Political participation and the status of women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960–2010): A critical historical reflection

Abstract

One of the central demands of the feminist movement (which started in the 1880s globally [but first arose in France in 1870]) has been and continues to be women’s exercise of their full and active citizenship, which they consider was denied them as a result of not being recognised as equals at the moment of the definition and construction of citizenship in the eighteenth century. Since then, the women’s movement and feminist movement have denounced this exclusion, calling for equal citizenship for women. At first, between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, the feminist movement demanded the right to vote along with other civic, civil, and political rights, considered as a first wave of feminism.1 The second wave of feminism during the 1960s and 1970s continued to demand the expansion of women’s citizenship in the case of the African continent as a whole, and called for a redefinition of the private sphere in which women were isolated. In this sphere they were excluded from certain human rights and were thus unable to fully exercise rights expressing an equal citizenship.2 In for example the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as the focus for this discussion, the participation of Congolese women in the decision making of the country by 2011 was supported by the recently promulgated constitution of the DRC in 2006. The constitution promotes equal opportunity for men and women, but the current government has to date not yet achieved what was promised then. This paper is a critical historical reflection of women’s status and political participation in the DRC. It also argues that the DRC government should encourage women to become actively involved in political parties so that they are eventually able to achieve the highest office in the country in order to serve justice to human rights. Furthermore, the government should take the initiative to introduce a quota system for women in the different state structures. The paper also calls upon political parties of the DRC to encourage the participation of women in party politics.

Full text

• 91
Status and political participation of women
e status and political participation of women in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (1960–2010): A critical
historical reection
Shikha Vyas-Doorgapersad & Tshombe M Lukamba
School for Basic Sciences
Vaal Triangle Campus, North-West University
shikha.vyasdoorgapersad@nwu.ac.za & mt.lukamba@nwu.ac.za
Abstract
One of the central demands of the feminist movement (which started in the
1880s globally [but rst arose in France in 1870]) has been and continues to
be women’s exercise of their full and active citizenship, which they consider
was denied them as a result of not being recognised as equals at the moment
of the denition and construction of citizenship in the eighteenth century.
Since then, the women’s movement and feminist movement have denounced
this exclusion, calling for equal citizenship for women. At rst, between
the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, the
feminist movement demanded the right to vote along with other civic, civil,
and political rights, considered as a rst wave of feminism.1 e second wave
of feminism during the 1960s and 1970s continued to demand the expansion
of women’s citizenship in the case of the African continent as a whole, and
called for a redenition of the private sphere in which women were isolated.
In this sphere they were excluded from certain human rights and were thus
unable to fully exercise rights expressing an equal citizenship.2 In for example
the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as the focus for this discussion,
the participation of Congolese women in the decision making of the country
by 2011 was supported by the recently promulgated constitution of the DRC
in 2006. e constitution promotes equal opportunity for men and women,
but the current government has to date not yet achieved what was promised
then. is paper is a critical historical reection of women’s status and political
1 Compare LJ Rupp, Worlds of women: e making of an international women’s movement (Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 1998), pp. 1-325; R Kumar, e history of doing: An illustrated account of movements for women’s
rights and feminism in India, 1800-1990, 8th Edition (Indraprastha press CBT, New Delhi, 1993), pp. 1-204;
2 Compiled from International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW),
“Gender, governance and women’s political participation”, 2005 (available at http://www.un-instraw.org, as
accessed on 12 July 2008).

• 92
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
participation in the DRC. It also argues that the DRC government should
encourage women to become actively involved in political parties so that
they are eventually able to achieve the highest oce in the country in order
to serve justice to human rights. Furthermore, the government should take
the initiative to introduce a quota system for women in the dierent state
structures. e paper also calls upon political parties of the DRC to encourage
the participation of women in party politics.
Keywords: Democratic Republic of Congo; Gender studies; Women’s
political participation; Women’s rights; Gender equality.
Introduction
According to the International Research and Training Institute for the
Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), it is the right of women:3
…to participate in power and decision making was one of the feminist
movement’s rst demands for women at the individual level ... a woman has
the right to mount the scaold; she must equally have the right to mount
the rostrum, provided that her demonstrations do not disturb the legally
established public order.
Two centuries later, women’s right to participate in the processes and instances
of social, political and economic decision making at all levels and in dierent
sectors, has been rmly established in diverse international instruments.
ese instruments include the Universal Declaration of the Human Rights
(1948); the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (1952); the Civil
and Political Rights International Act (1966); and the Convention for the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979).4
Realising that this was a pressing international issue, the United Nations
(UN) organised the World Conference of the International Women’s Year in
Mexico City from 19 June to 2 July 1975 to raise awareness on women rights.
is was followed by a Second UN conference on the Decade for Women:
3 INSTRAW, “Gender, governance and women’s political participation”, 2005 (available at http://www.un-
instraw.org, as accessed on 12 July 2008).
4 INSTRAW, “Gender, governance and women’s political participation”, 2005 (available at http://www.un-
instraw.org, as accessed on 12 July 2008); S Vyas-Doorgapersad, “Women participation in the local political
decision-making: A specic reference to South Africa”, Journal of Local Government Management, 2, 2008,
pp. 314–338. For detail on international instruments on women rights, see http://www.un.org/womenwatch/
directory/instruments_treaties_1003.htm. For more on regional treaties in Africa, and the status of women
in decision-making settings in the DRC, consult http://www.unesco.org/new/leadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/
SHS/pdf/concept_paper_greatlakesregion.pdf.

