discusses his use of the term ‘style’ in the classification of legal families, making three arguments. First, Zweigert's use of style is methodologically naive. He uses style as a cluster concept, grouping an eclectic mix of features characteristic for the history, language, techniques, doctrines and values of national laws. His explicit sources seem to have provided associative and superficial inspiration rather than a theoretical basis for this terminological move. Second, Zweigert's methodology could have been improved by using more rigorous style concepts – and he seems to have been aware of the necessary theoretical resources. Third, such a commitment to a humanistic and cultural approach to comparative law is not easily reconciled with the blunt functionalism of Zweigert's programmatic methodological statements. His style doctrine is only compatible with a weak version of functionalism as a ‘methodological metaphor’: the version he actually espoused.
... Why did the magis trates execute the animals at all, let alone in this particular fashion? The trial of animals by both ecclesiastical and criminal courts had a long history in Europe (Evans 1906;Hyde 1916;Berman 1994;Ewald 1995;Girgen 2003), and, in cases of bestiality, "the animal was regularly put to death with the man" (Ewald 1995(Ewald : 1905. Some colonists believed that human copulation with animals could result in monstrous hybrids, and they took steps to foreclose any possibility of inter species procreation. ...
... Why did the magis trates execute the animals at all, let alone in this particular fashion? The trial of animals by both ecclesiastical and criminal courts had a long history in Europe (Evans 1906;Hyde 1916;Berman 1994;Ewald 1995;Girgen 2003), and, in cases of bestiality, "the animal was regularly put to death with the man" (Ewald 1995(Ewald : 1905. Some colonists believed that human copulation with animals could result in monstrous hybrids, and they took steps to foreclose any possibility of inter species procreation. ...
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The article explores the history and structure of American laws criminalizing sexual contact between humans and animals to demonstrate how the ecological conditions of late capitalism are remaking sexual taxonomies, practices, and identities. It notes that the majority of these statutes have been enacted within the past three decades and most contain language that explicitly exempts animal husbandry and veterinary medicine from prosecution. The article explores the legislative politics that produce these exemptions and exposes an underlying ambiguity: in the age of industrial reproduction, the “accepted practices” of animal husbandry can be distinguished from bestiality only through legal fiat. The structure of the laws exempts human sexual contact with animals when it reproduces biocapital and produces “perverse” bestialists and “normal” farmers as mirrored categories, distinguished not by their relations to animals but by their relations to capital. Finally, the article reads this insight against the biopolitical theorist Giorgio Agamben’s concept of anthropogenesis and notes that such exemptions reveal a limitation in his theory. In place of the timeless ritualism of Agamben’s “anthropological machine,” the article argues for an account of speciation that recognizes strategic gradations of pain and pleasure, the critical role of sexual violence and reproduction, and processes of trans-speciative procreation.
... Trên trường quốc tế, các luật mẫu như UNCITRAL (Uỷ ban Liên Hợp Quốc về Luật Thương mại Quốc tế), UNIDROIT (Viện Quốc tế về Nhất thế hoá pháp luật tư) khuyến khích quá trình cấy ghép pháp luật của các nước đang phát triển nhằm đáp ứng nhu cầu toàn cầu hoá cũng như yêu cầu của các điều ước quốc tế như TRIPS [69]. Tuy nhiên, việc chúng ta quá vội vã khi chưa xem xét tính tương thích giữa quốc gia và Việt Nam đã khiến cho việc cấy ghép pháp luật không đạt được thành công như mong đợi (ví dụ như việc xem xét nền tảng triết học và nguyên tắc cơ bản ẩn sau ngôn từ -thành quả của lịch sử tiến hóa của một chế định luật mà Việt Nam muốn cấy ghép [70]). Watson cũng đưa ra giải thích cho sự thất bại của việc cấy ghép pháp luật: i) thiếu các ý niệm, ý thức hệ, giá trị thuận lợi cho việc cấy ghép pháp luật, ii) các quan niệm pháp luật cấy ghép bị đánh tráo khái niệm, cùng tên gọi nhưng nội hàm khác, với mục đích khác, iii) thiếu các thiết chế thuận lợi giúp áp dụng, phổ biến ý tưởng của pháp luật, giúp số đông dân chúng được tham gia nhiều hơn, hưởng lợi nhiều hơn, được trao quyền nhiều hơn từ pháp luật cấy ghép [14]. ...
