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Identity Designs: The Sights and Sounds of a Nation.
Abstract
National symbols, modern totems with ancient roots, remain entities for which men and women continue to march, debate, fight, and die. Modern political leaders still drape their campaigns in such symbols; modern revolutionaries still defile them. "Identity Designs" explores the source of this long-standing power--the way national symbols are selected, the manner in which their meaning is conveyed, their potential effects, and the sustenance of their power.In particular, the book charts the role of design in the selection of symbolic images, thus demonstrating that symbols are chosen not just for "what" they convey, but "how" they convey their message. Karen Cerulo shows that the symbolic designs of a nation's identity are not simply the products of indigenous characteristics, as conventional wisdom might suggest. Rather, the banners and songs by which nations represent themselves are generated by broad social forces that transcend the peculiarities of any one nation. Cerulo's analysis acquaints readers with a set of social structural factors that delimit rules of symbolic expression. Further, the book suggests the benefits of adhering to these rules and explores the costs of violating them.
... Efforts at quantification are still rare, with probably the most notable originating in sociology. In her analysis of national flags, Cerulo (1995) developed a procedure to capture the structure and relation of colors, counting their number and the proportion of secondary colors in a flag. Her analysis confirms the importance of external relations. ...
... Whereas the symbolic content of color is of secondary importance to Cerulo (1995), it is essential in our analysis of positioning by means of color. But the most notable difference is methodological. ...
... Our theoretical framework recognizes the role of market demand by way of the observed impact of the genre's commercialization but focuses substantively on the supply side. The assumption that color choices are primarily oriented toward other producers (e.g., Cerulo, 1995) is supported by accounts testifying to the self-referential nature of black metal and its inattention to market demand in its formative period (e.g., Moynihan and Søderlind, 1998;Patterson, 2013). Given the preponderance of demand-side studies, renewed attention to the supply side is valuable when it provides new insights into classic questions such as the positioning of entrants vis-à-vis incumbents and the extent to which the former should imitate or differentiate from the latter (e.g., Porter, 1985). ...
Color is omnipresent, but organizational research features no systematic theory or established method for analyzing it. We develop a relational approach to color, conceptualizing it as a means of positioning relative to a reference group or style and validating it through a computational method for processing digital images. The research context is Norwegian black metal—a genre of extreme metal music that achieved notoriety in the early 1990s through band members’ criminal activity. Our analysis of 5,125 album covers between 1989 and 2019 confirms the alignment of aesthetic and music features and articulates the role of color in the construction of a relational identity based on forces of association and disassociation. Black metal bands associated with past color choices of non-black metal bands up to a point, after which they started to disassociate from them. The positioning is dynamic, pursuing adaptation to external events. Black metal bands reacted to their stigmatization in Norwegian society by increasing colorfulness and later returning to a darker aesthetic in defiance of the genre’s commercialization. Our analysis attests to color’s ability to organize producers’ exchange of information and attention, illustrating the interweaving of aesthetic features and relational processes in markets.
... These agents create, transform, and mediate the social memory between individuals and their surrounding regions. The three most influential agents of memory, that I propose played a significant role in the lives of the former enclave residents are: discourses and myths of the powerful (Foucault, 1977;Hobsbawm, 1983;Levi-Strauss, 1979;Noiriel, 1996;Smith, 1986), generations (Lambert, 1972;Mannheim, 1952;Paasi, 1991;Schuman & Scott, 1989;Williams, 1979), memory and sites of memory (Alderman, 2000;Berger, 2010;Cerulo, 1995;Olick, 1997;Spillman, 1997;Till, 1999Till, , 2003. The second idea that is directly connected to acts of belonging is regional identity. ...
... Social memories played a major role, along with regional identity, in spatially socializing the former enclave residents that influenced their acts of belonging and eventually, their choice of citizenship. Drawing on Foucault's (Foucault, 1986;1995) analysis of discourse, power, and knowledge, Harding and Pribram (2002) argue that memory is created by an interaction between these three elements. Sara Ahmed (2004) further demonstrates that memory mediates between an 4 Proxy citizenship was solely based on religious identities of the former enclave residents. ...
... The powerful decide what site to be remembered, how to be remembered, and where the site should be erected (Berger, 2010). Naming and renaming a site (Alderman, 2000), national anthems (Cerulo, 1995), museums and contents of the museums (Till, 1999(Till, , 2003, and mass media (Dayan, Katz, & Davis, 1993) signify and hold up the memory of the dominant class leaving few options for alternative sites and memories. Generations and their memories are other significant agents of social memory. ...
After almost seventy years of protracted negotiations, Bangladesh and India exchanged all their border enclaves in the summer of 2015. Nearly 55,000 enclave residents living in these small pieces of lands, both in Bangladesh and India, were given the option to choose their state of citizenship. An overwhelming majority chose to stay where they were and opted for a change in their citizenship. Drawing on the choice of the former Indian enclave residents in Bangladesh, this article explains why they overwhelmingly chose a citizenship of the host state, as opposed to a state that they ‘belonged’ to. The article offers the concept of acts of belonging to explain their choice of citizenship. It analyzes how the disconnection of almost seventy years from their home state and dependence on the host state for daily survival influenced their acts of belonging and eventually their decisions for a choice of citizenship. In so doing, the article offers a framework that demonstrates how acts of belonging work both as a means and an outcome of spatial socialization, a process that is mediated by social memory and regional identity. In conclusion, it argues that acts of belonging can be fruitfully applied not only to understand the choice of citizenship but also in broader political geography.
... Terms such as God, blood, soul, death, die and heart are common in many anthems (Kelen, 2015, p. 46). Cerulo (1995) distinguishes between 'core nations' that tend to focus on a single theme and express it in concise, abstract forms and 'peripheral nations' that tend to give details and elaborate their topics (pp. 82-86). ...