• 93
Status and political participation of women
Equality, Development and Peace, held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July
1980. e UN’s ird World Conference on the Decade for Women was held
in Nairobi from 15 to 26 July 1985 to review and appraise the achievements
of the initiative thus far.5 In 1995, these conferences culminated in the Beijing
Platform for Action (PfA) that identied:6
… women’s full participation in the exercise of power as one of its critical
areas of concern, recognising that this must be incorporated at all levels of
decision making as a necessary requisite for the attainment of the goals of
equality, development and peace. Since then, dierent resolutions, campaigns
and declarations have come to reinforce and/or complement the Beijing PfA,
turning women’s participation in power and decision-making processes into
a high-priority issue on the agenda of women and development at the local,
national, regional and international levels.
In its Resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security, the UN
Security Council underscored the important role of women in the prevention
and resolution of conict and the peace-building process. It also stressed
the importance of women’s equal participation and full involvement in all
eorts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the
need to increase their role in decision making.7 In this regard, the Millennium
Declaration of September 2000 rearmed the centrality of women’s
participation in development and declared, for the rst time in the UN’s
discussions on women’s rights, the urgent need to promote gender equality and
the achievement of women’s empowerment as the most eective way to ght
poverty, hunger and disease and truly stimulate sustainable development.8
Governments worldwide are taking measures and developing instruments to
empower women and ensure their right to participate in decision making. e
Southern African Development Community (SADC),9 also committed to the
spirit of global and African declarations on women’s participation in grass
5 For additional information on the progress measure to improve the status of women, see http://www.
globalissues. org/article/166/womens-rights.
6 INSTRAW, “Gender, governance and women’s political participation”, 2005 (available at http://www.un-
instraw.org, as accessed on 12 July 2008); S Vyas-Doorgapersad, “Women participation in the local political
decision-making: ...”, Journal of Local Government Management, 2, 2008, pp. 314–338.
7 United Nations, Economic and Social Council, “Equal participation of women and men in decision-making
processes at all levels”, 2006 (available at http://www.un.org, as accessed on 18 July 2008); S Vyas-Doorgapersad,
“Women participation in the local political decision-making: ...”, Journal of Local Government Management, 2,
2008, pp. 314–338.
8 INSTRAW, “Gender, governance and women’s political participation” (available at http://www.un-instraw.org,
as accessed on 12 July 2008); S Vyas-Doorgapersad, “Women participation in the local political decision-
making: ...”, Journal of Local Government Management, 2, 2008, pp. 314–338.
9 e SADC country members are: Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi,
Namibia, Seychelles, Mozambique, Mauritius, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Zambia and Tanzania.

• 94
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
roots politics. So, for example, the Southern African Regional Symposium
on Women in Local Government was held in Johannesburg, South Africa,
in 1996, to review women’s participation in local government in the SADC
region. In 1997, SADC heads of state committed themselves to at least 30
pecent representation of women in all areas of decision making as part of the
SADC Declaration on Gender and Development signed in Malawi.10
is paper explores the journey of women’s participation in political decision
making in the DRC as a case study, showing that this was no easy road; it
involved years of political struggle. Indeed, even in current times (2011) the
participation of Congolese women in political management is still decidedly
unequal. e existing DRC constitution, promulgated in 2006, declared
in article 12 that there should be equal rights in every sphere for men and
women and that this equality should be respected in all DRC institutions and
structures. However, in practice, DRC institutions do not appear to reect the
stipulations of the 2006 constitution. On 30 June 2010, the DRC celebrated
50 years of independence from colonial rule. ough this historical event
has allowed for a transformation of the political face of the DRC, the status
and rights of women in the country and particularly in the higher ranks of
its political structures, is still a matter of erce debate. is article presents
a critical discussion on the past and present political status and political
participation of women in the DRC.
Women’s participation in decision making structures: A historical glance
at Africa
Historically (refer Appendix), changes in society’s economic and social
organisations have contributed enormously to the evolution of the roles
played by men and women on the African continent. Prior to the “scramble
for Africa” that began in the latter decades of the nineteenth century, and the
era of colonial rule thereafter,11 members of the extended family provided
10 S Vyas-Doorgapersad, “Women participation in the local political decision-making: ...”, Journal of Local
Government Management, 2, 2008, pp. 314–338.
11 For a detailed history on the rise and fall of colonialism in Africa, see for example LH Gann and P Duignan
(Eds.), Colonialism in Africa: e history and politics of colonialism, 1870–1960 (Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1982); R Hallet, Africa since 1875 (London, Heinemann, 1975); SC Easton, e rise and
fall of Western colonialism (London, Pall Mall, 1964); On colonial rule in the Congo, G Brausch, Belgian
administration in the Congo (London, Oxford University Press, 1961).

