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Assessing the role of gender in local governance [political context]: the case of South African municipalities. International Journal of Sustainable Development. December Edition

Authors:
A
SSESSING THE ROLE OF GENDER IN LOCAL GOVERNANCE
[
POLITICAL CONTEXT
]:
THE CASE OF
S
OUTH
A
FRICAN
MUNICIPALITIES
Shikha Vyas-Doorgapersad
Public Management and Administration, Faculty of Humanities,
Vaal Triangle Campus (North-West University), South Africa.
Corresponding author: shikha.vyasdoorgapersad@nwu.ac.za
Available at http://www.ssrn.com/link/OIDA-Intl-Journal-Sustainable-Dev.html
ISSN 1923-6654 (print) ISSN 1923-6662 (online).
Ontario International Development Agency, Canada. © Author et al
Abstract: Due to social and economic factors, gender inequality persists in society requiring initiatives for women
empowerment. It is vital that government policies are gender-sensitive incorporating the elements of gender-
disaggregated data, gender-based demography, gender-based tasks and gender equality resulting in women
empowerment. The review of relevant literature, official documents and international/regional/national policies
[descriptive and analytical methodology] reveal the lack of participation by women in political decision-making,
especially at grass-roots level. The reasons could be, inter alia, the lack of skills, capacities, household
responsibilities, societal pressure and cultural beliefs. This nature of constraints can be overcome through building
women’s capacity for improved political involvement in local governance [a hypothetical statement].
In order to find solutions, the article raises the following questions for [on-going] debate and discussion: What is
the magnitude of gender-awareness in political decision-making in municipalities? To what extent are gender equity
policies implemented at grass-roots level? Are municipalities acknowledging the need to empower women? Are
there any initiatives in place to capacitate women to ensure participation in decision-making processes? There are
diverse arguments on this issue. The strong augmentation emphasizes the significance of the normative approach
that supports public participation as a form of transformation. Another augmentation stresses the instrumental
approach supporting the political decentralization for participatory decision-making at grass-roots level. In order to
find answers to the above questions, the article investigates at the status of women in South African local
governance [political context].
The article utilizes an empowerment approach of the feminist theory. The empowerment approach has its own
indicators for measurement varying from individual to collective at micro and macro levels. The micro level
symbolizes an individual seeking progression from subjugation to an evolutionary personality. The macro level
symbolizes the institutions/authorities/regulations taking relevant decisions regarding progression of individuals. In
this article, the micro level, that is, the individuals, are women seeking empowerment and recognition, while the
macro levels are municipalities (organizations), authorities (political office--bearers), and regulations (gender
equality policies and programmes).
The article recommends that it is vital to review and revise existing constitutional, political, legislative and
regulatory frameworks, including electoral systems, to remove provisions that hinder women’s equal participation in
the decision-making processes. To facilitate research on the conditions under which women representation is
enhanced in political parties, parliament and government at all spheres is significant. The government must ensure
monitoring and evaluation of the participation and representation of women in the decision-making processes. At the
political level, the parties must review and revise their manifesto and structures to accommodate the participation of
women. To enhance the participation of women in political decision-making, a quota on gender is being considered
as an important policy measure. At the social level, there is a need to change attitudes that should include: the
culture of local government needs to be reviewed to ensure that women are treated fairly and equally;
discrimination against women is unacceptable; gender awareness programmes for men and women need to be
developed; and opportunities need to be availed to women as soon as they are elected so that they can learn about
local government, governance and receive the required support.
Keywords: empowerment approach; gender; gender equity; local governance; women empowerment.
102 Vyas-Doorgapersad and Zwane / OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 07:09 (2014)
INTRODUCTION
ender is conceptually defined by various scholars and academics (Esplen & Jolly, 2006; Azarbaijani-
Moghaddam: 2007; Anderson & Taylor, 2008; Connell, 2009; Anderson, 2010; Popenoe, 2010; Clinton, 2012)
as varied roles and responsibilities related to men and women. Inglehart & Pippa (2003) claim that “gender is the
socially produced difference between feminine and masculine” (p.1). Holmes (2007) on the other hand argues that
“gender is the socially and culturally learned expectations and behaviours associated with members if each sex” (p.2).
