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Construção e Validação da Escala de Orgulho e suas Relações com Autoestima

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Abstract

This study aimed to develop and validate a scale to assess pride in adolescents as well as to investigate its correlation with self-esteem. Participants were 580 high school students from three Brazilian States, 55% female, mean age of 16 years. The participants responded to a questionnaire with socio-demographic questions, to the Rosenberg self-esteem scale, and to a set of items developed to assess pride. The results indicated the emergence of two dimensions that assessed the construct with an adequate internal consistency index: authentic pride and hubristic pride. Authentic pride relates to feelings of joy and pleasure experienced after obtaining success in accomplishing an action. Hubristic pride refers to the difficulty in admitting errors and feelings of superiority. Self-esteem presented a positive correlation with authentic pride and a negative correlation with hubristic pride.

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... O orgulho autêntico refere-se ao sentimento de triunfo sobre a realização de atividades 9 . Trata-se de um construto positivo que é associado à felicidade e ao prazer em cumprir ações, além de ser um sentimento ligado a um status social 9,10 . ...
... Já o orgulho arrogante possui caráter negativo e inclui sentimentos de egoísmo, arrogância e autoengrandecimento. Este construto envolve a dificuldade de assumir erros e também a desvalorização da contribuição dos outros, além de relacionar-se à procura de atalhos e vantagens para obter um certo status, apontando superioridade e intimidação ao adversário 9,10 . ...
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Resumo O objetivo do presente estudo foi adaptar transculturalmente o instrumento “The Body-related Self-Conscious Emotions Fitness Instrument (BSE-FIT)” para a língua portuguesa brasileira. O processo de adaptação envolveu as seguintes etapas: tradução do BSE-FIT para a língua portuguesa; avaliação pelo Comitê de Juízes; retrotradução; análise semântica; e pré-teste. Os membros do Comitê de Juízes apontaram dificuldades na tradução do termo “fitness” e questionaram que o significado da palavra na língua portuguesa é mais amplo do que “forma física”, relacionando-o também ao que o corpo é capaz de fazer. Na análise semântica foram observadas dificuldades de compreensão no item 4 (orgulhoso do meu preparo físico superior) e optou-se por alterar para “orgulhoso do meu superior preparo físico” para facilitar o entendimento. Na etapa de pré-teste não foram observadas dificuldades de preenchimento ou compreensão dos itens e o processo de adaptação transcultural foi encerrado. Ao final, alcançaram-se as equivalências semântica, idiomática, conceitual e cultural do instrumento adaptado, além da validade de face e conteúdo. Contudo, para que o BSE-FIT possa ser empregado para a população brasileira é necessária a validação das propriedades métricas do mesmo, cujo estudo está em desenvolvimento.
... Two-Dimensional Scale of Pride (Laskoski, Natividade, Navarini, Bittencourt, & Hutz, 2013): measures levels of Authentic and Arrogant pride. It comprises 11 items in a 5-point Likert format, such that the closer to 5 the higher the intensity of pride. ...
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The cognitive and emotional development of adolescents is affected by how they perceive their parents’ upbringing, or parenting style. This study aimed to verify the relationship between the perception of parenting styles by adolescents who committed transgressive acts and compare it to that of adolescents without such a history, also searching for associations with the moral emotions of pride, shame, and guilt. In total, 219 adolescents in conflict with the law and 243 non-offender adolescents participated in the study. They answered questionnaires containing sociodemographic questions and scales that assess moral emotions and parenting styles. The Chi-square and t-test were used to verify significant correlations between the demandingness dimension of the perceived parenting style and the practice of transgressive acts. Results revealed that the demandingness dimension and two guilt factors can act as protection against transgressive acts, especially in male adolescents.
... Orgulho: O orgulho pode ser definido como consequência de uma avaliação bem sucedida, associados com a avaliação do self, relacionado ainda com a autoestima e bem estar subjetivo servindo como motivação [Laskoski et al 2013] [Stoeber et al 2007]. [Carvalho 2007], a satisfação é como "um estado afetivo de bem-estar resultante da relação entre as expectativas que se têm acerca de um trabalho e as suas reais condições de execução". ...
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Os jogos de computador estimulam cada vez mais as emocoes de seus usuarios, devido a evolucao das tecnologias de desenvolvimento. Este trabalho analisa a possibilidade destes estimularem emocoes relacionadas a aquisicao de conhecimento. Para isto, foi desenvolvido um RPG (Role Playing Game) com base nas emocoes pertinentes a aprendizagem. Esta aplicacao, foi aplicada em uma instituicao publica de ensino para validar o uso de jogos baseados nas emocoes do usuario. Baseando-se nos resultados, pode-se analisar o estimulo desta ferramenta e ainda sobre ser utilizada como auxilio para o professor.