• 95
Status and political participation of women
economic and social support through mutual responsibility.12 Women were
responsible for subsistence agriculture to produce food, while men did the
hunting and rearing of cattle and other domestic animals. rough marriage,
new households were formed, normally headed by the husband, who managed
new units of production and reproduction.13 Under this arrangement, the
care and guardianship of the woman was transferred from her father and
brothers to the custody of her husband and his male relatives, who now cared
for the wellbeing of the wife, who had few, if any rights beyond the connes
of the family unit.14 e people of the DRC in general and the generic family
unit in particular:15
…began witnessing changes with the arrival of missionaries in the middle
of the nineteenth century. All these historical events, enforcing societal
shifts, brought in new norms and values which led to changes in gender
relations, and the division of labour.
Schapera has observed that before the era of Christianity (pre-42 BC), men
dominated the intellectual world and women had no legal status but were at
the mercy of their male relatives or husbands.16 erefore, a women’s destiny
was marriage and motherhood. As Guy put it, women in Africa were “precious
objects of exchange and control”.17
Intense activism by women’s movements on the continent, most notably
the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition (SOAWR)1 led to the
introduction of an addendum to the African Charter on Human and People’s
Rights, known as the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, as adopted
by the African Union (AU) in July 2003. In 2004, following the Beijing PfA
and additional evaluations, heads of members states of the AU, pressurised by
12 FM van Driel, “Poor and powerful: Female-headed households and unmarried motherhood in Botswana”,
Verlier Entwicklungspolitik (Studies in Development and Cultural Change), 16, 1994, PT Tanga, “e women
are coming: Women’s participation in Lesotho local governance”, Advancing Women in Leadership Online
Journal, 28, 2008, p. 6.
13 PT Tanga, “Female-headed households in Cameroon: Etiology, problems and prospects”, Unpublished chapter,
2006 (available at http://www.advancingwomen.com, as assessed on 17 August 2010).
14 FM van Driel, “Poor and powerful: Female-headed households and unmarried motherhood in Botswana”,
Verlier Entwicklungspolitik, 16, 1994; PT Tanga, “e women are coming: Women’s participation in Lesotho
local governance”, Advancing Women in Leadership Online Journal, 28, 2008.
15 PT Tanga, “e women are coming: Women’s participation in Lesotho local governance”, Advancing Women in
Leadership Online Journal, 28, 2008, p. 6.
16 I Schapera, e Tswana (London, International African Institute, 1984); PT Tanga, “e women are coming:
Women’s participation in Lesotho local governance”, Advancing Women in Leadership Online Journal, 28, 2008,
p. 6.
17 J Guy, “Gender oppression in Southern Africa’s pre-capitalist societies”, C Walker (ed.), Women and gender
in Southern Africa (London, James Currey, 1990), pp. 33–48; PT Tanga, “e women are coming: Women’s
participation in Lesotho local governance”, Advancing Women in Leadership Online Journal, 28, 2008, p. 6.

• 96
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
their own women’s machinery and organisations, produced a Declaration on
Gender Equality in Africa at the ird Ordinary Session of the UN Assembly
held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at which they undertook to sign and ratify the
protocol by the end of 2004.18
Furthermore, Goal 3 (to promote gender equality and empowerment of
women) of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),19 was structured
to improve challenges regarding women’s participation. In this regard Dejene
remarks:20
Paragraph 58 of the World Summit Outcome Document of 2005 articulates
the resolution of the world leaders to eliminate pervasive gender discriminations
in primary and secondary education; property and housing rights; access to
reproductive health; access to the labour market; sustainable employment and
labour protection; and representation in government decision-making bodies,
as well as elimination of all forms of violence against women and girl child.
In general, despite signicant progress on the African continent Africa lags
behind in meeting the 2015 MDG targets.21 e number of people living in
extreme poverty (on one US$ per day or less) in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA),
increased from 217 million in 1990 to 290 million in 2000, of whom the
majority are women.22 e reasons for this are complex, but are due in large
measure to the fact that women are restricted to certain labour; they have to
care for their children and the household and are thus also restricted as far as
education is concerned.
Several countries in the continent are unlikely to meet the target of closing
gender gaps in primary and secondary education by 2015. Furthermore, only
seven countries in Africa are likely to achieve the MDG3 target to eliminate
18 S Hassim and S Meintjes, Expert group meeting on democratic governance in Africa: Strategies for greater
participation of women (New York, Oce of the Special Adviser on Africa, UN, 2005), p. 9. is was a coalition
of 36 civil society organisations, established by the AU Protocol, 2003. e SOAWR covers organisations
throughout the continent, implementing the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa.
19 At the UN Millennium Summit in September 2000, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were
adopted by 189 nations. Eight MDGs, with 21 quantiable targets to be measured by 60 indicators, were set to
achieve by 2015, including promoting gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve
maternal health. See United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), ‘Millennium Development Goals’,
http://www.undp.org/mdg/basics.shtml.
20 Y Dejene, “Promoting women’s economic empowerment in Africa”, 2010 (available on http://www.uneca.org,
as accessed on 8 November 2010).
21 For insight on the achievement of MDGs in Africa, refer to African Union, “Review of progress towards the
Millennium Development Goals in Africa”, at http://www.sarpn.org.za; United Nations Economic and Social
Council, “Achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Africa: An issue paper”, http://www.
sarpn.org.za.
22 Y Dejene, “Promoting women’s economic empowerment in Africa”, 2010 (available on http://www.uneca.org,
as accessed on 8 November 2010).

• 97
Status and political participation of women
gender disparity in primary and secondary education by no later than 2015.
In particular, closing the gender gap in secondary education has been a major
challenge in sub-Saharan Africa, which has the lowest female secondary
enrolment of 29.75%.23 e projection for 2015 indicates that twelve of the
27 countries with below 0.9 gender parity ratios in secondary level will be
in the sub-Saharan African region. It is well known that the prevalence of
armed conict in SSA in the quest for liberation from colonial oppression
or involvement in civil war, has had a negative eect on economic and social
development of this region. In 1990, UNESCO reported that six countries
(Angola, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone,
and Somalia) of the 17 SSA countries in which the enrolment for women’s
education has declined, were aected negatively by ongoing armed conict.
Despite human rights movements, feminist movements and MDG
campaigns in Africa, the data on women’s empowerment and participation in
decision making as active citizens show, as communicated by Dejene: 24
…gender discrepancies in access to resources of education and power
sharing: 0–0.9% in 32 countries; 10–20% in 10 countries; 20–30% in
4 countries; Seychelles 27%; South Africa 25%;[25] Mozambique 25%;
and Eritrea 21%. e same scenario is repeated with the representation of
women in government, whereby 36 countries have less than 10% women. In
11 countries there are between 10 and 20% women: Mali 10; Namibia 10;
Niger 10; Ghana 11; Burkina Faso 11; Cape Verde 13; Uganda 13; Benin 15;
Guinea 15; and Tanzania 16%.
It is noticeable that the DRC is not listed in any of the recent global and
African databases on gender equality due to the virtual lack of women
participation in decision-making processes.26
23 For information on the achievement of MDGs in African continent, see African Union, “Review of progress
towards the Millennium Development Goals in Africa”, at http://www.sarpn.org.za.
24 Y Dejene, “Promoting women’s economic empowerment in Africa”, 2010 (available on http://www.uneca.org,
as accessed on 8 November 2010). See also UNECA, “Status of women in Africa”, 2008 (available on http://
www.uneca.org, as assessed on 10 July 2010).
25 On MDGs in South Africa, see the website: www.indexmundi.com/south_africa/millennium-development-
goals.html.
26 On this see Africa Progress Panel, “Africa development: Promises and prospects”, available at http://www.
africaprogresspanel.org which explores the fact that the DRC is not listed amongst the countries able to achieve
the MDGs by 2015. e report also indicates the challenges hindering the implementation of MDGs in the
DRC. is is an area that requires further research.