Based on varied attributes, both men and women deserve equal respect, opportunities and appreciation in society. This
article is based upon the feminist aspect of gender exploring the need of transformative divergence from welfare to the
empowerment of women. The article, therefore, employs the “empowerment approach of feminist theory” (Vyas-
Doorgapersad, 2013, p. 5) as a theoretical framework. The empowerment, according to the Commission on Women and
Development (2007), is a process that has two dimensions:
“individual: the acquisition of greater independence and capacity for self- determination, as well as means
to allow individuals to broaden their opportunities, and
collective: the capacity of a group to influence social change and move towards a fair and equal society, in
particular in its relations between men and women” (p. 6).
An “empowerment theory requires a convincing integration of the micro and macro levels in order to make clear the
interrelations among individual, community, and professional empowerment” (http://www.mpow.org, 2012). The
approach is also considerable reasonable to translate the “political ramifications of women’s empowerment that is
the transformation of gender relations into gender planning” (Wieringa, 1994, p. 830), required in South African
municipalities.
The concept gender in this article focuses on women and aims to explore the inclusion/exclusion of women in local
governance political processes in South African municipal governance.
TRENDS IN WOMEN PARTICIPATION FOR POLITICAL DECISION-MAKING
The study of historical, philosophical, political texts show that “women have been kept outside the public domain of
politics as most of the political thinkers and philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau, John Lock, Thomas
Hobbes and Hegel considered women fit only for domestic roles in the private sphere and maintained that there was
no place for women in politics because of their suitability in caring roles as mothers and wives” (Rai in Bari, 2005).
With emergence of feminist approaches, scholars began to argue the significance of normative political theory that
failed to establish the political character of one’s private/individualistic life-path, and was unsuccessful in
determining and offering the ‘citizenship’ aspect to women. Later, the liberal political theory raised the concept of
free citizenship/individualistic approach bringing gender aspect in politics and society as a whole. Bari (2005),
therefore, claims that feminist theorists also challenged the notion of the abstract individual in liberal theory and
argued that it is not a gender-neutral category. Consequently, despite women having the right to vote, they were
neither able to impact on public policy nor could they bring the private sphere in the preview of the public. Even
western democracies displaced women on many fronts. If “this is the basis on which the case for women’s
representation in general rests, what is the specific case for women representation in institutions of local democracy?
However, it needs to be emphasized that representation is only the first, necessary but by no means sufficient,
condition for effective participation. The distinction between representation and participation is important for the
one does not necessarily entail the other” (Jayal, 2005).
In conjunction with intellectual and theoretical arguments, there are many practical and existing barriers that
underestimate and under-represent women in the political participation. Some of them are: “fundamental inequality:
while women have constitutional rights they are not seen as equal; political and economical instability: affects the
development of a political culture with democratic norms; discrimination: women face discrimination when
standing for office and when elected or appointed to local government positions; and the male environment with
political institutions: while there are few women on decision-making bodies the styles and modes of working are
those that are acceptable to men” (obtained from United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the
Pacific, 2001).
The other factors include “security: women face risks to their physical safety and security by participating in peace
negotiations and political leadership; psychological: women themselves may lack confidence and choose not to
engage; and overarching: gender equality and women’s participation is generally sidelined during the peace
process” (obtained from United Nations Development Fund for Women, 2006). The deep-rooted causes include
G
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ideological factors: patriarchy as a system of male dominance shapes women’s relationship in politics” (Bari,
2005); contextual factors: includes lack of effective monitoring mechanisms; lack of resources; need for
sponsoring women to run for political positions; lack of women role models; lack of solidarity among women”
(Economic Commission for Africa, 2007). Other barriers include the lack of knowledge, understanding and
orientation regarding municipal administration and municipal acts; lack of knowledge regarding the strategic and
technical aspects of municipal programmes, public participation and service delivery mechanisms; lack of support
and co-operation from family, colleagues, municipal bodies and political party; lack of experience and training
related to communication, negotiation and decision-making skills to deal with complex municipal issues. These may
vary across other countries.