... In many ways, the UAE's anthem, which was written only in 1986, incorporates all the major Arab themes and thus can stand as a model of the 'Arab anthem', emphasising the homeland, but also paying homage to Islam, God and the Qur'an, Arabism, flag and sacrifice. Cerulo's (1995) distinction between 'core' and 'peripheral' nations (pp. 82-86 and 100) is only partially corroborated by the Arab anthems. ...
The national flag, anthem and emblem are the three symbols through which an independent country proclaims its identity and sovereignty. These symbols are universal signs of particularity. In spite of their symbolic significance, national anthems have not been the subject of widespread scholarship. This is particularly true with regard to the Arab world. The aim of this article is, therefore, threefold: first, to explore the historical, political and cultural sources of these anthems; second, to analyse the anthems' themes; and finally, to explore whether a commonality between the various Arab anthems can be found. The article advances three arguments: First, in contrast to the stability of anthems outside the Middle East, anthems in the Arab world underwent changes since independence, yet several countries retained their original anthems. The changes reflected the change of regime and/or historical narrative. Second, the consolidation of the territorial Arab state has also been reflected in the symbolic framework. And, finally, the Arab anthem is a hybrid symbol, amalgamating Western and Eastern cultural artefacts—Arab, Muslim or territorial.
... Behavior with material forms defines place, such as erecting or demolishing buildings, walking the streets, playing in the parks, or living and working in the buildings (de Certeau, 1984;goldhagen, 2017). place engages microfoundations of institutions because material forms are mnemonic, "evoking memories, triggering identities and embodying histories" (Cerulo, 1995;gieryn, 2000, p. 481;zerubavel, 1997), about which humans communicate and to which they form attachments (gieryn, 2000;Jones & Massa, 2013). places are a "unique gathering of things, meanings and values," forming "an unwindable spiral of material form and interpretative understandings or experiences" (gieryn, 2000, p. 465, 471). ...
... people write, or encode, and read, or decode, culture; thus, material culture highlights "the intimate connections between the body and material culture" (hicks & Beaudry, 2010, p. 11), which includes embodiment -or humans' lived experiences and practices -as a material form (see Crossland, 2010 for a review). scholars of material culture tend to focus on cultural objects, such as flags and national anthems, as carriers that can be read to decode the histories and meanings of nations (Cerulo, 1995), or architectural styles and layout of cities (Jones & svejenova, 2017). More recently, scholars illuminate how humans perform culture and enact institutions with material objects, such as fashion (Miller, 2009). ...
Microfoundations of institutions are central to constructing place – the interplay of location, meaning, and material form. Since only a few institutional studies bring materiality to the fore to examine the processes of place-making, how material forms interact with people to institutionalize or de-institutionalize the meaning of place remains a black box. Through an inductive and historical study of Boston’s North End neighborhood, the authors show how material practices shaped place-making and institutionalized, or de-institutionalized, the meaning of the North End. When material practices symbolically encoded meanings of diverse audiences into the church, it created resonance and enabled the building’s meanings to withstand environmental change and become institutionalized as part of the North End’s meaning as a place. In contrast, when the material practices restricted meaning to a specific audience, it limited resonance when the environment changed, was more likely to be demolished and, thus, erased rather than institutionalized into the meaning of the North End as a place.
... Behavior with material forms defines place, such as erecting or demolishing buildings, walking the streets, playing in the parks, or living and working in the buildings (de Certeau, 1984;Goldhagen, 2017). Place engages microfoundations of institutions because material forms are mnemonic, "evoking memories, triggering identities and embodying histories" (Cerulo, 1995;Gieryn, 2000, p. 481;Zerubavel, 1997), about which humans communicate and to which they form attachments (Gieryn, 2000;Jones & Massa, 2013). Places are a "unique gathering of things, meanings and values", forming "an unwindable spiral of material form and interpretative understandings or experiences" (Gieryn, 2000, p. 465, 471). ...
... People write, or encode, and read, or decode, culture; thus, material culture highlights "the intimate connections between the body and material culture" (Hicks & Beaudry, 2010, p. 11), which includes embodiment-or humans' lived experiences and practices-as a material form (see Crossland, 2010 for a review). Scholars of material culture tend to focus on cultural objects, such as flags and national anthems, as carriers that can be read to decode the histories and meanings of nations (Cerulo, 1995), or architectural styles and layout of cities (Jones & Svejenova, 2018). More recently, scholars illuminate how humans perform culture and enact institutions with material objects, such as fashion (Miller, 2009). ...
Microfoundations of institutions are central to constructing place-the interplay of location, meaning, and material form. Since only a few institutional studies bring materiality to the fore to examine the processes of place-making, how material forms interact with people to institutionalize or de-institutionalize the meaning of place remains a black box. Through an inductive and historical study of Boston's North End neighborhood, we show how locally situated churches that symbolically encoded multivocality shape the institutionalized meaning of the North End as a place.
... Therefore, marching songs are commonly used in military activities, including in war. A literature titled "Music in Time of War" reviews the presence of music as a public art and collective experience, and therefore as a significant medium and mechanism for defining and galvanizing a sense of community, shared beliefs, and shared identity [6]- [11]. ...
This community service is intended to improve symbolic capabilities for Muhammadiyah Charities (AUM). Increasing symbolic capabilities has deep significance in shaping identity, increasing pride, and strengthening AUM stakeholder ties. Muhammadiyah Jogodayoh Primary School as one of the AUMs located in Dukuh Jogodayoh, Sumbermulyo Village, Kapanewon Bambanglipuro, Bantul Regency, Yogyakarta Special Region Province in 2023 is 67 years old but does not yet have a Mars song as a symbol of school pride.
... The study conducted by Fine, et al. (1998), the researchers has presented that color is an institutional resource which represents institutions. This is seconded by Cerulo (1995) who noted in her analysis that national symbols, color and design are not randomly tied to national flags, but are correlated with ideology and location in the world system. Institutions and organizations then use color in an attempt to build and produce meanings for the groups with which they are affiliated as shown in figure 1. ...