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The interplay of legal systems has existed for thousands of years. In the contemporary context, globalization promotes interaction between legal systems. Legal comparatists have long developed the “legal transplant” theory to investigate foreign legal borrowing cases. However, scholars have not looked into this phenomenon in Vietnam thoroughly. The article introduces the theoretical framework of legal transplant. It then considers the practice of legal transplant in Vietnam in several legal fields to point out the decisive factors of the success or failure of the legal transplant.
... Zu den Motiven für die Personifizierung in "traditionellen" Gesellschaften,Ewald (1995). Für eine historische Typologie von personae,Dijk (2020). ...
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Zusammenfassung Modelle individueller Verantwortlichkeit für die Handlungen von Algorithmen versagen dann, wenn eine Mensch-Algorithmus-Assoziation selbst als Handlungseinheit in den Blick gerät. In manchen Situationen sind menschliche und algorithmische Handlungen derart eng miteinander verwoben, dass keine lineare Verbindung zwischen den emergenten Kollektiven und den komplexen Interaktionen der individuellen Handlungseinheiten mehr besteht. In solchen kollektiven Entscheidungssequenzen lässt sich auch keine individuelle Verantwortlichkeit mehr zurechnen. Deshalb bedarf es einer neuen Perspektive auf Mensch-Algorithmus-Assoziationen, die ihre emergenten Eigenschaften und ihren organisationalen Charakter erfasst, um angemessene Modelle kollektiver Verantwortlichkeit zu entwickeln. Der Artikel sucht Antworten auf die folgenden Fragen: Wie kann die Begegnung zwischen Mensch und Algorithmus innerhalb einer solchen sozio-technischen Konfiguration theoretisch angemessen erfasst werden? Lässt sich die Konfiguration als hybrides Kollektiv verstehen? Können der Konfiguration selbst als personifiziertem Kollektivakteur Handlungen zugerechnet werden? Welche Verantwortlichkeitsformen dürften für Mensch-Algorithmus-Assoziationen institutionalisiert werden – zentralisierte oder distribuierte Kollektivverantwortlichkeiten?
... Савиньи, начиная с первой работы, которая принесла ему признание, («Право владения» (1803)), последовательно разделял римский и германский элементы в действующем праве (Савиньи 2011b: 186; см. об этом: Кёниг 2010: 364;Ewald 1995Ewald : 2027. Более того, Савиньи отстаивал, вслед за Кресин А.В. ...
... The author's intention here is not to praise or condemn any norms or practices of their application, but provide an examination of how RF SC reasons in its decisions on religious freedoms, and how this reasoning can be representative of the collective mind-sets and attitudes. This analysis can help identify what William Ewald (1995a) called, "law in the minds" at RF SC in matters of religious freedoms; it can potentially serve the consequent political analyses for the comparative law examination of (dis)similarities in the regulation of religious freedoms in Russia and other countries and perhaps for normative judgments by policy-makers or by those who aspire to become such. ...
... They had been accused of eating and of intentionally destroying barley crops in the jurisdiction. When the rats failed to appear in court, their defence lawyer's tactic was to invoke the notion of fair process, and more specifically to challenge the original writ for failing to give the rats due notice (Ewald 1995). ...
... First, the class of criminally accountable agents has to be taken into account. From the ninth century to the nineteenth in Western Europe, legal systems tried animals for any kind of crime or damage (Ewald 1995). Prejudices and superstitions of the Middle Ages were finally eclipsed by the ideas of the Enlightenment, leaving humans as the only plausible actor in the legal domain. ...