• 98
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
Dening the status of women in the history of the DRC
Neo-liberal dictates and structural adjustment policies have denuded
African states and attempted to limit their role to enabling the building
and functioning of markets. ese policies have retarded development,
exacerbated gender inequities, and deepened Africa’s entanglement in
exploitative imperialist economic relations. erefore there is a pressing need
to re-establish a proactive developmental role for the state in African conict-
ridden countries, including the DRC.27
e political history of the DRC began in the late nineteenth century when
the King of Belgium (Leopold II) won international recognition for the Congo
Free State.28 In the eighteenth century, King Leopold II virtually made the
Congo his personal kingdom. All developmental projects had to be supported
by the King’s personal funds and private companies in Belgium. Between 1890
and 1895, Leopold II made an appeal to the Belgian government for nancial
assistance for the development of what was then known as the Congo Free
State. His appeal was only granted in 1901 when the government provided
him with a free loan – but on the understanding that the Belgian government
had the right to annex the territory.29
e right to annex the territory became reality in 1909 when the Belgian
government took over the administration of Congo Free State, ending
Leopold’s vicious system of forced labour. However, the Congo was still
regarded almost exclusively as a eld of European investment, and very little
was done to give the indigenous Congolese people a signicant role in the
country’s government or economy during the colonial era.30 Prior to 1960
the Congolese had no participation at all in any political decision making.
erefore one could hardly expect that the status of women would have made
strides in these years. Congolese men, too, were hamstrung by the colonial
experience and stepping up to ll leadership positions, in the DRC was
severely curtailed. Most decisions on the DRC were taken in Belgium without
27 M Samson, “Developmental local government in post-apartheid South Africa? A feminist rethinking of the state
and development in the context of neo-liberalism”, 2008 (available at http://www.codesria.org, as accessed on
19 July 2008).
28 ere is no signicant political history recorded on the DRC before 1890, hence the status of women in
political decision-making is not explored within this particular content and context.
29 B Gascoigne, “Congo Free State: AD 1885–1908”, 2011 (available at http://www.hsitoryworld.net, as accessed
on 15 February 2011).
30 G Brausch, Belgian administration in the Congo (London, Oxford University Press, 1961); and Columbia
Electronic Encyclopedia, “Democratic Republic of Congo: History” (Columbia, Columbia University Press,
2007), pp. 1–6.

• 99
Status and political participation of women
any consultation with the local people in the DRC.
e historical setting of political governance in the Congo shows that at
the time of independence the participation of women in public decision
making was non-existent. Women only became involved in politics in 1964
after the end of the civil war.31 is was due to the raised political awareness
of collective participation by both men and women in the development of
the DRC. Two years after the coup d’etat under Mobutu Seseseko in 1965,
women were allowed to participate in the 1967 election.32 Mobutu Seseseko,
by this time the president, then appointed Sophie Kanza as the rst Congolese
woman in a ministerial position. is was a groundbreaking move; Congolese
politicians had never before had a senior female colleague. Another high
prole appointment, on the level of premier of the province, was held by
Catherine Nzunzi waMbombo. She was premier of the Kinshasa province
and later became the premier of the Bas Congo province. She subsequently
held various ministerial portfolios during the administrations of Mobutu
and Laurent Desire Kabila. e number of women who were members of
parliament was meanwhile also increasing. However, the emancipation of
women in senior levels of government did not change gender inequality at
grassroots level. Nothing was written into the constitution at the time as
regards assuring that women’s rights were raised to the level enjoyed by men.
Women were still lagging behind in terms of political participation and public
decision making.
By the early 1980s, limited legislative improvements were being introduced
in the area of gender equality in the DRC. Most notable of these was the
code de la famille (family code) in terms of which a married woman was not
(as was previously the case) obliged to ask the permission of her husband to
work or to undertake other provisional activities. e code de la famille is still
under review, and there are no other cultural/traditional codes in place in the
DRC that advance the status of women. Although when it was introduced
this document received some support, Congolese politicians who were part
of the political system (well known to be a dictatorial regime) were unwilling
to accept gender expansion in the political arena.33 According to Mosao, in
31 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Aairs, “Introduction: How do you assess the current
level of women’s participation in decision-making in Africa?” 1999 (available at http://www.esaconf.un.org, as
accessed on 8 March 2010).
32 A Karam and J Lovenduski, “Women in parliament: Beyond numbers”, 2008 (available at http://archive.idea.
int/women/parliament/index.htm, as accessed on 28 February 2008).
33 DRC, ‘Code de la Famille”, Journal Ociel de la Republique Democratic du Congo, Special 44th anniversary
issue, 2003.