STATUS OF WOMEN IN AFRICA: A HOLISTIC OVERVIEW
Throughout Southern Africa, the historical legacy of suppression of women rights paved the way towards feminist
movements questioning the status of women in the democratization process. The feminist movements were aimed to
demand gender equity and equality in the social, economical and political systems, raising questions such as: “What
has been the impact of women’s movements during the democratic transitions of Southern African states? What plans do the
women’s movements have during the democratic transitions? How has the involvement of women’s movements in democratic
transitions improved the socioeconomic status of women vis-à-vis men in African society? How has the National Gender Machineries
(NGMs) — government institutionalized feminism —affected women’s mobilization and their subsequent impact on democratization in
Southern Africa?” (Conaway, undated, p. 2-3). The scholars have analyzed political and liberal democracy theories to
establish the role of women in political decision-making in Southern Africa (refer Larry, 1999; Ngoma, 2006;
Shireen, 2006; Samson, 2008; Kathleen, 2008; Dejene, 2010), and exploring contextual arrangement in various
Southern African countries (refer van Guy, 1990; van Driel, 1994; Du Toit, 1995; Hassim and Meintjes, 2005;
Gisela, 2006; Tanga, 2008; Aili Mari, 2008). The academic and scholarly debates, coupled with feminist-activist
movements in Africa, resulted in the addendum to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, known as the
Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. The Charter was adopted by the African Union (AU) in 2003 followed
by the Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, adopted in the Third Ordinary Session of the UN Assembly in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in 2004.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has, therefore, made commitments in the spirit of global
declarations (United Nations’ (UN) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
[CEDAW], Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, Millennium Development Goals [MDG])
i
, and African
Declarations (Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women In Africa)
regarding the participation of women at grass-roots politics. The Southern African Regional Symposium on Women
in Local Government was held in Johannesburg, South Africa in 1996 to review the participation of women in local
government in the SADC region. In 1997, SADC Heads of State committed for at least 30 percent women
representation in all areas of decision-making as part of the SADC Declaration on Gender and Development signed
in Malawi.
In the case of South Africa, “women have countenanced two forms of resistance: one from the former Apartheid
capitalist government and the other from the resistance forged by men within the liberation movements. All South
African women: African, white, Coloured, and Indians countenance tremendous pressure from the Apartheid
government although in dissimilar scales and fought jointly to dissolve the repressive system” (refer Qoboshiyana,
2011, p. 3-4). The [existing] veracity being that South African women [still] “have been exploring ways in which
their cultural and historical realities can be a point of departure for in feminist scholarship and the world view”
(Gasa, 2007: 42). This statement can be entrenched in South Africa through the views of Colleen Lowe Morna,
Executive Director (Gender Links, 2012), who proclaims that “South Africa is a country that is ‘of the people, by
the people and for the people,’ not ‘of men, by men and for men’” (p.1). During the 11th Nelson Mandela Annual
Lecture series for 2013, Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory chairperson, Dr Njabulo Ndebele (2013) stated that “...
we still suffer from some very strong and outdated attitudes towards differences in genders and the rights of men and
women”(p.1). Quoting the words of Mr Nelson Mandela, Ndebele (2013) concluded that “the cause of women’s
emancipation is part of our national struggle against outdated practices and prejudices. It is a struggle that demands
equal effort from both men and women alike” (p.1). Dr De Matos Ala (The Skills Portal, 2012), supports the views
and further states that states that, “culturally, the patriarchal status quo remains relatively unchanged, and unless the
mind-set behind gender discriminatory practices is challenged through debate, media campaigns, education, etc.
nothing much is going to change”(p.1).
The situation is dire at grass-roots level where, according to Evertzen (2001), “women are still hampered by many
barriers, individual as well as institutional factors, related to the organisation of society and the political system,
104 Vyas-Doorgapersad and Zwane / OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 07:09 (2014)
with the risk that they will not reap equal benefits” (p.3). That is the reason that “the representation of women in
local authority leadership positions in Africa is still limited” (Kinuthia-Njenga, 2010,:p. 16).
STATUS OF WOMEN IN SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNANCE: THE POLITICAL CONTEXT
The status of women in the political context is significantly stated by Madeleine K. Albright, National Democratic
Institute [NDI] Chairman (NDI, 2013), as,
“Every country deserves to have the best possible leader and that means that women have to be
given a chance to compete. If they’re never allowed to compete in the electoral process then the
countries are really robbing themselves of a great deal of talent” (p.1).