In a very complex nature of politics, color serves as a low-level heuristic for voters, especially the use of campaign color as a symbolism of platforms. This study sought to determine the level of agreement on the universal meaning of the different colors chosen by the Presidential candidates during the 2022 national elections; the level of agreement if the political colors of the presidential candidates and its representation to their political platforms; and if these chosen political colors correspond to the platforms of the presidential candidates among the students of the School of Teachers and Liberal Arts of the University of Baguio. A mixed method with a self-constructed questionnaire using the Likert Scale to determine the level of agreement among the 143 respondents and an interview with 8 informants among the students was used in this study. The study revealed that the color Red is the most misinterpreted color because of its historical and psychological connotations which led to its negative symbolism. While both Pink and Blue, showed a positive result because of their psychological, cultural, and political aspect. Furthermore, all colors aligned with their platforms except the color Red by Marcos with his platform about Unity. Additionally, the presidential candidates' platforms were based on their personal and political factors. Overall, the research suggests that there’s still no established meaning of political colors in our country and that voters still take issue with what the colors truly represent.
... 2 Some exceptions of research that focuses on more than two countries are Borneman (1997), Rosenberg (1995), Watson (1994), Cerulo (1995), Bennett (1995) and Lowenthal (1985) on cultural heritage, and more recently, Pakier and Stråth (2012), Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015), Sierp and Karner (2017) and Delanty (2017). ...
Introduction
Debates about Kosovo's troubled past mostly reflect on the last war (1998–9) that de facto brought to an end the reign of Serbs. Occasionally, these discussions extend to the period of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the foundation of the Albanian independent state in 1912, the Second World War and the period of Yugoslavia when Kosovo was for some time an autonomous province populated with Albanians, Serbs and other communities – and even further back, to the Middle Ages, when the Serbian medieval state ruled these territories. Mostly, for Kosovo, the troubled past started erupting again in the late 1980s, when the autonomous province was stripped of autonomy by Milosevic; many researchers take the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo that took place at Gazimestan near Prishtina in 1989 as a prelude to the point of no return, which was then set in stone in June 1999 with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) troops being deployed to Kosovo after a NATO military operation against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY).
During the clash between Kosovo Albanians and FRY in the 1990s, segregationist policies were implied in education and Kosovo Albanians self-organized parallel institutions, schools, elections and healthcare as a nonviolent movement in response to segregation policies imposed by Milosevic's Serbia. Parallel with the non-violent movement, Kosovo Albanians who were dissatisfied with non-violence organized the military resistance which led to creation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The war started with sporadic clashes between the FRY forces and the KLA in 1998, which erupted in March 1999 just before the NATO intervention that started on the 24 March 1999 and lasted until 10 June 1999. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in a report from 2003 estimated that during that time 862,979 refugees left Kosovo and were pushed towards neighbouring countries in Albania, Macedonia and some in Montenegro in the attempts to ethnically cleanse Kosovo (OSCE, 1999).
After the war ended in 1999, a new period of dealing with the past started, mainly dominated by court processes and less armed violence in the ethnically still divided society. To date, conflicts of the past are often brought back to life by the media and political discourses which produces hate and stands in the way of ethnic reconciliation and overall political progress.
... 2 Some exceptions of research that focuses on more than two countries are Borneman (1997), Rosenberg (1995), Watson (1994), Cerulo (1995), Bennett (1995) and Lowenthal (1985) on cultural heritage, and more recently, Pakier and Stråth (2012), Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015), Sierp and Karner (2017) and Delanty (2017). ...
Introduction
The history of the Balkan Peninsula, like that of many other regions of the world, has been marked by violence. The turmoil was caused by the spread of different religions in these areas (for example, the spread of Islam with the Ottoman Empire) and intra-religious schisms (for example, the schism between the Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Churches in the 11th century). The 20th century brought fundamental political changes to this part of the world that still reverberate today: the fall of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century, followed by the Balkan Wars (1912–13), the two world wars and the Yugoslav era (Calic, 1995; Bose, 2002).
The inability to resolve many ‘ethnic issues’ continues to weigh immensely on the people of the area today – including in present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), where the war that devastated the country between 1992 and 1995 deepened ethnic, religious and national divisions. These divisions, which were relatively mild (or effectively put down) during the Yugoslav era, when BiH was praised a symbol of coexistence, are still present today. This is not surprising given that the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), which effectively ended the armed violence in 1995 – but did not bring reconciliation – set the country's divisions in stone and even legalized them. Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats ‘got’ the Federation of BiH (51 per cent of the territory), while Bosnian Serbs were ‘rewarded’ with the Republika Srpska (RS), covering 49 per cent of the territory (Bougarel, 1996; Carmichael, 2002). By perpetuating at least three different streams of ethno-nationalist rhetoric, underpinned by the portrayal of the ‘other’ as the enemy, the political elites of each nation maintain a firm grip on power in both entities to this day.
Many people living in BiH have personally experienced the war or, if they are members of the younger generations, have strong beliefs about the war based on what they have been told about it or what they have read about it. Moreover, people living in the aftermath of armed violence are ‘reminded’ of the war and current ethnic tensions on a daily basis – which is not surprising given that the DPA established the ‘ethno-political functioning’ of modern BiH.
... 2 Some exceptions of research that focuses on more than two countries are Borneman (1997), Rosenberg (1995), Watson (1994), Cerulo (1995), Bennett (1995) and Lowenthal (1985) on cultural heritage, and more recently, Pakier and Stråth (2012), Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015), Sierp and Karner (2017) and Delanty (2017). ...
Introduction
The two communities in Cyprus, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, lived relatively peacefully on the island for centuries. Even after the Greek revolution in 1821 against the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of the ‘Enosis’ ambition (annexation of Cyprus to Greece) among the Greek Cypriots, the two communities continued to live in harmony.