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This work is based on the premise that the practice of comparative law will only be able to reach sophisticated levels of investigation once the theory of legal comparison is minimally established in Brazilian academia. In this sense, comparative research in public law needs a more rigorous theoretical study. To contribute to this, this research questions whether there is, in fact, an autonomy of comparative public law within comparative legal studies. To achieve this objective, employing a descriptive and analytical methodological approach and a hypothetical-deductive approach aims to determine whether the field possesses its object, characteristics, and objectives. After this first step, the aim is to demonstrate how the definition of each of these elements contributes to a better production of legal knowledge. RESUMO O presente trabalho parte da premissa de que a prática do direito comparado só poderá alcançar níveis sofisticados de investigação quando a teoria da comparação jurídica es-tiver minimamente sedimentada na academia brasileira. Neste sentido, a pesquisa compara-da em direito público se ressente de um estudo teórico mais rigoroso. Com o intuito de contri-buir neste sentido, esta pesquisa questiona se há, de fato, uma autonomia do direito público comparado dentro dos estudos jurídicos com-parados. Para isso, e adotando um processo metodológico descritivo e analítico e um mé-todo hipotético-dedutivo, busca-se identificar se o campo possui objeto, característica e fina-lidades próprias. Após este primeiro momen-to, intenta-se demonstrar como a definição de cada um desses elementos contribui para uma melhor produção do conhecimento jurídico. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Direito Público Compa-rado. Teoria da Comparação Jurídica. Direito Público. SUMÁRIO-1. INTRODUÇÃO. 2. A PRIMAZIA DO DIREITO PRIVADO NO CAMPO DOS ESTUDOS COMPARADOS: RAZÕES E LIMITES. 3. DELIMITANDO O CAMPO DO DIREITO PÚBLICO COMPARADO: OBJETO, CARACTERÍSTICAS E FINALIDADES. 4. CONCLUSÃO.
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Our thoughts are products of our own culture, tradition, and ideal of order, so their understanding and development can only be based upon them. However, cultures, traditions and ideals vary from time to time and from people to people, as each of them has been created and developed to respond to challenges under their own conditions given. Consequently, they are both independent of each other in their genesis and also incommensurable in their historical set; they are not even classifiable but only taxonomisable in a strict sense. Each of us lives and interprets his own world; when comparing, we attempt at putting all of them in a common hat, while none of us can transcend the symbolic paradox of “I interpret your culture through my culture”. A way out, if at all, can only result from their individual parallel characterisation, when we build up some kind of abstract philosophical universality from the ideals of order concerned. In the context of the Self, on the one hand, and of You, on the other, we are expected not only to explain the Other, but also to recognise it by its own right. Accordingly, legal comparison aims at getting knowledge not only of ‘law in books’ and ‘law in action’ but about what is meant by law when it works in the mind. All in all, comparison comprises, in addition to the mere act of taking cognisance, also the acceptance of this Other by its own right, in which no entity involved is simply reduced to anything purely factual (“what is the law?”), but the actuality of the entire normative process leading to a legal statement (“how do we think in law?”) is considered. Getting to know any foreign law begins with the grouping of laws and, expressed in terms of belonging to legal families, by combining those which are similar and contrasting those which are dissimilar. Their interaction and mixing are part of their life, but establishing their occurrence cannot substitute to the didactic necessity and explanatory power of analysing them in term of legal families as well. When describing them, mere contrast or parallelism is to be completed by showing up the specific field and way of ingenuity each of them may have in comparison to others, as their individual contribution to the cultural production of the humanity.
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Globalisation has disrupted most of the intellectual and practical tools jurists had devised. Yesterday’s “high definition” law has given way to a new “low definition” law. The main features of the latter have debased such paradigmatic concepts as the authority of the State legislator, the dichotomy between internal and external legal norms, the distinction between public and private sources of law, the image of the Kelsenian pyramid of norms, and the centrality of legal obligation. Legal pluralism and constitutionalism have frequently been presented as the two main competing orientations to meet the challenges of the global age. Whereas the former insists on diversity, the latter insists on common values. The legal, empirical, and doctrinal information gleaned from nine national reporters about the respective situations of Argentina, Botswana, Brazil, Cyprus, Germany, Greece, Singapore, the Solomon Islands, and the United Kingdom tend to prove that no clear-cut distinction between pluralism and constitutionalism is evident. Nor are the strategies these two perspectives embody totally successful to meet the demands of the day. Section 2 of this general report sets the stage for the study of legal interactions in the global age. It sheds light on the degree of pluralism each of the studied legal systems admits, both in its relations with other legal systems that reach beyond the States, and in its relations with more or less autonomous inner forms of legal normativity. Section 3 tackles the forms of interactions that take place among legal actors in the context of an increasingly plural landscape, and how they contribute to changing legal mentalities. By focusing respectively on legal actors’ reasoning and on legal scholarship, understood as the interacting members of a unified epistemic community, Sects. 4 and 5 contribute to highlighting what “thinking like a lawyer” means today. Finally, Sect. 6 identifies how little neutral, and how value-laden, the current discussion about pluralism and constitutionalism is. The very concepts that are currently used to confront today’s major legal changes testify to the ideological dimension of legal analysis.