The history of oppression and subjugation of women raises the question of the rights of women in the new
dispensation. Advocates of gender equity emphasize that women’s rights are human rights (Maharaj, 2007,p. 1). The
South African Women’s Charter of 1994 defines the rights and participation of women in governance as (Seidman,
1999; also refer Maharaj, 2007):
“[c]onventionally, democracy and human rights have been defined and interpreted in terms of
men’s experiences…If democracy and human rights are to be meaningful for women, they must
address our historical subordination and oppression. Women participate in, and shape, the nature
and form of our democracy” (p.1-2).
In order to implement the legislative measures and promote democratic governance by providing gender balance in
local governance, Table 1 explores the South African scenario according to municipal category, statistics based on
2000 elections:
Table 1: Women councillors in South Africa: municipal elections 2000
Province Category A:Metropolitan
Councils
Category B:Local
Councils
Category C:District
Councils [c]
Eastern Cape 29 292 40
Free State - 156 22
Gauteng 172 104 16
KwaZulu Natal 50 305 35
Mpumalanga - 224 26
North West - 206 25
Northern Cape - 111 12
Northern
Province
- 222 30
Western Cape 61 91 9
Total (2272) 312 (29.7%) 1745 (27.4%) 215 (29.4%)
[c] Includes District Management Area councilors
Source: Pottie, D. 2001.
Similar data is not available for municipal elections 2006 and 2011. The aggregate sum of women in local
government elections in 1995, 2000, 2006, and 2011 is reflected below in table 2.
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Table 2: Gender and local government in South Africa
Year % women
ward
% women
PR
% women
overall
1995 11% 28% 19%
2000 17% 38% 29%
2006 37% 42% 40%
2011 33% 43% 38%
Source: Gender Links 2011.
Table 2 explores that there was an increase in women participation from 1995 to 2006. The percentage dropped in
the 2011 municipal elections. The statistics of gender participation during the municipal elections 2000, 2006, and
2011 is reflected in Table 3 below.
Table 3: Gender Participation: 2000, 2006, and 2011
Gender participation 2000 2006 2011
Male 21519 (71.54 %) 29471 (65.22%) 33 865 (63.19%)
Female 8562 (28.46%) 15718 (34.78%) 19 731 (36.81%)
Total candidates 30081 (100.00%) 45189 (100.00%) 53 596 (100.00%)
Source: Adapted from Independent Electoral Commission, 2000, 2006 and 2011.
The data stated in tables 2 and 3 reflect that the gender balance at local governance has almost reached the target of
30% in comparison to the previous elections in 1995 and 1996, where a mere 19% of the councilors elected were
women. During the municipal elections 2000, of the 8037 councilors elected, 72% were men and 28% were women;
the total of 1651 women were elected as councilors on the PR list who won seats for a party; and 633 women were
elected as councilors who won ward seats for a party. Women participation increased by at least 6.3% during the
2006 municipal elections. This was the year when the African National Congress [ANC] introduced the 50-50 quota
for women representation in local government elections. Unfortunately, the intention was not sustained and
according to Gender Links (2011), “the 2011 local government elections that witnessed a decline in women's
representation at the very moment that South Africa should be redoubling its efforts to achieve gender parity
underscores the need for a legislated quota for women in national and local elections..... a gender analysis of the 18
May 2011 local government election...shows that women now constitute 38% of councilors following the 18 May
polls, down from 40% in 2006” (p. 1). Furthermore, Advocate Pansy Tlakula, IEC Chief Electoral Officer
(Commission for Gender Equality, 2011), highlighted the trends in political participation and representation of
women. She stated that “with women comprising the majority of South Africa’s population, as well as the majority
of registered voters, it was disturbing to note that this has not translated into women’s equal representation as party
candidates and public representatives” (p. 1). It is, therefore, noted that the Municipal Structures Act, 1998 is not
considered as obligatory for political parties “to ensure that half of all party candidates on their lists are women
(Letsholo, 2006: 13).
The detailed information regarding the parties, party list candidates, ward candidates, independents, and total
number of candidates nominated for the municipal elections is reflected in table 4. The latest election statistics
reflecting the number of women candidates per province is indicated in table 5. The statistical information reflected
in these tables is significant for comparative analysis concerning gender and local elections in South Africa.