Political developments of the 20th century, such as British colonialism and the hostilities between Greece and Turkey, were crucial in generating a Greek–Turkish conflict in Cyprus. Greek Cypriots considered their community as the historical inhabitants of the island and thus sought the annexation of the island to the newly founded Greek state. On the other side, Turkish Cypriots considered that ‘Enosis’ would degrade their rights and wanted to divide the island into two parts. After a four-year anti-colonial armed struggle (1955–9), Greek Cypriots failed to achieve ‘Enosis’, and the two communities compromised on the foundation of an independent state. The foundation of the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) was not the priority for either of the two communities, so bi-communal conflicts continued. In 1974, after a failed coup d’état orchestrated by the Greek junta against the legitimately elected president of the RoC, Turkey invaded the northern part of the island. The Turkish invasion forced hundreds of thousands of Cypriots to leave their homes and migrate to the north or south. Since then, Turkey has deployed a large military force in the northern part of Cyprus, while, according to international law, an illegal state was founded, which is solely recognized as a sovereign state by Turkey. After 1977, the five parties involved in the Cyprus Problem (Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Greece, Turkey and the UK) sat at the negotiating table several times to find a mutually acceptable solution, which has not yet been achieved.
The two communities had lived in complete isolation for many years, as until 2003, the regime in the north did not allow anyone to cross to the other side of the island. In 2003, the opening of some checkpoints allowed inter-communal contact for the first time in almost 30 years. Nevertheless, to this day, the relations and the contacts between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots are still considered marginal.
... 2 Some exceptions of research that focuses on more than two countries are Borneman (1997), Rosenberg (1995), Watson (1994), Cerulo (1995), Bennett (1995) and Lowenthal (1985) on cultural heritage, and more recently, Pakier and Stråth (2012), Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015), Sierp and Karner (2017) and Delanty (2017). ...
Based on the findings of a major research project, this book investigates how European societies confront their troubled pasts. The text explores what measures can be taken and which strategies endorsed to overcome difficult historic legacies in seven European states, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Germany, Ireland, Spain, Cyprus and Poland.
... Kültürel ve politik yaşamda mevcut olan, sosyal veya fiziksel sınırlarla belirlenmiş bir dizi deyim, uygulama ve olasılıklar bir ulusun insanlarının tanımlanma veya kendini tanımlama biçimlerini ele almak için kullanılmaktadır (Brubaker, 1996:10). Bu tür uygulamalar, insanların etkileşim ve sosyal yollar ile kim olduğunu öğrenmesine yardımcı olmakta (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000) bayrak ve marşlar gibi semboller ve uygulamalar kişilerin ortak söylemde birleşmelerini sağlamaktadır (Cerulo, 1995). ...
... 2 Some exceptions of research that focuses on more than two countries are Borneman (1997), Rosenberg (1995), Watson (1994), Cerulo (1995), Bennett (1995) and Lowenthal (1985) on cultural heritage, and more recently, Pakier and Stråth (2012), Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015), Sierp and Karner (2017) and Delanty (2017). ...
... The mobilization of national mythology and folklore in the post-Soviet period was aimed at establishing a dominant norm, but also turned out to be called upon to maintain the often illusory unity of the people in the face of danger. In other words, myths and national symbols crystallize national identity [8] because they construct variety and hence group boundaries. This is also stated by M. Halbvaks: thanks to the collective memory, "the group feels that it has remained the same, and is aware of its self-identity in the temporal dimension" [9]. ...
The paper is devoted to the study of the institutionalization of collective memory features in the Chechen Republic after the completion of a full-scale military operation in 2000. However, armed and terrorist attacks took place in the context of the formation of a new republican government that sought to change the memorial space of Chechnya. The regime abolition of the counter-terrorist operation (CTO) on the republic territory on April 16, 2009 led not only to the end of the acute phase of the guerrilla war. It simultaneously updated the issue of the need to overcome the conflict in the memory of the republic population, associated with active stages of hostilities in 1994–1996 and 1999–2000. The lack of historiographical sources highlighting changes in the collective memory of the Chechen Republic territory increase the study relevance. Three main features of the institutionalization of collective memory have been revealed in the region, and its hegemonization specifics has been identified.
... Kültürel ve politik yaşamda mevcut olan, sosyal veya fiziksel sınırlarla belirlenmiş bir dizi deyim, uygulama ve olasılıklar bir ulusun insanlarının tanımlanma veya kendini tanımlama biçimlerini ele almak için kullanılmaktadır (Brubaker, 1996:10). Bu tür uygulamalar, insanların etkileşim ve sosyal yollar ile kim olduğunu öğrenmesine yardımcı olmakta (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000) bayrak ve marşlar gibi semboller ve uygulamalar kişilerin ortak söylemde birleşmelerini sağlamaktadır (Cerulo, 1995). ...
Teknoloji alanında yaşanan gelişmeler dünyada ve Türkiye'de zaman ve mekandan bağımsız yeni yönetim modellerini ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Kurumsal yönetim odağında sanal örgütlenme model önerisi de buna referans niteliğinde kaynak olarak hazırlanmıştır. Bölgesel kalkınma amacıyla yürütülen çalışmalarda ve faaliyetlerde ortaya çıkan idari yapılanma veya yönetim yapısı hem kurumları hem de çalışanları farklılaşmaya doğru yöneltmektedir. Kitabın bu bölümünde yerel kalkınma fırsatlarına uygun olarak yeni nesil örgüt yapısı ve sanal yönetim modeli öneri olarak sunulmuştur.
... Palmer once pointed out that people can identify their belonging to the nation through heritage tourism [29]. Emotional sentiment, which is also expressed as a kind of belonging and togetherness, helps to maintain and develop collective consciousness [51,52]. Emotional sentiment is related with the symbols of the group and community. ...