• 100
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
the 1980s “the participation of women in some of the specialised elds such
as the armed forces, the police service and the intelligence service were very
unusual”.34 In fact, the political emancipation called for by the government
during the 1980s was not made operational. On the other hand Kale claims
that the dictatorial regime in place in the 1980s failed to make any progress
towards the equal participation of woman in public decision making.35
is situation continues in some African states that are ruled by dictatorial
regimes. It is also true that the participation of Congolese woman in political
governance in the DRC still lags behind compared to the situation in other
post-colonial African countries such as South Africa, Rwanda, and Uganda,
where women are far more involved in politics.36
During the middle to late 1980s, there were no major advancements in
women’s participation in politics because of the centralised power in the
hands of the male- dominated dictatorship. e transformation of women
in political decision making only really began to advance after 1990, when
the democratic process began to improve. Many women in the DRC became
involved in diverse developmental sectors outside the domestic environment.
eir participation was not only seen in political parties, but also in other
sectors such as the media, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and senior
management positions in both in private enterprise and the government.
Since 1987 various women NGOs and networks of women have been
established in the DRC and they are actively involved in the promotion of
the rights of women.37 In order to improve the participation of Congolese
women in political decision-making “several of them decided to continue
exchanging ideas and they established a network called Caucus de Femme
with representatives in all of the 11 provinces of the DRC”.38 However, due
to internal conict between members, some of them resigned and formed
another similar organisation called Cadre Permanent de Concertation de la
34 KM Musao, “Evaluer la participation des femmes candidates aux election presidentielles de 2006 en DRC”,
Paper presented at workshop on ‘Political Participation’,University of Kinshasa, Dakar, 2008.
35 AM Kale, “Les femmes et la politique dans la societe congolaise traditionnelle de l’ascension a la perte de son
pouvoir”, Magazine de la MONUC, 12, 2006.
36 Insight on African countries with similar political and social backgrounds and the measures taken to improve the
status of women, can be viewed at African Union, “Review of progress towards the Millennium Development
Goals in Africa”, at http://www.sarpn.org.za; United Nations Economic and Social Council, “Achieving the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in Africa: An issue paper”, http://www.sarpn.org.za; and Africa
Progress Panel, “Africa Development: promises and prospects”, at http://www.africaprogresspanel.org.
37 For information on women’s NGOS in the DRC, refer to http://www.psi.org/democratic-republic-congo.
38 IN Douma, Women, peace and security in the DRC. A civil society assessment on current practices and future
perspectives of the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (Netherlands: CORDAID,
2008), p. 26.

• 101
Status and political participation of women
Femme Congolaise (CAFCO). e establishment of this NGO led by women
promoted the participation of females in political parties and it is true to say
that many of the women in politics today in the DRC began their politicisation
in NGOs across the country. e majority of women who lead these NGOs
have received tertiary education in the DRC.
ese transformative gender initiatives were complemented by the rst
democratic elections held in 2006, after 48 years of independence. Four
women were registered as possible presidential candidates and this motivated
other women to become involved in political activity. e available statistics
show that: 39
…in the transitional period after the civil war (1998–2002) many women
were involved in political negotiation… this was demonstrated in the
transitional parliament where 37 seats amongst 738 were given to women,...
the number represents [only] 5% compared to 95% men in parliament.
e reason behind the relatively low percentage of women in the transitional
parliament is that in this period (1998–2002) most members of parliament
were not elected but were appointed by the leaders of political parties. Such
appointments were certainly biased towards men. e lobby by Congolese
women was for a “30% representative quota in decision-making posts
during and after the transitional period”,40 but this was unacceptable to male
politicians in the DRC. ere is no doubt that political dialogue is necessary
to encourage Congolese women across the board to unite in their eort to
increase the number of women participating in the decision-making process.
e period 2002 to 2006 was a phase of political transformation in which
the democratic process on gender equality was considered for inclusion in the
DRC Constitution. e newly adopted DRC Constitution implemented in
2006 states that “there should be equal involvement by men and women in
political decision making”. According to article 12, all Congolese citizens, be
they men or women, are “equal before the law and are protected by that law”.41
is means that there should be no discrimination in terms of gender or sexual
orientation. Despite this, the practicality in terms of women’s participation
in the dierent spheres of government does not reect the stipulations in the
39 Inter-Parliamentary Union, Progress and setbacks of women in national parliaments between 1 July 1995 and 1
February 2006 (New York, UN, 2006). is is an overview the progress of women involvement and participation
in the political decision-making.
40 IN Douma, Women, peace and security in the DRC ..., p. 26.
41 DRC, “Constitution de la Republique Democratique du Congo” (Kinshasa, Gombe, 2006).

• 102
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
constitution. As illustrated in the table below, very few women, as compared
to their male counterparts, were active in government structures in terms of
public decision making in the aftermath of the democratic elections of 2006,
which was the rst time women were permitted to stand for oce.42
Table 1: Female representation in national and provincial government structures
Structure Men Percentage Women Percentage
Members of parliament
(total 500) 458 92.3 42 7.7
Senators (total 108) 105 95.6 5 4.4
Ministers (total 45) 40 90.0 5 10.0
Premier of the province
(total 11) 11 100 0 0
Director general (total 55) 48 88.7 7 11.3
Source: DRC, “Independent Electoral Commission” (Kinshasa, CEI, 2008).
Table 1 shows that in the 2006 elections only 42 women were elected to
legislative bodies compared to 458 men. It is assumed that during the electoral
campaign women candidates had diculty in convincing other women
to support them at the polls. Furthermore, the participation of women as
candidates was not taken seriously by Congolese voters across the board. is
might well be because politics has traditionally been the domain of men in
the male-dominated DRC.43 Currently, (2011) and looking ahead to the
future, the problem is that there is no move on the part of the government
to introduce a quota system for female members of parliament or at lower
governmental levels. Research indicates that in the period between: 44
…2000 and 2002, elections were held in 23 countries in sub-Saharan Africa,
with increases in women parliamentarians in 14 of them. Most of the countries
that have achieved signicant increases in women’s participation have done so
through the use of quotas – a form of armative action in favour of women.
42 DRC, “Independent Electoral Commission” (Kinshasa, CEI, 2008).
43 For insight on the reasons for lack of women’s participation in the 2006 DRC elections, see DRC, Independent
Electoral Commission (Kinshasa, CEI, 2008).
44 G Mutume, “Women break into African politics: Quota systems allow more women to gain elected oce”,
Africa Recovery, 18, 1, 2004, p. 3.