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Table 4: Key comparative data on municipal elections
Comparison 2000 2006 2011
Parties contesting 79 97 121
Party list candidates 16,573 21,507 23,278
Ward candidates 13,214 23,672 29,570
Independents 690 667 748
Total candidates 30,477 45,179 53,596
Gender breakdown Male 66%
Female 34%
Male 65%
Female 35%
Male 63%
Female 37%
Uncontested wards 75 11 7
Source: Compiled by GL with data from the IEC, 2011; Morna and Mbadlanyana, 2012.
Table 4 is a reflection of gender disparities. The male dominance in municipal elections sustained at above 60% and
female suppression continued with 34% to the maximum of 37% participation.
Table 5: Women candidates by province, 2011
Province Female %
Eastern Cape 2,743 37.99
Free State 1,167 35.56
Gauteng 3,571 39.44
KwaZulu Natal 3,554 34.21
Limpopo 2,593 38.77
Mpumalanga 1,571 35.97
North West 1,608 39.84
Northern Cape 649 40.56
Western Cape 2,275 32.70
Total 19,731 36.81
Source: Independent Electoral Commission, 2011: 1.
Table 5 is a replication of table 4 demonstrating the maximum of 40% participation of women in municipal elections
per province. It can be inferred from the analysis of local government election results that “the Municipal Structures
Act hints at a quota as it calls on political parties to seek to ensure that women constitute at least 30% of list
candidates, and to make them "electable" by placing men and women alternately on lists. To date, the ANC is the
only political party to state publicly its commitment to reach this target. The standard set by the ANC has not
resulted in contagion, that is, no opposition parties have yet taken up the challenge of implementing this quota”
(Ballington, 2001: 1). In order to improve the situation, the following needs to be considered viz. “first, in the
absence of clear directions from the Structures Act, the parties need practical policies to indicate compliance.
Secondly, party quotas that are consistent with the Structures Act can be used as a measure to achieve compliance
with the Act. Thirdly, the effectiveness of the gender quotas can only be assessed if all parties have adopted such
policies” (Selokela, p. 39). This has not taken place as reflected in table 6 below.
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Table 6: Trends in women’s representation by political parties from 2006 and 2011 Municipal Elections
Political
Party 2006 2011
Women Men Total %Women Women Men Total %Women
ANC
2400 2852 5252 46 2665 3429 6094 44
DA
299 700 999 30 503 1158 1661 30
IFP
199 480 676 29 95 285 380 25
COPE*
74 187 261 28
*New Party
Source: IEC, 2006; Gender Links, 2011; Selokela, 2012.
Table 6 is an indication that 50 percent of the target regarding the representation of women has not been achieved by
any of the political parties. The ANC is close to the target and intentional consideration in this regard may assist the
party to achieve the objective. The Democratic Alliance [DA] is the main opposition party reflecting a lack of
gender-awareness in political representation. COPE was established in 2008 but seems inconsiderate towards the
gender-based quota. Table 6 reflects a wide gap relating to gender-based representation in local elections.
The Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Minister Sicelo Shiceka (Buanews, 2009), has called for more
women to become involved in local government, especially at ward level (p.1). This can be substantiated during the
research in KwaZulu Natal (Williamson et al., 2006), where “many women councilors ensured that ward level
meetings are held at accessible venues during times that are suitable for the women. Others conduct issue-based
meetings with relevant local groups when the need arises. These meetings include representatives from women’s
organisations, and tend to be dominated by women” (p.9).
METHODS AND DISCUSSION
The researcher was given an opportunity to facilitate short-courses to municipal councillors/employees from several
District and Local municipalities in South Africa. The sessions were utilized to explore the status of women in local
governance. Utilizing the qualitative approach, two different structured questionnaires were distributed to the
available municipal office-bearers. Significant responses were received.
The first questionnaire was distributed to 73 learners during various sessions between March-July 2013. The
demography of the respondents and responses are stated in tables 7-10 below.
Table 7: Demography: questionnaire 01
Name of the municipality Female Male Total
City of Matlosana Local Municipality 7 0 7
Kagisano-Molopo Local Municipality 6 2 8
Lekwa Local Municipality 0 1 1
Madibeng Local Municipality 4 15 19
Mafube Local Municipality 6 1 7
Matjhabeng Local Municipality 0 1 1
Mogale City Local Municipality 2 1 3
Moretele Local Municipality 3 4 7
Ratlou Local Municipality 2 0 2
Bojanala Platinum District Municipality 1 1 2
Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati District Municipality 7 9 16
Total 38 35 73
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The demography of the respondents reveals a positive attitude towards increased participation of women for
capacity-building initiatives, hence supporting the empowerment approach utilized as a theoretical scaffold in this
article.