Article
This paper examines the methodological claim made famous by P. F. Strawson: that we understand what features are required for responsible agency by exploring our attitudes and practices of holding responsible. What is the presumed metaphysical connection between holding responsible and being fit to be held responsible that makes this claim credible? I propose a non‐standard answer to this question, arguing for a view of responsible agency that is neither antirealist nor straightforwardly realist. It is instead “constructivist.” On the “Scaffolding View” I defend, reactive attitudes play an essential role in developing, supporting, and thereby maintaining the capacities that make for responsible agency. Although this view has relatively novel implications for a metaphysical understanding of capacities, its chief virtue, in contrast with more standard views, is in providing a plausible defense of why so‐called “responsible agents” genuinely deserve to be treated as such.
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Full-text available
Our thoughts are products of our own culture, tradition, and ideal of order, so their understanding and development can only be based upon them. However, cultures, traditions and ideals vary from time to time and from people to people, as each of them has been created and developed to respond to challenges under their own conditions given. Consequently, they are both independent of each other in their genesis and also incommensurable in their historical set; they are not even classifiable but only taxonomisable in a strict sense. Each of us lives and interprets his own world; when comparing, we attempt at putting all of them in a common hat, while none of us can transcend the symbolic paradox of “I interpret your culture through my culture”. A way out, if at all, can only result from their individual parallel characterisation, when we build up some kind of abstract philosophical universality from the ideals of order concerned. In the context of the Self, on the one hand, and of You, on the other, we are expected not only to explain the Other, but also to recognise it by its own right. Accordingly, legal comparison aims at getting knowledge not only of ‘law in books’ and ‘law in action’ but about what is meant by law when it works in the mind. All in all, comparison comprises, in addition to the mere act of taking cognisance, also the acceptance of this Other by its own right, in which no entity involved is simply reduced to anything purely factual (“what is the law?”), but the actuality of the entire normative process leading to a legal statement (“how do we think in law?”) is considered. Getting to know any foreign law begins with the grouping of laws and, expressed in terms of belonging to legal families, by combining those which are similar and contrasting those which are dissimilar. Their interaction and mixing are part of their life, but establishing their occurrence cannot substitute to the didactic necessity and explanatory power of analysing them in term of legal families as well. When describing them, mere contrast or parallelism is to be completed by showing up the specific field and way of ingenuity each of them may have in comparison to others, as their individual contribution to the cultural production of the humanity.
Chapter
This chapter is based on experience of teaching comparative law in the multicultural environment of classrooms in Singapore. Reflecting on this experience, the chapter explores the mission(s) of comparative law drawing on jurisprudential perspectives. From this, the chapter develops and argument about what comparative law should and should not be called upon to do in the classroom, and what a teacher of comparative law in multicultural legal classes should aim to deliver. In sum, the argument is that a jurisprudentially informed comparative legal studies approach should be pursued. If such an approach is adopted, then the teaching of comparative law in multicultural legal classes, while challenging, presents a significant opportunity for enhanced understanding.
Book
Cambridge Core - Jurisprudence - Kinship, Law and Politics - by Joseph E. David
Article
What kind of legal history might account for the unique and continued practice of forfeiture in the United States? Law enforcement, as many recent writers have argued, has grown increasingly dependent on this fail-safe way to gain revenue, since civil asset forfeiture has few procedural safeguards. Unlike criminal forfeiture (in personam), civil forfeiture generally proceeds against the offending property (in rem), not against the person. A piece of property does not have the rights of a person; so, instead of proving crime beyond “a reasonable doubt,” suspicion equal to “probable cause” is enough. Your property is guilty until you prove it innocent. With civil forfeiture, owners do not have to be charged with a crime, let alone be convicted, to lose homes, cars, cash—or dogs. This effort to sharpen our understanding of dispossession is preeminently a legal project. It takes its meaning and garners its effects from the division between value and disregard, things and persons, human and nonhuman. In analyzing how legal reasoning has historically contributed to literal expropriation, I examine the generally invisible nexus of animality, human marginalization, and juridical authority.