As an important embodiment and carrier of Chinese traditional culture, the rituals and ceremonies in heritage tourism not only carry profound spiritual and cultural connotations, such as respecting nature and worshiping ancestors, they also enable people to gain a sense of identity. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the relationship between heritage tourism and the politics of identity-building from the perspective of critical toponymy based on the case study of the Mausoleum of the Yellow Emperor. Drawing on five years’ of fieldwork at the Mausoleum of the Yellow Emperor in Shaanxi Province, China, this paper unfolds how heritage tourism has evolved into a certain kind of political agenda and a social engineering of nation-building. Relying on in-depth interviews and R language text analysis, this paper examines how Chinese national identity is produced, performed, and established through landscape naming and ritual performance in heritage tourism. This paper finds that (1) the naming and interpretation of ancestral roots cultural landscapes, as well as ritual performance in heritage tourism, are closely associated with cultural representations and reproductions of national identity. (2) The naming and interpretation of landscapes, as well as the performance of ritual practices in heritage tourism, are closely associated with national history and mythology. The tourists’ behaviors and emotions, as well as their performance and experiences during the ritual practice at the heritage tourism site, help to construct national identity. The cultural production and invention are combined with actions enacted by governments and local residents, as well as visitors from different backgrounds. (3) The mausoleum creates cultural links for Taiwanese tourists to understand their ancestral roots culture and thus to enhance their connection with the mainland. This paper tries to explore the relationship between heritage tourism and identity-building from the perspective of critical toponymy, which has implications for place branding and marketing projects when promoting ancestral roots culture and place-named tourism. This research not only helps the individuals to realize and reappreciate the value of traditional culture and heritage, it also motivates the individuals to rethink their responsibilities in cultural inheritance and the innovative development of culture. It also helps to enhance the consciousness of the people on both sides of the strait as a community of the Chinese nation, as well as to promote the peaceful development of cross-strait relations.
... Ello exigiría promover símbolos que son ricos en significado y puedan interpretarse de varias maneras. Cerulo (1995) afirma que los grupos de población que forman una comunidad fragmentada y heterogénea, y experimentan relaciones intergrupales contenciosas, prefieren símbolos con un contenido rico y una estructura más complicada, en comparación con los símbolos más simples y básicos utilizados por grupos altamente cohesivos. ...
En el presente capítulo se pretende brindar una aproximación teórica, normativa y situacional al caso colombiano en materia de ciberseguridad y ciberdefensa, con énfasis en el papel que vienen desempeñando las FF.MM., en particular, con la creación del Comando Conjunto Cibernético (CCOCI). En primer lugar, se ofrecerá un marco conceptual de los temas de ciberseguridad y ciberdefensa desde una literatura seleccionada, procurando relacionarlos con los aspectos de la identidad y los intereses nacionales. En segundo lugar, se expondrá una vista panorámica de las políticas y normas que orientan esos dos temas en Colombia, identificando las conexiones con la identidad y los intereses nacionales. En tercer lugar, se describirá la implementación de estos temas mediante la revisión de algunas de las acciones domésticas y de cooperación internacional por parte del CCOCI y las FF.MM. Finalmente, se esbozarán algunas conclusiones y recomendaciones con el fin de ajustar y fortalecer los roles de las FF.MM. en esas dos materias que en ciertos puntos se hallan sumamente imbricadas.
... En este sentido, llama la atención la ausencia de estudios desde una matriz semiótica respecto a las identidades culturales como artificios discursivos e imaginarios. Si bien ha habido análisis sobre los símbolos nacionales como las banderas y los himnos (Cerulo 1995), sobre las tradiciones (Sedda 2019) o de dimensiones específicas, como los estilos de juego en deportes como el fútbol (Demuru 2014), hasta el momento no ha habido un intento desde la semiótica por rastrear y fundamentar procesos semióticos que, apoyados en un ancla territorial como pueden ser una ciudad, una nación, una región, un curso de agua o una unidad cultural más amplia, como un continente, den sentido a una identidad colectiva. ...
Mediante el estudio de algunas de las características de los sistemas de transporte latinoamericanos, el artículo presenta unas notas preparatorias para el desarrollo de un modelo que permita analizar las identidades colectivas asociadas a unidades de sentido de naturaleza ‘geo-cultural’, como naciones, regiones y/o constructos supranacionales. La hipótesis es que los sistemas de transporte latinoamericanos, al mismo tiempo que reflejan ciertas características discursivamente asociadas a la identidad considerada distintiva de América Latina, funcionan como un marcador más para la construcción de ese conjunto de discursos e imaginarios que es la idea de una identidad latinoamericana.
... Countless studies have detailed examples of how communication in social groups can lead to highly idiosyncratic categorizations across a wide range of domains, including art (Becker 1984;DiMaggio 1987), music (Cerulo 1995;Peterson 1999), technology (Pinch and Trocco 1998), law (Gordon 1984;Gorwa and Guilbeault 2018), business (Hannan et al. 2007), politics (Krippendorff 2005), sexuality (Foucault 1990), race (Allport 1954), fashion (Obukhova, Zuckerman, and Zhang 2014), and even domains of scientific inquiry, from the classification of disease (Bowker and Star 2000;Foucault 1988) to the fundamentals of physics, chemistry, and biology (Collins 1998;Kuhn 1996;Latour 1988;Shwed and Bearman 2010). ...