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Do individuals with high self-esteem enjoy positive interpersonal relationships, or are they aggressive and antisocial? Does narcissism reflect an abundance of self-worth, or inflated self-views driven by an overcompensation for low self-esteem? The present research addresses the apparently two-sided nature of self-esteem and narcissism by distinguishing between two distinct self-regulatory processes (narcissistic self-aggrandizement and genuine self-esteem), and proposing that two distinct facets of pride—authentic and hubristic—form the affective core of each. Specifically, findings demonstrate that when narcissistic and genuine self-esteem are empirically distinguished, genuine self-esteem (along with authentic pride) is positively related to successful social relationships and mental health, whereas narcissistic self-aggrandizement (along with hubristic pride) is positively related to aggression and other antisocial behaviors.
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According to traditional views, perfectionists are prone to experience shame and guilt and unable to experience pride. Hamachek (1978), however, suggested that this applies only to neurotic perfectionists, whereas normal perfectionists are able to experience pride and are not prone to experience shame and guilt. Following Hamachek’s differentiation, the present study investigated 121 undergraduates and compared healthy perfectionists (high perfectionistic strivings, low perfectionistic concerns), unhealthy perfectionists (high perfectionistic strivings, high perfectionistic concerns), and non-perfectionists (low perfectionistic strivings) regarding proneness to shame, guilt, and pride and state shame, guilt, and pride following success and failure. As expected, healthy perfectionists reported more state pride and less state shame and guilt than unhealthy perfectionists and non-perfectionists. Moreover, healthy perfectionists indicated lower proneness to shame than unhealthy perfectionists and non-perfectionists. However, both healthy and unhealthy perfectionists indicated higher proneness to pride and higher proneness to guilt than non-perfectionists. Supporting views of perfectionism that differentiate between positive and negative forms of the construct, the present findings show that individuals, who strive for perfection, but are unconcerned about imperfections, may well experience pride and be prone to feel guilt, but not shame.
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The authors examined age differences in shame, guilt, and 2 forms of pride (authentic and hubristic) from age 13 years to age 89 years, using cross-sectional data from 2,611 individuals. Shame decreased from adolescence into middle adulthood, reaching a nadir around age 50 years, and then increased in old age. Guilt increased from adolescence into old age, reaching a plateau at about age 70 years. Authentic pride increased from adolescence into old age, whereas hubristic pride decreased from adolescence into middle adulthood, reaching a minimum around age 65 years, and then increased in old age. On average, women reported experiencing more shame and guilt; Blacks reported experiencing less shame and Asians more hubristic pride than other ethnicities. Across the life span, shame and hubristic pride tended to be negatively related to psychological well-being, and shame-free guilt and authentic pride showed positive relations with well-being. Overall, the findings support the maturity principle of personality development and suggest that as people age they become more prone to experiencing psychologically adaptive self-conscious emotions, such as guilt and authentic pride, and less prone to experiencing psychologically maladaptive ones, such as shame and hubristic pride.
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To provide support for the theoretical distinction between 2 facets of pride, authentic and hubristic (J. L. Tracy & R. W. Robins, 2004a), the authors conducted 7 studies. Studies 1-4 demonstrate that the 2 facets (a) emerge in analyses of the semantic meaning of pride-related words, the dispositional tendency to experience pride, and reports of actual pride experiences; (b) have divergent personality correlates and distinct antecedent causal attributions; and (c) do not simply reflect positively and negatively valenced, high- and low-activation, or state versus trait forms of pride. In Studies 5-7, the authors develop and demonstrate the reliability and validity of brief, 7-item scales that can be used to assess the facets of pride in future research.
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Based on evolutionary logic, Henrich and Gil-White [Evolution and Human Behavior, 22(3), 165–196] distinguished between two routes to attaining social status in human societies: dominance, based on intimidation, and prestige, based on the possession of skills or expertise. Independently, emotion researchers Tracy and Robins [Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(3), 506–525] demonstrated two distinct forms of pride: hubristic and authentic. Bridging these two lines of research, this paper examines whether hubristic and authentic pride, respectively, may be part of the affective-motivational suite of psychological adaptations underpinning the status-obtaining strategies of dominance and prestige. Support for this hypothesis emerged from two studies employing self-reports (Study 1), and self-and peer-reports of group members on collegiate athletic teams (Study 2). Results from both studies showed that hubristic pride is associated with dominance, whereas authentic pride is associated with prestige. Moreover, the two facets of pride are part of a larger suite of distinctive psychological traits uniquely associated with dominance or prestige. Specifically, dominance is positively associated with traits such as narcissism, aggression, and disagreeableness, whereas prestige is positively associated with traits such as genuine self-esteem, agreeableness, conscientiousness, achievement, advice-giving, and prosociality. Discussion focuses on the implications of these findings for our understanding of the evolutionary origins of pride and social status, and the interrelations among emotion, personality, and status attainment.
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