The responses below (refer to table 8) are stated under various themes and the responses are gender-unbiased.
Table 8: Responses: Questionnaire 01
Themes Responses Total
Yes No
The municipality has women councillors 41 32 73 (100%)
Measures are in place to improve the number of women councillors 32 41 73 (100%)
The municipality allows women participation in policy-making stages 54 19 73 (100%)
The responses are an alarming sign of municipalities wrestling to implement gender equality measures. The
respondents indicated the following challenges to achieve absolute gender mainstreaming in local decision-making
processes: women need capacity-building in terms of further studies; government-of-the day mandate regarding
50% quota system in political structures requires political will to implement; lack of lobbying for women
councilors; retention of women councillors; lack of women caucus participation in the capacity-building
programmes; lack of initiative by political parties to recruit more women; and lack of implementation of
Employment Equity Plans in [most of the] municipalities.
Another set of structured questionnaires was distributed to a group of municipal office-bearers during August 2013.
This questionnaire was aimed to achieve professional understanding/opinions on gender-based issues which may
exist in their respective municipalities. The planned short-course session was attended by only 10 participants. Their
demography is reflected in table 9 below.
Table 9: Demography: Questionnaire 02
Name of the municipality Female Male Total
City of Matlosana Local Municipality 2 1 3
Kagisano-Molopo Local Municipality 1 0 1
Matjhabeng Local Municipality 2 0 2
Bojanala Platinum District Municipality 1 0 1
Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati District Municipality 2 1 3
Total 8 2 10
The demography of the respondents again shows a positive attitude towards the improved number of participation
by women, supporting the empowerment approach. The gender-unbiased responses are reflected in table 10 below.
Table 10: Responses-Questionnaire 02
Themes Responses Total
Yes No
The municipality has gender-based laws 9 1 10 (100%)
Women councillors participate in the policy-formulation process 10 0 10 (100%)
There is no ego conflict between men and women councillors 7 3 10 (100%)
It is acceptable for a woman to hold a political position 9 1 10 (100%)
Men are supportive towards women political leadership 7 3 10 (100%)
There is a gender equality framework applicable at the workplace 10 0 10 (100%)
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The responses reveal that the stereo-type mentality that women may not dominate men in society still exists. This
mentality results in ego-conflict and lack of support from the male counterparts at the workplace. Although
municipalities have gender equality framework and gender-based laws, there is still a need for society to transform
their thinking, attitudes and thought patterns towards accommodating women in strategic/political/leadership
positions. Women need to be accepted as “empowering agents” utilizing their merit-based capabilities
complemented with nurturing skills for development.
THE WAY FORWARD
In order to bring gender equality (moreover improve the status of women) in political context (local elections) and
policy context (Integrated Development Plan), the Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) in collaboration with the
Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) hosted a discussion session on 15 April 2011. The objectives of the
discussions were established as (Commission for Gender Equality, 2011): “to secure political parties’ commitment
to promoting gender equality and enhancing the status of women; to highlight CGE research findings relating to
such commitment, in the form of the gender mainstreaming of manifestos, and gender analysis of electoral lists; to
highlight CGE research findings related to municipal gender mainstreaming of Integrated Development Plans, and
implementation of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affair's (COGTA’s) 2007 national gender policy; to
debate with stakeholders on this evidence of political and practical commitment to and implementation of gender
equality at the local level; to highlight the Electoral Code of Conduct provisions relating to women’s free and full
participation in political and election processes, and secure parties’ commitment to uphold these, and to foreground
and challenge the institutional culture and practice within political parties themselves, and the extent to which
parties are committed to ensuring an enabling environment for women’s full political participation” (p.1).
The implementation level and the impact of the set objectives is a matter of further research that requires analytical
investigation in the forthcoming years.