• 103
Status and political participation of women
e point is made that women should insist that they no longer want to be
mere window dressing in political parties; they must be given the opportunity
to function in a senior capacity. What needs to be done is to involve more
women in political dialogue on their participation in government structures;
they must take armative action.
At senatorial level the percentage of women is even lower. ere are only ve
female senators (4.4%) as compared to 103 (90.0%) male senators. en too,
as Oscar Kashala has shown, as far as ministerial posts are concerned: 45
…the number of women is only ve which represents [a mere] 10% of
women in the government. Furthermore, during February 2010, the DRC
government reshued the ministerial positions... For example, the Minister of
Public Enterprise is [currently] being held by Mrs Jeanine Mabunda Lioko.
e Ministry of Transport and Communication is held by Mrs Laure-Marie
Kawanda-Kayena.
Looking at the participation of women at the provincial level, in the DRC,
none of the eleven provinces has a woman premier. At local government level
too, very few women have been appointed as executive mayor. One example,
where a woman does indeed hold this position is in the city of Lubumbashi in
the Katanga province. It remains to be seen whether the local election, which
is due in 2012, will show any shift in this trend.
e justice system of the DRC is another government organ where men far
outnumber women. Most of the senior positions in the judiciary are occupied
by males. ere is not a single woman who functions as a judge president in
the dierent courts of the republic. Only one female is a judge in the Supreme
Court (Cour Supreme de Justice) of the land. In 2009 there were three women
judges in the Supreme Court but President Joseph Kabila red two of them
on the basis of a rumour of corruption. e list of magistrates he red at
the same time is said to be approximately 100. Many commentators claim
that Kabila acted in contravention of the DRC constitution by not following
the correct procedures before ring them.46 It is therefore an urgent priority
for the DRC government to promote women in the country’s judiciary. For
example, one of the problems the women magistrates in lower courts face is
a lack of promotion opportunities to the senior bench. Presumably this is
because the women (due to the circumstances which prevailed previously)
45 “Oscar Kashala parle aux femme, Kinshasa, Gombe”, Journal la Prosperite, 2010 (available at http://www.
Laprosperiteonline.net, as accessed on 9 March 2010), p. 2.
46 MA Lukamba, (former judge in the Supreme Court), telephonic interview, MT Lukamba, 2010.

• 104
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
lack experience and have not yet been given the opportunity to enhance their
skills and expertise.
e Minister of Public Enterprise in the DRC, Jeannine Mabunda,
observed that since the beginning of the public sector reform, an increasing
number of women now occupy senior positions in her department. Many
Congolese women graduates have applied for and been appointed in senior
management positions in various public companies. She claims that of 78
top positions (including those of managing director, nancial director and
director of human resources), 14 are occupied by Congolese women.47 e
political-oriented selection process was based on the qualications, experience
and professional expertise of each candidate. is selection arms that the
politically established women are utilising such positions to enhance the
status of women in decision-making in other sectors of society.
Training opportunities provided for Congolese women after the 2006
democratic elections have led to a range of career prospects. is is witnessed
not only in the public domain, but in the private sector too. Many Congolese
women are well established in dierent spheres such as the media, agriculture,
telecommunications and hotel management to name but a few. Mabunda
claims that Congolese women are contributing a great deal to the economic
development of the DRC today. According to her: 48
…the empowerment of women in the private sector is much more
advanced than in the government sector… many Congolese women work for
international organisations such as the United Nations’ oces in Kinshasa.
ere are also many women in the banking sector and telecommunications
who occupy senior management positions.
What is needed is that liberal male politicians, particularly prominent leaders
of political parties in the DRC, should to promote awareness of the importance
of including women in their organisational structures. Women who are in
politics should of course remain in touch with their local constituencies as
well.
As far as the DRC government is concerned, it must be made aware that
the constitution of the country calls for equal opportunities for both men
and women and that this must become a reality. Some progress has already
47 L’Avenir, “Gestion des enterprises du portefeuille: Jeannine Mabunda reunit les femmes technocrats”,
Groupel’avenir, 2010 (available at http://www.groupelavenir.cd, as accessed on 29 March 2010).
48 L’Avenir, “Gestion des enterprises du portefeuille: Jeannine Mabunda reunit les femmes technocrats”,
Groupel’avenir, 2010 (available at http://www.groupelavenir.cd, as accessed on 29 March 2010).