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The comparison is a mental process wherein two or more different objects are examined to determine their possible relationships. As an element of the cognition process, comparison cannot be considered separately from other logical means of cognition, such as analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction. Scientific comparison involves three interconnected aspects: a logical method of cognition; a process or cognitive activity; and a cognitive result, i.e. knowledge of a certain kind. It also embraces judgment and evaluative selection, as it is usually concerned with one or some aspects of the objects compared, while abstracting provisionally and conditionally other aspects. Comparison is used in all fields of scientific inquiry, although in each field the comparative method employed has its own distinct features that fulfil the relevant cognitive functions. A distinction may be drawn between the function of comparison as an element of cognition in general, and the comparative method as a relatively autonomous, systematically organized means of research designed to achieve specific aims of cognition.
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The term comparative law does not denote a specific branch of positive law, or a body of rules governing a particular field of social activity. When we speak, for instance, of the comparative law of marriage, we do not refer to a set of rules regulating relations between husband and wife; we merely refer to the fact that the marriage laws of two or more countries have been subjected to a process of comparison with a view to ascertaining their differences and similarities. The term ‘comparative law’ denotes, therefore, a form of study and research whose object is the comparison of legal systems with a view to obtaining knowledge that may be used for a variety of theoretical and practical purposes. In the words of Zweigert and Kötz, comparative law is “an intellectual activity with law as its object and comparison as its process.” Comparative law embraces: the comparing of legal systems with the purpose of detecting their differences and similarities; working with the differences and similarities that have been detected (for instance explaining their origins, evaluating the solutions utilized in different legal systems, grouping legal systems into families of law or searching for the common core of the systems under comparison); and the treatment of the methodological problems that arise in connection with these tasks, including methodological problems connected to the study of foreign law. As the above definitions suggest, the scope of comparative law is extremely broad and its subject-matter can never be treated in an exhaustive manner, for one can hardly imagine all the possible purposes and dimensions of legal comparison.
Article
Протягом останніх десятиліть було поставлене питання щодо узагальнення й осмислення елементів спеціальнонаукової картини світу, притаманної порівняльно-правовим дослідженм і дисциплінам. Проблемою в цьому контексті стало уявне відокремлення філософських засад порівняльно-правових досліджень та сформованої на їхній основі класифікації правопорядків. Метою статті є реконструкція зв’язку між філософськими вченнями, розвитком філософії та теорії різних наук і становленням учення про особливе в праві в контексті становлення теоретичних засад порівняльно-правових досліджень, зокрема, генезою порівняльно-правової наукової картини світу. У статті доводиться, що поява ідеї соціального особливого в праві була закономірною, такою, що випливала із суперечності між апріорним проголошенням всесвітньої стадіальності правового розвитку і вивченням конкретних механізмів взаємодії правових систем. Багато в чому ця ідея була побічним продуктом, по-перше, усвідомлення неуніверсальності значення і реального поширення релігійних учень та римського права, по-друге, регіональності, культурної та іншої обумовленості ідей природного права, по-третє, намагання визначити межі етнокультурних традицій народів, що не збігаються із кордонами держав, по-четверте, виявлення нерівноцінних зв’язків між різними національними правопорядками. У другій половині XVIII – першій третині ХІХ ст. було розвинуто теорію сім’ї правових систем як середньої і максимальної об’єктивної одиниці між національним правопорядком та загальнолюдським правовим розвитком, що є внутрішньо пов’язаним феноменом, існування якого матеріалізується у вигляді особливих іманент них елементів у складі національного права. Це особливе в праві, згідно з поглядами тогочасних учених, можна визначити як суму суттєвих елементів і взаємодій, що склалися історично і є загальними для певної групи правопорядків. Це найвища одиниця правового розвитку і найширший об’єкт юридичної науки; узагальнення ж більш високого рівня є суб’єктивними і входять до предмета філософії. Проблематика правових сімей та їх класифікації у досліджуваний період низкою вчених уже була виокремлена як сфера наукових знань. Найбільш розробленим критерієм виокремлення особливого в праві був мовнокультурний. Окрім нього в основу визначення окремого в праві деякими вченими були покладені: фізико-географічний детермінізм, ареали поширення релігій, належність до римської правової традиції, поділ на західне і східне право. Доводиться, що ці теорії виявили свою непослідовність, а також субсидіарність щодо теорії правових сімей.
