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Up From Slavery: Afro-Brazilian Activism in São Paulo, 1888-1938
Abstract
Throughout the centuries of slavery in the Americas and the Caribbean, Africans and their descendants struggled against a social system that sought to reduce them to chattel. They found that their struggle was to continue, albeit in different forms, long after abolition. In Brazil, emancipation in 1888 was followed the next year by the demise of imperial government and the installation of the First Republic. This created a new political and legal framework for Afro-Brazilians to negotiate positions in society. Racial relations in former slave societies are not the simple result of imposed identities and social spaces by a dominant group upon an oppressed group. They evolve from a dialectical power struggle in which blacks as well as whites affect the outcome.
... No início do século XX, os ativistas negros se organizaram em torno de suas causas comuns em associações, clubes e na imprensa. Jornais negros que funcionaram durante os anos 1800 e início dos anos 1900 (incluindo o Clarim da Alvorada, O Getulino e o Progresso) (Butler 1992) defendiam a igualdade racial e os ideais políticos decorrentes da imprensa panafricana, como o Negro World, editado por Marcus Garvey 3 . Uma das associações de maior destaque nesse período foi o Centro Cívico Palmares, fundado em 1926 pelo Major Antônio Carlos de Minas Gerais em São Paulo. ...
Quando os deportados encalharam pelas matas e deixaram as plantações, as pegadas que seguiram não implicavam nem o abandono de si próprios nem tampouco o desespero, mas também não o orgulho ou a soberba da pessoa [...] a pegada atravessa a terra, que nunca haverá de se tornar território novamente (Glissant 2006:23). Em dezembro de 2013, a Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas proclamou o período entre 2015 e 2024 a Década Internacional de Afrodescendentes, com o tema "Reconhecimento, Justiça e Desenvolvimento". Embora tais proclamações por parte de organizações multilaterais sejam meramente simbólicas, esta especificamente promove a conscientização sobre a história duradoura de resistência à opressão por parte dos povos afrodescendentes em todo o mundo e sua busca por reconhecimento e soberania. Nas Américas, os povos de ascendência africana se agruparam em sociedades coletivas fora do sistema de plantation colonial durante a escravidão, dando origem a locais emblemáticos tanto do ponto de vista da resistência quanto da criação cultural. Essas sociedades são conhecidas como maroon towns no mundo anglófono, palenques na América Hispânica e quilombos no Brasil. Elas têm desempenhado papéis essenciais
... At least in Sao Paulo, social groups and community organizations also have a long history of formation around dichotomized racial categorization, frequently fomenting subsequent political organization. 48 The most successful early effort, the Frente Negra Brasileira of Sao Paulo, was active only in the 1930s. 49 One of the justifications for prohibiting the immigration of North Americans of African descent during the 1920s was precisely to prohibit the introduction of pan-Africanist political elements. ...
The diversity of the population of Brazil reflects its long history with slavery and as a recipient of emigrants from all over the world. Individuals forged aspects of their own identities by melding their (and their ancestors') origins with the realities of their experiences in Brazil. As with other countries that are composed of peoples of different origins, Brazilians have expended much effort in constructing their racial components as one aspect of their quest to define what it means to be "Brazilian." The historiography interpreting this process of constructing race in order to construct national identity is a large one. Despite the volume of research, curious incongruities remain. This essay focuses on the incongruity in the idea of race as it has developed with respect to Brazilians of African descent as compared to other peoples who came to be identified as non-white. The purposes for this exploration are to raise questions about "race" in Brazil and to suggest the Brazilian experience as a target for research on the broader question of the mutability of racial categorization.
... Nascido em Minas Gerais e radicado em São Paulo, consta que "formou-se em comércio, pelo Lyceu Salesiano", desta cidade, "recebendo o grau de guarda-livros". 19 SILVA, 1998, p. 65-96;BUTLER, 1992, p. 179-206 e PIRES, 2006. 17 In: Getulino. ...
Diversos jornais da imprensa afro-brasileira se autodenominavam “órgãos literários” e traziam em suas páginas contos, crônicas, poemas e até romances. O presente artigo tem a finalidade de investigar os textos literários publicados na imprensa negra de São Paulo entre 1915 e 1931, centrando-se na produção poética. O principal argumento é de que os intelectuais negros se valeram da poesia pelo sentido político, como meio de valorização da “classe dos homens de cor”, contudo procuraram, na medida do possível, não negligenciar o seu sentido estético.
... [2] "A raça negra ", 1921, p. 3. [3] Sobre a imprensa negra-designação dos jornais e revistas publicados por e para os "homens de cor" no Brasil no período pós-abolição-, já existe uma ampla bibliografia (Bastide, 1983;Ferrara, 1986;Butler, 1992;1998, pp. 210-227;Domingues, 2008;Seigel, 2009, pp. ...
The core proposition of the present article is to analyze Marcus Garvey's (1887-1940) reception in Brazil. The assessed press media showed that the famous Jamaican black leader was addressed in different fashions; the mainstream papers did not highlight his visitation and, eventually, even refer to him in a controversial and sensationalist way. Papers of the so-called black press described Garvey as a "black icon", and addressed him through a distinctive and laudatory perspective.
... In addition to the ranchos, jongos, maltas, brotherhoods, macumbas, the black Cariocas developed, if not embraced, other modes of agency and sociability. In relation to the conclusion of this article, all that is left is to recognize the prerogative of e. P. Thompson that "historical knowledge is, due to its nature, provisional and incomplete (but not for this reason untrue), selective (but not for this reason untrue), limited and defined by the questions put to the evidence (and the concepts which inform these questions)." each researcher can ask new questions of the historic evidence, or "can uncover new levels BUTleR, 1992 and1998;PINTo, 1993;ANDReWS, 1998;GoMeS, 2005;SeIGel, 2009, pp.179-205. ...