• 105
Status and political participation of women
made by the government to promote female politicians into senior executive
positions and this trend must be maintained. e introduction of a quota
system will help in this regard.
It is worth noting that according to the Eastern African Sub-regional Support
Initiative for the Advancement of Women (EASSI): 49
…one of the positive outcomes of peace processes and political transitions
in the Great Lakes Region has been the increased participation of women
in political decision-making… In the DRC, the post-transitional
constitution adopted by referendum in December 2005 has gone as far as
to guarantee 50/50 parity between men and women.50
However, the concept of 50/50 parity is still not incorporated into the
electoral laws, and needs to be reviewed against the backdrop of traditions
and the conventional outlook of the DRC society as a whole. Maria Matembe
suggested that “it is crucial to get issues institutionalised and transformed
into laws that are then implemented”.51 ere are still crucial questions that
need further research in order to improve women’s participation in the DRC.
For example, to mention some of the points made by International Alert
and EASSI, it is essential to address the following crucial issues: How can we
make sure that the family code is amended to incorporate women’s individual
rights? (As yet, for a woman to aspire to a position of power, she has rst
to ask her husband’s permission).52 What are the mechanisms to integrate
gender equality in the electoral code as well as at the institutional, legislative
and judicial levels? How do socio-cultural obstacles, the patriarchal system
and retrogressive and discriminatory customs, impact on women’s political
participation? How can gender analysis strengthen the capacity of men and
women in power? And nally, what are the most eective ways of adopting
the quota system?53
49 International Alert and Eastern Africa Sub-Regional Support Initiative for the Advancement of Women
[EASSI], “Women’s political participation in countries emerging from conict in the Great Lakes Region of
Africa”, 2008 (available at http://www.international-alert.org, as accessed on 25 July 2010).
50 e participation of women and the impact of the current elections (November 2011) can only be evaluated
and analysed when the full results are released.
51 International Alert and EASSI, “Women’s political participation in countries emerging from conict in the
Great Lakes Region of Africa”, 2008 (available at http://www.international-alert.org, as accessed on 25 July
2010).
52 International Alert and EASSI, “Women”s political participation in countries emerging from conict in the
Great lakes Region of Africa”, 2008 (available at http://www.international-alert.org, as accessed on 25 July
2010).
53 International Alert and EASSI, “Women’s political participation in countries emerging from conict in the
Great Lakes Region of Africa”, 2008 (available at http://www.international-alert.org, as accessed on 25 July
2010).

• 106
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
In order to improve the status and rights of women in DRC, an organisation
called Reseau des Femmes pour un Developpement Alternatif (RFDA),
a network of 50 women’s organisations, was established in 1998 at a time
when there had been a “long-term political and social crisis in the South Kivu
region” of the DRC. is move:
… brought women’s associations together to form a network in the hope
of increasing women’s eective participation in the search for peace, peaceful
cohabitation and sustainable development. e network’s primary strategies
focus on dialogue with decision-makers, and training and informing
women about peaceful conict resolution methods and women’s rights and
responsibilities.54
Moreover, to promote women’s rights and strengthen political empowerment,
the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC)’s
Oce of the Gender Adviser (OGA); the United Nations Development Fund
for Women (UNIFEM); and the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), together with international women’s groups such as Femmes
Afrique Solidarite, cooperated with local women’s organisations. e OGA
works with DYNAFEP (Dynamics of Political Women in the Democratic
Congo), “representing women from all political factions who articulate
women’s political views on the transition process” with the aim to increase
women’s participation in the elections. On 22 May 2003, UNIFEM executive
director, Noeleen Heyzer, met with Congo President Kabila in Kinhasa,
relaying the message that Congolese women “expect to play an important
role in the reconstruction of communities and of the country”. She pointed
out that UNDP had also been promoting the political empowerment of
women, through its support for the National Programme for the Promotion
of Congolese Women (PNPFC).55 ese initiatives are indicative that the
process to strengthen the position of women in the DRC is under way; it may
well be that in due time these eorts towards equal participation for women
in the decision-making processes based on skill, merit and ability, may bear
fruit.
In the rst decade of the twenty-rst century, the struggle for women’s rights
in the DRC, has been accelerated. Writing on the issues and challenges of
54 RFDA, “Réseau des Femmes pour un Développement Associatif ”, 2011 (available at https://grants.
globalfundforwomen.org/GFWSearch/index.php?id=17819, as accessed on 16 November 2011).
55 E Schroeder, “A window of opportunity in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Incorporating a gender
perspective in the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process”, 2010 (available at http://www.iss.
org.za, as accessed on 15 July 2010).

• 107
Status and political participation of women
women’s political participation, Bari argues that: 56
[It is] imperative for gender equality advocates (organisations and
individuals) to focus on the gendered nature of development and challenge
the capitalist paradigm of international development that creates and recreates
gender disparities, while at the same time working towards creating an
enabling environment for women’s participation in development. Women’s
mere participation in mainstream development cannot automatically lead
to their advancement and gender equality unless the contradiction in the
development claim for equality and justice and the practice is eliminated. e
level and nature of participation is equally important to determine whether
women are able to share development gains.
Clear guidelines for the implementation of armative measures that lead to
empowering women and sharpening their ability to engage critically with the
state and society for social change and gender equality should be developed.
It may still be discussed and argued that the capitalist paradigm is the biggest
reason for gender disparity. It is suggested here that we should rather rethink
traditions; tribal protocols; cultural heritage and the views on education for
women as well as current statues and laws when assessing gender disparities
in the adulthood phase. Obviously it is also important to note other external
inuences too, but the capitalist paradigm as applied to the DRC appears
vague and not well motivated. It is like making a prognosis of an illness that is
already apparent while ignoring the history of the illness, almost as if it doesn’t
exist. e whole issue of gender equality is therefore one of further debate.
Conclusion
is paper is a critical historical reection of women’s status and political
participation in the DRC. It also argues that the DRC-government should
encourage women to become actively involved in political parties so that
they are eventually able to achieve the highest oce in the country in order
to serve justice to human rights. Furthermore, the government should take
the initiative to introduce a quota system for women in the dierent state
structures. e paper also calls upon political parties in the DRC to encourage
the participation of women in party politics. is will gradually increase the
number of women who are active in politics in the DRC as time goes by.
56 F Bari, “Women’s political participation: Issues and challenges”, 2005 (available at http://www.un.org, as
accessed on 19 March 2008).