Category systems are remarkably consistent across societies. Stable partitions for concepts relating to flora, geometry, emotion, color, and kinship have been repeatedly discovered across diverse cultures. Canonical theories in cognitive science argue that this form of convergence across independent populations, referred to as ‘cross-cultural convergence’, is evidence of innate human categories that exist independently of social interaction. However, a number of studies have shown that even individuals from the same population can vary substantially in how they categorize novel and ambiguous phenomena. Contrary to findings on cross-cultural convergence, this individual variation in categorization processes suggests that independent populations should evolve highly divergent category systems (as is often predicted by theories of social constructivism). These puzzling findings raise new questions about the origins of cross-cultural convergence. In this dissertation, I develop a new mathematical approach to cultural processes of category formation, which shows that whether or not independent populations create similar category systems is a function of population size. Specifically, my model shows that small populations frequently diverge in their category systems, whereas in large populations, a subset of categories consistently reach critical mass and spread, leading to convergent cultural trajectories. I test and confirm this prediction in a large-scale online social network experiment where I study how small and large social networks construct original category systems for a continuum of novel and ambiguous stimuli. I conclude by discussing the implications of these results for networked crowdsourcing, which harnesses coordination in communication networks to enhance content management and generation across a wide range of domains, including content moderation over social media and scientific classification in citizen science.
... imonio cultural y natural" (p. 241).En tales circunstancias, puede que se requiera crear nuevos símbolos nacionales o reforzar símbolos nacionales "neutrales" que incluyen a todos los grupos sociales y establezcan una autentica identidad nacional. Ello exigiría promover símbolos que son ricos en significado y puedan interpretarse de varias maneras.Cerulo (1995) afirma que los grupos de población que forman una comunidad fragmentada y heterogénea, y experimentan relaciones intergrupales contenciosas, prefieren símbolos con un contenido rico y una estructura más complicada, en comparación con los símbolos más simples y básicos utilizados por grupos altamente cohesivos. ...
La construcción de la identidad y la de los intereses nacionales de todo Estado constituyen procesos interdependientes y complementarios que se llevan a cabo de manera intersubjetiva al interior de sus sociedades en una línea de tiempo de largo aliento. En tal sentido, las identidades nacionales son proyectadas en el plano internacional por los líderes de los respectivos Estados, quienes a través de sus ideas, cosmovisiones y decisiones, desempeñan roles internacionales específicos que son percibidos por sus pares en el escenario internacional. De esta manera, la identidad nacional es relacional por la idea y el conocimiento compartido que los tomadores de decisión tienen de su nación, a fin de que pueda ser percibida y comprendida por los líderes de los demás Estados, es decir, se trata una relación entre alter y ego. En esencia, las identidades nacionales son estructuras cognitivas colectivas que los Estados comparten socialmente en el ámbito internacional. En este orden de ideas, tal como se desarrollará en el marco teórico de esta obra, los intereses de los Estados son construidos por las identidades nacionales. Adicionalmente, la identidad nacional y los intereses nacionales son factores fundamentales que influyen sustancialmente en la formulación e implementación de la política exterior de todo Estado. Así las cosas, se pueden identificar factores endógenos (cultura nacional, factores ideacionales y materiales) y exógenos (cultura de la anarquía, patrones de cooperación, competencia o conflicto, distribución de poder, lugar que ocupa un Estado en la jerarquía de poder internacional) que influencian la construcción y proyección de identidad y la definición de los intereses nacionales. Ahora bien, para comprender e interpretar la identidad y los intereses nacionales de un Estado como Colombia se requiere de procesos investigativos y de un diálogo sistemático, interdisciplinar y plural entre académicos y tomadores de decisión. En este caso particular, hemos enfocado el análisis en problemáticas relacionadas con la identidad nacional, la defensa, la seguridad y los intereses estratégicos del Estado colombiano desde una perspectiva multidimensional. Por tanto, la obra es producto de un proceso de investigación y conjunto entre oficiales, activos y de la reserva activa de las FF. MM. de Colombia y de académicos de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana. Los autores realizaron sus investigaciones y la producción de sus textos en el marco del Curso de Altos Estudios Militares (CAEM) y el Curso Integral de Defensa Nacional (CIDENAL) de la Escuela Superior de Guerra (ESDEGUE). El proyecto fue auspiciado por la Fundación Konrad Adenauer de Colombia como concreción de la cooperación interinstitucional que ha venido llevando a cabo desde hace tres años con la Escuela Superior de Guerra, de modo que esta obra es el resultado del compromiso entre ambas entidades y el Centro de Altos Estudios Militares. El libro que aquí presentamos tiene tres secciones: la primera, denominada Marco teórico, incluye un capítulo en el que se desarrollan conceptos y categorías esenciales para el análisis y la comprensión de las nociones de identidad nacional, interés nacional, tipología de intereses nacionales, poder, tipologías de poder, estrategia nacional, objetivos nacionales, etcétera; la segunda sección tiene como título Perspectivas sobre identidad e intereses nacionales de Colombia y sus capítulos aportan las visiones sobre lo que ha sido el estudio y la formulación de dicha problemática durante los ejercicios académicos en distintas promociones del CAEM y el CIDENAL; la tercera y última sección, Intereses específicos de Colombia, recoge los trabajos sobre el análisis de dichos intereses del país, desde distintos enfoques, con las recomendaciones pertinentes para mejorar su gestión y defensa. De esta forma, confluyen dos visiones o perspectivas de gran trascendencia para promover un conocimiento complejo, sólido, riguroso y complementario sobre cada objeto de estudio determinado por los ejes y capítulos de la obra. Por lo tanto, el primer capítulo es presentado por los profesores Eduardo Pastrana Buelvas y Diego Vera Piñeros, quienes elaboraron un marco teórico desde el constructivismo que pretende entregar herramientas históricas, conceptuales y referentes contextuales, con el propósito de