The article investigates a relatively unexplored
in Brazilian historiography: the
black associations in Rio de Janeiro in
the context of the First Republic. From a
broad survey of journalistic sources, it
was possible to reconstruct, albeit in
brief notes, the trajectory of several associations
founded by blacks and dedicated
to the struggles and mobilizations
for rights civil, political and social of
this population segment.
Waves of migration, both forced and voluntary, and how a city’s urban environment develops are inextricably linked. São Paulo with its long history provides an excellent example. From the use of slavery to fuel the region’s plantations, to the arrival of immigrants to work in its burgeoning industries, different groups altered the city through where they lived, worked, and travelled. The end of this process today is a city of contrasts. This article outlines the migration and urban development patterns of São Paulo from its colonial period to the present and argues that many of its inequities are structural outcomes of its different forms of migration. The current emphasis on attracting skilled professionals and the creative classes impacts how urban spaces are utilized and highlights the challenges that the city faces in tackling issues such as wealth disparities, informal and gig work sectors, and climate change.
The Frente Negra (Black Front) in Rio de Janeiro aimed at working for the social, political, cultural and moral development of Afro-Brazilians. In order to do so, it promoted collective actions, advocated equality narratives and intervened in the national agenda by establishing dialogues with sectors of society in Rio. The purpose of the present article is to retrace some aspects of this association's path in light of its aspirations and means of organization, struggle and identity.
RESUMO O artigo investiga a Federação dos Homens de Cor (FHC) - uma associação cuja finalidade principal era trabalhar pelo desenvolvimento moral, cultural, político e social dos afro-brasileiros -, fundada em São Paulo em 1909, mas que se transferiu para o Rio de Janeiro em 1920. A FHC promoveu ações coletivas, celebrou referenciais afrodiaspóricos, preconizou narrativas de igualdade, interveio na agenda nacional, estabelecendo diálogos e urdindo alianças com diferentes setores da sociedade. A proposta deste artigo é reconstituir alguns aspectos da trajetória dessa associação à luz de suas aspirações e formas de organização, luta e identidade.
In his introduction to a special issue of The Americas in 2006, Ben Vinson III noted how easily the history of Latin America had been dissociated from that of the African Diaspora. “When looking at the broad trajectory of historical writings on Latin America outside of the Caribbean and Brazil, it has long been possible to do Latin American history without referencing blackness or the African Diaspora.” A decade later, it is safe to say that the tables have turned. What were before scattered efforts to recognize black individuals' contributions to the history, culture, economy, and political developments of the region as a whole have evolved into a growing field meriting its own name: Afro-Latin American Studies. Born of the cross-pollination of scholarly debates that were previously disparate, the field of Afro-Latin American Studies has grown and developed in response to the rise of Black Studies and in connection to new realities in countries where Afro-descendants have pushed for social and economic equality.
A finalidade deste artigo é reconstituir a trajetória da campanha pela construção de uma herma em homenagem a Luiz Gama, em São Paulo, entre 1929 e 1931. Pretende-se demonstrar que campanha foi usada pelos “homens de cor” para conferir centralidade e visibilidade a um de seus maiores ícones da história. No entanto, essa mobilização racial não assumiu tão somente um sentido simbólico. Tomada como veículo impulsionador do debate em torno das questões e expectativas de inserção, reconhecimento e cidadania dos “homens de cor”, a campanha também adquiriu sentidos e contornos políticos.
This essay analyzes the Brazilian historiographies of race in order to highlight the incongruity in the idea of race as it developed with respect to Brazilians of African descent as compared to other, immigrant, peoples who came to be identified as ‘non-white.’ The roots of this constraint include the means by which flexible understandings of race simultaneously reinforced the interests of disparate groups and the implicit comparison of the Brazilian expericence wtih that of the United States. I contend that separate treatment for racially-defined groups has constrained our understanding of race in Brazil. Brief overviews of the historiographies highlight the intersections in these bodies of research. Considering race historiography in the aggregate, crystallizes the process by which Brazilians have defined white. At the same time, that it also reveals important lacunae in our understanding of the concept of non-white in Brazil. Beyond the implications for our understanding of Brazil, such a re-oriented perspective can help to understand the mechanisms by which racial identity and definition change over time.
(primeiro parágrafo do artigo)
Na segunda década do século XX o Brasil testemunhou diversas manifestações de etor nacionalista. Dentre as muitas associações e pequenos grupos nacionalistas que surgiram em vários pontos do país, destacou-se a Liga de Defesa Nacional, fundada pelo poeta parnasiano Olavo Bilac no Rio de Janeiro em 1916. Bilac, propagador das idéias nacionalistas, percorreu grande parte do território brasileiro estimulando o surgimento e desenvolvimento de associações congeneres à Liga de Defesa Na-cional. A Liga Nacionalista de São Paulo (LNSP), que consideraremos neste artigo, foi fundada na capital paulista do final do ano de 1916 sob inspiração bilaquiana.
This paper analyzes the relationship among coffee labor needs, the flow of immigrants to Sao Paulo, and the immigration policies of the state government from the decline of slavery in the 1880s to the onset of the Great Depression. Generally, the study seeks to determine to what degree and by what criteria the immigration program of São Paulo may be considered a “success”. The author uses this, then to help specify the changing relationship between the coffee planters and the state government.
Racial Consciousness
- Mitchell
Feminism, Woman Suffrage, and National Politics in Brazil: 1922–1937
- Rachum
Os Agentes da Policiaem Acção
- Silva
O Elemento Negro na População de São Paulo
- Lowrie
Os Prêtas e o Progresso
- Martins
Trajectòria do Ideal
- dos Santos
- Dean