• 108
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
e following recommendations are oered to improve women’s status and
their participation in governance and politics on various levels of decision
making. It is suggested that “existing constitutional, political, legislative and
regulatory frameworks, including electoral systems”, should be reviewed and
revised in order “to remove provisions that hinder women’s equal participation
in decision-making processes at all levels”. Furthermore, extensive research
must be undertaken on the ways that women’s representation can be “enhanced
in political parties, parliaments and government at all levels”, and progress
made in this regard must be systematically monitored and evaluated.
e UN Economic and Social Council suggests that it is crucial to “review party
structures and procedures to remove all obstacles for women’s participation,
in particular in leadership positions, with the aim of achieving parity at all
levels”. In addition, rules should be drawn up for candidate selection within
parties, including the “implementation of quotas for achieving equitable equal
representation of women candidates in elected positions”. It is also suggested
that women’s branches should be set up in political parties and these bodies
be given the necessary resources to increase their status and visibility within
party structures; this will in turn inuence their decision-making prowess and
support women’s candidacies. Finally, resources should be made available for
“leadership training of women candidates in the skills required for political
campaigning and for interacting eectively with the media”.57
It can be argued (and the argument supported) that women in the DRC
are far behind the current global emancipation and participation trends on
women’s rights. Elsewhere women have proved themselves well able to play
pivotal roles in decision making. e DRC also has a shortage of skilled
people to develop the economy and women are under-utilised. en too,
equality of opportunity and equal rights for women is a matter of basic human
rights. And so the debate continues. Undeniably, there is an urgent need to
conduct research to provide an informative picture on the position of women
in the DRC over time and to understand the stumbling blocks from a female
perspective. All these areas require further research and constructive debate.
e paper concludes with a point of view expressed by a Congolese woman
emphasising that the focus should be “to sensitize men, and persuade them
57 United Nations Economic and Social Council, “Equal Participation of women and men in decision-making
processes at all levels”, 2006 (available at http://www.un.org, as accessed on 18 July 2008); S Vyas-Doorgapersad,
“Women participation in the local political decision-making: ...”, Journal of Local Government Management, 2,
2008, pp. 314–338.

• 109
Status and political participation of women
to accept [gender-sensitive] laws, [and be] partners in eorts to improve the
condition of all, rather than create competition between men and women”.58
APPENDIX
A brief overview of the historical development of the DRC
e development of the modern-day DRC was accelerated when Union
Miniere du Haut Katanga, among others, was one of the lucrative mining
companies set up in 1906 to exploit the new-found opportunities in the
Congo. e rst copper was extracted in 1911 and by 1928 the country was
producing 7 percent of the world’s copper. In addition, diamond mining
began in 1907 and was soon contributing to the rising status of the Congo as
one of Africa’s richest regions. Twenty years later, it was running a close second
in the world after South Africa as a producer of these precious gems.
By the mid-1950s indigenous African people throughout the continent
began to reject colonial rule and demand their independence from European
colonisers such as France, Belgium, Italy, Britain and Portugal. In the case of
the Congo, there was a complete absence of local participation in political
structures. By 1957, several political parties had been established, for example
Alliance des Ba-Kongo (Abako) headed by Joseph Kasa-Vubu. e objective of
this party was to politicise the Congolese and improve their living conditions.
Another political organisation was the Mouvement National Congolais
(MNC) headed by Patrice Emery Lumumba. He became the rst prime
minister when the DRC gained its independence. e rst local election in
DRC was held in 1957 in Kinshasa (previously Leopoldville) and was won by
Abako.59
ereafter, negotiations took place in preparation for independence. In
1959, a large movement of Congolese demonstrated in Kinshasa, and the
Belgian authorities realised they could not maintain control. A roundtable
conference was then held in Brussels in January/February 1960, in which a
number of political parties and Congolese intellectuals participated. It was
duly decided that the Belgian Congo would be granted ocial independence
on 30 June 1960.60
58 Division for Advancement of Women of the UN Department of Economic and Social Aairs, UN Economic
Commission for Africa and the E-network for National Gender Equality Machineries in Africa, 2007. “Online
discussion on Women, Political Participation and Decision-making in Africa”, (available on www.un.org/
womenwatch/Online%20Discussion%20Report%20Africa%20FINAL.pdf, as accessed on 21 November
2011).
59 B Gascoigne, “Congo Free State: AD 1885–1908”, 2011 (available at http://www.hsitoryworld.net, as accessed
on 15 February 2011).
60 G Brausch, Belgian administration in the Congo (London, Oxford University Press, 1961); Columbia Electronic
Encyclopedia, 2007, “Democratic Republic of Congo: History” (Columbia, Columbia University Press, 2007),
pp. 1–6.

• 110
New Contree, No. 62 (November 2011)
e rst president of the independent Congo was Joseph Kasa-Vubu and
Patrice Lumumba became the prime minister. When the Belgians left the
DRC, they did not train Congolese civil servants how to manage the aairs of
government. While in power, the colonial authorities restricted the Congolese
(men and women alike) to the lowest ranks of the civil service; there were no
senior ocers in the armed forces and the Congolese had no input at all in
decision making. But this was just the beginning of the problems faced
by the new post-independence DRC government in the 1960s. e type
of administrative structure introduced by the Belgians in the Congo was a
centralised system of government. According to Lemarchand, centralising
the decision-making process and placing it in the hands of the metropolitan
government had left virtually no room for local initiative. e Congolese
were given no opportunity at all to make any decisions, even at local level.
e colonial bureaucracy stied all initiative in Congolese society and created
the Congolese elite in their own image.61 It is against this background that
this paper on the gradual realisation of the need for women’s rights and full
political participation must be understood.
61 Apart from sources on the rise and fall of colonialism as provided earlier, see also K Shillington, History of Africa
(Macmillan, London, 1995), pp. 390-393.