acercarse de una forma más idónea a la comprensión e interpretación de los elementos constitutivos y de las características de los intereses y de la identidad de las naciones. Para ello, parten de un ejercicio genealógico interpretando y rastreando los principales antecedentes del nacimiento del concepto o categoría de intereses e identidad. Igualmente, incorporan las distintas tipologías sobre la identidad y los intereses nacionales, en cuyo desarrollo resaltan la importancia de la relación estrecha que existe entre la concepción del rol nacional y la identidad. Por último, enuncian las concepciones del rol nacional que Colombia ha desempeñado y a través de las cuales ha sido percibida en su devenir histórico. Seguidamente, el segundo eje del libro está compuesto por seis capítulos. El primero de ellos es desarrollado por el mayor general Helder Fernán Giraldo Bonilla y el brigadier general (RA) Fabricio Cabrera Ortiz, autores que trabajaron la proyección nacional de Colombia desde los intereses nacionales. En esa línea, abordan analíticamente cómo la estrategia y el concepto de seguridad nacional en Colombia impactan la proyección del Estado y de las FF. MM. de cara a los desafíos y retos contemporáneos. Por su parte, el segundo capítulo del eje es presentado por el brigadier general de la Fuerza Aérea Colombiana Eliot Benavides González, el brigadier general del Ejército Nacional Erik Rodríguez Aparicio y el contralmirante de la Armada Nacional Óscar Darío Tascón Muñoz, quienes contribuyen con un análisis que parte del estudio y la comprensión de los puntos estructurales de la Apreciación Política Estratégica Nacional (APEN) y de la geopolítica contextual colombiana, en aras de identificar y determinar las amenazas, los problemas y las preocupaciones presentes en el entorno geoestratégico que tiene injerencia en la defensa y la seguridad multidimensional de Colombia. El tercer capítulo del eje es de autoría del profesor Eduardo Velosa Porras y consta de un análisis reflexivo sobre la concepción de nación, la percepción y la contestación del rol nacional en los ámbitos regionales y globales. Para esto, el autor parte de una interpretación sobre los principales roles que ha desempeñado Colombia en los últimos años, además, aborda de forma reflexiva y con relación a los elementos conceptuales y teóricos del rol, a qué identidades responden los roles que el país ha asumido en el marco de los intereses proyectados. Posteriormente, el cuarto capítulo del eje es elaborado por el profesor y estudiante del CIDENAL (2019) Francisco Alfonso Camargo Salas, quien desarrolla una definición y una clasificación de los intereses nacionales. A partir de ello, reflexiona sobre la identidad de Colombia, cómo esta se ha proyectado y, en consecuencia, cómo ha sido percibida en el escenario internacional. Para cerrar el capítulo, el autor presenta una relación analítica sobre el vínculo entre intereses y objetivos nacionales. El quinto capítulo del eje es trabajado por el mayor general (RA) Jorge Alberto Segura Manonegra, quien aborda la construcción del concepto de objetivos nacionales y cómo este impacta la estrategia de seguridad nacional. Para ello, hace una distinción conceptual y teórica sobre los intereses y los objetivos nacionales, y analiza la relación estructural entre objetivos, fines, modo y medios del Estado para la formulación y el alcance de los objetivos nacionales instituidos. El sexto y último capítulo del segundo eje es desarrollado por los coroneles de la Fuerza Aérea Colombiana Pedro Arnulfo Sánchez Suárez y del Ejército de Colombia Óscar Leonel Murillo Díaz, quienes presentan un análisis sobre la identidad nacional en relación con el patriotismo y el nacionalismo. Asimismo, reflexionan sobre las principales funciones de la identidad nacional y proponen un instrumento piloto orientado a interpretar y medir la percepción de la identidad nacional. El tercer eje del libro que versa sobre los intereses específicos de Colombia se compone de ocho capítulos. El primero de ellos es presentado por el brigadier general Óscar Zuluaga Castaño, el coronel Héctor Fabio Aristizábal Mustafá y el coronel Kerly Sánchez Pesca, cuya contribución es un análisis sobre el acceso al espacio exterior como un interés nacional vital de Colombia. Para el efecto, parten de una reflexión sobre la importancia del espacio ultraterrestre de Colombia para el desarrollo del comercio internacional y para la seguridad nacional. En este capítulo, los autores privilegian un enfoque desde el realismo clásico para interpretar y comprender la relevancia del espacio exterior como interés vital de Colombia. A continuación, el segundo capítulo del eje, elaborado por Óscar Cabrera Izquierdo, expresidente ejecutivo del BBVA en Colombia y estudiante del CIDENAL (2019), y por la economista Juana Téllez Corredor, consta de un análisis sobre los principales desafíos y retos de la economía colombiana ante las nuevas tendencias globales. En esa línea, los autores parten de la identificación de patrones y de datos macro y microeconómicos de los últimos años para el país. Con ello, a manera de reflexión prospectiva, se proponen proyectar las alternativas y los escenarios sobre la forma como la economía colombiana podría crecer y fortalecerse de cara a los desafíos globales. El tercer capítulo del eje es desarrollado por la profesora Louise Anne Lowe, quien aborda la protección ambiental como parte del interés nacional de Colombia y plantea un análisis sobre el complejo proceso teórico-práctico de la incorporación de los problemas ambientales en las agendas de los Estados. El cuarto capítulo del eje, cuyo autor es el brigadier general Raúl Flórez Cuervo, presenta una reflexión analítica sobre los intereses nacionales en juego en la Amazorinoquia. Para ello, inicia con un excurso argumentativo sobre la comprensión del valor vital de esta macrorregión para Colombia como Estado-nación y finaliza esbozando la identificación del complejo panorama de los factores que allí generan inestabilidad y tienen impacto en el país. A su vez, el quinto capítulo del eje es presentado por el coronel de Infantería de Marina de la Armada Colombiana Adolfo Enrique Hernández Ruiz y por el profesor Héctor Andrés Macías Tolosa, quienes trabajan los intereses marítimos y fluviales de Colombia. Así entonces, parten de una diferenciación conceptual entre el interés marítimo y el interés fluvial y después abordan de forma reflexiva la importancia que tienen los mares y ríos para la supervivencia del desarrollo de la nación. Para todo ello, los autores privilegian una mirada desde el realismo clásico y el neorrealismo. El sexto capítulo del eje es desarrollado por el profesor Carlos Álvarez Calderón y por la profesional en relaciones internacionales y estudios políticos de la Universidad Militar María Johana Alarcón Moreno, autores que presentan, a manera de reflexión, la identidad de Colombia como un asunto de interés nacional. En ese sentido, argumentan la necesidad