The articles also explores that a number of reasons are advanced for the equal representation of women at the local
level, as stated by Ballington (2001): “firstly, a number of international and regional treaties and conventions require
SADC states to achieve gender equality and representivity at all levels of government and decision-making
bodies…[.] Secondly…it is therefore important that women are elected to influence policy at the local
level...Inclusion and effective participation is, therefore, necessary to address the subordination and marginalization
of women, and to ensure that the needs of women are met in the consolidation of local governance in Southern
Africa (p.1). In order to further enhance the women representation and presentation at local governance, the
Independent Electoral Commission needs to provide civic education and governance training to women candidates
for local government elections. There should be “the combined efforts of the gender machinery, the supportive
programmes, and the provincial departments, to each and collectively design strategies that deal with the difficulties
of those municipal contexts. This may sound generally relevant to development practice, but it has real implications
for gender relations and for women’s empowerment and active participation in particular” (Sithole et al., 2012: 37).
The article leaves the scope for future debates and discussions emphasizing the significance of the empowerment
approach for women that signifies, “the process by which women redefine and extend what is possible for them to
be and do in situations where they have been restricted, compared to men, from being and doing” (Mosedale, p.
252).
The article proposes a model for improvement called Gender-Based Municipal Assessment Tool (GB-MAT), (refer
to Figure 1). The model highlights the significant elements that require vital consideration to realize the
empowerment approach. There is an ineffective implementation
ii
of gender-responsive evaluation for gender
mainstreaming, women representation in women caucus, women participation in policy-making processes, and
gender equality in gender-based policies/laws in the municipalities in South Africa. At the institutional level, the
GB-MAT assesses the organizational structures and development plans, emphasizing “what do we deliver?” The
concern requires vital consideration of whether the community needs are covered by the municipal development
plans. This assessment assists the strategic policy-makers and decision-makers to identify the gender-based
challenges in the implementation of pro-poor strategies. The GB-MAT thereafter measures the impact
(positive/negative) by identifying the gaps in delegated tasks
iii
. A gap is an impediment in the municipality structure
with regard to the implementation of service delivery mechanisms. At the institutional level, the gap analysis
indicates that gender equality with the highest score of
270 points; followed by participation by women with 196
points; thereafter women representation by 156, and gender mainstreaming by 120 points. Data obtained from a
needs analysis/ social impact assessment (at community level), and capability analysis (at municipal level) need to
be identified, analysed, interpreted and reported for continuous improvement in the system.
110 Vyas-Doorgapersad and Zwane / OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 07:09 (2014)
CONCLUSION
South African Government has undertaken measures to establish national government initiatives to address gender
issues, viz. the 1998 National Action Plan for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (NAP) that deals with
the political rights of women. The NAP is the outcome of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action 1993.
South Africa, in 1995, signed and ratified CEDAW followed by the establishment of the Commission on Gender
Equality that is an integral part of the National Machinery for Gender Equality (to develop and conduct educational
programmes, evaluate bills related to the status of women, and consider suggestions and recommendations
concerning the promotion of gender equality); and the Office on the Status of Women (to advance the national policy
on gender equality, to conduct research on gender issues, and responsible for effective implementation of gender
policies and programmes at the national, provincial and local spheres of government). The Office of the Status of
Women developed a National Framework for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality was adopted in 2000 in
order to strengthen the voices of women in the political decision-making at all the three spheres of government. It
further stresses on the need to establish a local government machinery to advance empowerment of women and
gender equality.
The Women’s Caucus of the South African Local Government Association (SALGA) in partnership with the
Department of Provincial Affairs and Local Government (DPLG) adopted the Benoni Declaration 2005 that stressed
the need to formulate and implement strategies to enhance women representation and participation in local
government.
In terms of legislation, the Local Government White Paper 1998, with reference to gender, states that “local
government is uniquely placed to analyze and understand power dynamics within a community, and ensure that
those who tend to be excluded and marginalized can become active and equal participants in community and the
transformation of the settlements where they live”. Under the concept of “Developmental Local Government”, the
White Paper accepts that “there are many obstacles to the equal and effective participation of women, such as social
values and norms, as well as practical issues such as the lack of transport, household responsibilities, personal
safety, etc.” and, therefore, seeks the strategies to enhance women participation at the local government level. The
Local Government: Municipal Structures Act 1998, under section 73 (3) (a) (i) suggests the need of procedural rules
for women to be equitably represented on ward committees, which is significant because these committees inform
their councilors as to what the most pressing needs of the community are. The Local Government: Municipal
Systems Act 2000, under section 17 (3) (c) stresses that when establishing the mechanisms, processes and procedures
of community participation, the special needs of women must be taken into account.