Article
Today's world has been deeply affected by globalization. Different cultures have deepened their knowledge of each other and are forced to create common solutions to worldwide problems. This has led to an increasing interest in comparing different nations’ approaches to common problems.
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Core Questions of Comparative Law. By Bernhard Grossfeld. Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press, 2004. xiii, 261 p.; 21 cm. - Volume 34 Issue 2 - Marylin J. Raisch
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This article takes issue with the longstanding oppositional themes of harmonisation versus regulatory competition in European company law. Instead of embracing one approach over the other in exclusivity, the article draws attention to the persisting mixture of approaches to an emerging European-wide law regulating the business corporation. Against the background of an ongoing struggle over identifying the goals and taboos of the European legislator’s mandate in regulating the company, the argument put forward here is that this very struggle is reflective of the nature of the evolution of company law in an ‘integrating Europe and a globalising world’. European attempts of developing European company law as part of a larger initiative of improving the Union’s potential for innovation and competition are thus likely to meet with the challenges that contemporary Nation States are facing when adapting their modes of regulation and representation to the demands of an increasingly complex and decentralised fields of market activities. Situating the law of the business corporation within the larger theme of European integration on the one hand, and of issues of market regulation, domestic, transnational, and international, on the other, suggests the adoption of a systems theory-based approach to understanding the boundaries of law in this multilevel and multipolar process.
Article
Despite the humanities' “animal turn,” the historiography of western European medieval animals is limited. Social historians have examined specific (usually economically important) species, and cultural historians have analyzed the symbolism of animals in the Middle Ages, but few are interested in the animals themselves. Drawing on the highly interdisciplinary field of Critical Animal Studies and other fields of history, I suggest ways that medieval historians could embrace the animal turn to study the experiences of real animals and animal–human entanglements of the Middle Ages.
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This chapter begins with the mysterious image of a cat hanged in 1554 London and investigates whether this particular hanging was similar in nature to the extensive medieval and early modern animal prosecutions in continental Europe reported on by the historian E.P. Evans. It examines the adequacy of Evans’ claims about the periodicity, the geography and the meaning of animal prosecutions. The existence of deodands notwithstanding, no evidence is found of any animal trials in the British Isles. The chapter warns that the power of medieval criminal law to punish animals has been usurped by the bureaucratic regulations attached to the circumstances in which animal shelters and animal control officers put animals to death.
Book
This book explores how the design, construction, and use of robotics technology may affect today’s legal systems and, more particularly, matters of responsibility and agency in criminal law, contractual obligations, and torts. By distinguishing between the behaviour of robots as tools of human interaction, and robots as proper agents in the legal arena, jurists will have to address a new generation of “hard cases.” General disagreement may concern immunity in criminal law (e.g., the employment of robot soldiers in battle), personal accountability for certain robots in contracts (e.g., robo-traders), much as clauses of strict liability and negligence-based responsibility in extra-contractual obligations (e.g., service robots in tort law). Since robots are here to stay, the aim of the law should be to wisely govern our mutual relationships.
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Having entered the twenty first century, comparative law must now take stock of important issues arising from the above picture and then move on. The shifting and changing horizons of comparative law must be critically analyzed.
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This chapter delves into the nature of the pactum as both substantial and functional bond, as well as mythical canon of any contractual-constituting initiative in the public and private spheres. The aim is to show that the movement toward the conceptualisation of good faith as an organising principle and implied term in the Common law tradition is due to the need to counterbalance our inhuman condition as made manifest by the humanitarian façade of the modern constitutional project. This claim is supported by an unconventional method of investigation that will promote the comparison between the role of political action at the public level and the increasing utilisation of the doctrine of good faith in Contract law theory and practice.
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