Epilogue: There are legislative measures in place, however, based on the literature review, evaluation of official
reports, and available MDG Reports, the article infers that there are various challenges which persist in the South
African scenario with regard to gender equality at the local decision-making level. These include, inter alia, lack of
data, methodology and indicators for monitoring progress; lack of adequate research for making informed decisions;
lack of financial and human resources in order to implement women empowerment activities; laws and practices that
discriminate women; etc. These challenges demand government to gender-mainstream the capacity-building
initiatives and promote gender-based empowerment through participation and representation at the municipal
political decision-making levels. This could be a significant effort for women to contribute and utilize their
capabilities for community development. The article leaves the scope for future debate in the field of gender-based
political empowerment at the South African municipal level.
Vyas-Doorgapersad and Zwane / OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 07:09 (2014) 111
Notes:
A gap is an impediment within the municipality structure to the
implemention of service delivery.
Community needs are basic elements of service as prioritised by the
community itself.
Weighting :
1. is the level of urgency by the community (highest 10;lowest 0)
2. is the level of capability of the municipality (highest 10;lowest 0)
5 6 7 9
Institutional {what do we deliver?}
gender-based evaluation 2 5 3 6 3 7 3 7
women caucus 2 5 3 6 3 6 2 8
policy-making processes 3 7 3 6 3 7 2 8
gender-based poli cies/laws 3 7 2 8 2 8 3 7
GAP Sum 24 26 28 30
GAP ANALYSIS score
GAP sum)
120 156 196 270
weight
Score out of 10
Commentary: gender equality lacks Institutional support with the highest score of 270 points; followed by women participation with 196 points; thereafter women
representation by 156 and gender mainstreaming by 120 points.
GENDER-BASED MUNICIPAL ASSESSMENT TOOL (GB-MAT)
Community Needs
Municipalities' Capabilities
community weighting on priority items
gender
mainstreaming
women
representation
women
participation
gender equality
Figure 1: Gender-Based Municipal Assessment Tool (GB-MAT)
112 Vyas-Doorgapersad and Zwane / OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development 07:09 (2014)
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About the author
SHIKHA VYAS-DOORGAPERSAD is an Associate Professor in Public Management and Administration at the
Vaal Triangle Campus of North-West University, South Africa. She holds M.A., M.Phil., and Ph.D. in Public
Administration from the University of Rajasthan (India). Her lecturing and research interests are in, Gender Issues,
and women empowerment inpublic administration arena . She has presented research findings at international
conferences worldwide. She has published three books, contributed book chapters, has more than 30 articles in
refereed accredited journals, and five articles in international peer-reviewed journals. She serves as a reviewer to
several accredited journals in South Africa. Prof Vyas-Doorgapersad has supervised 20 Master’s dissertations and
promoted three doctorates. Shikha serves as External Moderator/Examiner for MA and Ph.D. for several universities
in South Africa.
i
MDG 3 deals with gender equality and women empowerment.
ii
The questions raised in the questionnaire are categorized into four main themes in the GB-MAT, viz. gender
mainstreaming, women representation, women participation, and gender equality.
iii
The GB-MAT tool indicates weighting that is the level of urgency by the community (highest: 10; lowest 0).
* The weightings stated in the model and explanation, are hypothetical. This proposed model suggest that weighting
can differ based on the municipal community survey, performed at any given time and place.
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What is Gender? explores these complex and important questions, helping readers to critically analyze how women's and men's lives are shaped by the society in which they live. The book offers a comprehensive account of trends in sociological thinking, from a material and economic focus on gender inequalities to the debates about meaning initiated by the linguistic or cultural turn.
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The twentieth century gave rise to profound changes in traditional sex roles. This study reveals how modernization has changed cultural attitudes towards gender equality and analyzes the political consequences. It systematically compares attitudes towards gender equality worldwide, comparing almost 70 nations, ranging from rich to poor, agrarian to postindustrial. This volume is essential reading to gain a better understanding of issues in comparative politics, public opinion, political behavior, development and sociology. © Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris 2003 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.