de que los símbolos, los héroes, los rituales y los valores ameriten mayor relevancia para los estudios de seguridad y defensa, por lo que referencian que tales factores se constituyen como elementos fundamentales y determinantes de los intereses nacionales colombianos. Posteriormente, el séptimo capítulo del eje es el trabajo de los profesores Andrés Mauricio Valdivieso Collazos y Ricardo García Briceño, junto con la profesional en relaciones internacionales y estudios políticos de la Universidad Militar Sofía Correa Merchán, quienes interpretan cuáles han sido los intereses que los gobiernos de Colombia han priorizado de cara al cumplimiento de los estándares internacionales de derechos humanos. Para el cierre del capítulo, los autores proyectan la relación entre el interés nacional de los últimos dos gobiernos con relación a los procesos de construcción de paz en Colombia. El octavo y último capítulo del eje y del libro es presentado por el profesor Diego Vera Piñeros, la politóloga Paula Prieto y la internacionalista y comunicadora de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Daniela Garzón, quienes trabajaron la ciberseguridad, la ciberdefensa, la identidad y los intereses nacionales y de las Fuerzas Militares de Colombia. Para ello, inician con una caracterización de la denominada “cuarta revolución” con el propósito de determinar los procesos de producción que están a la vanguardia en materia de desarrollo, adquisición y uso de tecnologías digitales, físicas y biológicas, orientados a potenciar el crecimiento económico. Cierran el análisis abordando y articulando el interés de integrar los avances de la cuarta revolución a los campos de seguridad y defensa nacional, en aras de mejorar las capacidades institucionales y estatales frente a los desafíos y problemas contemporáneos. Así pues, este libro es una propuesta de reflexión, de análisis, de evaluación y de discusión sobre la o las identidades, el interés o los intereses de Colombia y el rol de las FF. MM. de cara a la construcción y configuración tanto de las identidades como de los intereses nacionales. Por lo tanto, desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria y multidisciplinaria los autores presentan sus análisis con el principal objetivo de contribuir de forma prospectiva al entendimiento de los posibles escenarios en el marco de los complejos procesos y tendencias globales y regionales. Para los editores y para las instituciones auspiciadoras es muy satisfactorio lograr integrar dos perspectivas o dos visiones desde distintos roles (académicos y oficiales de las FF. MM. activos y de la reserva activa) sobre las diferentes aristas y complejidades de las identidades y los intereses del país. Finalmente, es menester decir que resulta gratificante para los editores poder contar con la participación y la contribución de cada uno de los autores, a quienes extendemos un gran agradecimiento por aceptar el desafío de proponer análisis y reflexiones para estos complicados y difíciles temas que demarcan la agenda política colombiana.
... It has long been recognized that nations are an important repository of symbols, whether in the form of golden ages, heroes and icons, capitals, public squares and statues, flags and anthems, national festivities, jubilees or commemorations, national museums and national academies, stamps and collections, war memorials or football teams. Symbols provide shortcuts to the groups they represent and are by nature referential, subjective and boundary-creating (Breuilly 1993;Cerulo 1995;Giddens 1991;Mosse 1975;. Therefore, considerable activity is found in connection with the introduction of markers, following the strategic use of symbols in identity and recognition politics, which is in turn connected to debates and struggles about membership, nationality, ethnicity, citizenship and integration. ...
Europe's national museums have been at the centre of ongoing nation-making processes, since their creation. These museums have successfully negotiated conflicts and contradictions to obtain the support of citizens and taxpayers, domestic and foreign visitors, scientists, art connoisseurs, and policy makers. National Museums and Nation-building in Europe 1750-2010 assess the national museum as a manifestation of cultural and political desires, rather than a straightforward representation of the historical facts of a nation. Examining the degree to which national museums have created models and representations of nations, their past, present and future, this book proceeds to assess the consequences of such attempts. Revealing how different types of nations and states-former empires, monarchies, republics, pre-modern, modern or post-imperial entities-deploy and prioritise different types of museums in their making, it constitutes the first comprehensive and comparative perspective on national museums in Europe and their intricate relationship to the making of nations and states.
... First, although "memory" seems to be completely abstract, it finds various sites to represent itself materially. While it is difficult (if not impossible) to exhaust the sites of memory, sites such as street names, kitsch, national sport games, mass media, national flags, maps, histories, textbooks, museum, traditions, and bodies are listed as sites where memories are stored and represented (Alderman, 2006;Bodnar, 1992;Cerulo, 1995;Nora, 1989;Sturken, 2007). Second, different types of collective memory based on how individuals obtain the memory are articulated. ...
This article brings the aspect of collective memories (and thus identity) back “in” to facilitate our understanding of the intriguing relationship among memories, places, and deliberative projects. While we observe that the memories of a place assign meanings to it and thereby not only imbue a “sense of place” to local members but also influence the process of deliberation, we claim that the process of deliberation can serve as a place-(re)making opportunity in a bottom-up way. Taking an experimental participatory budgeting (PB) program in Taiwan as an example, we find that collective memories play a role to influence what projects are proposed, what projects win the voting, and how people react to winning projects. In the case of South-Peak, on one hand, the winning projects echo aspects of prevailing commemorative narratives; on the other, the voting results further confirm, connect, and align the local collective memories. That is, a self-reinforcing process occurs. Additionally, we discuss how prevailing memories may change due to significant events so the meanings assigned to a specific place may thus change accordingly. Nevertheless, this is not to say that PB can only be conducted in places of strong memories and thus where a sense of place exists; since the deliberation process itself acts as a place-(re)making chance, we can expect PB to encourage the emergence and/or refreshment of collectivity during its own process.
... Tools borrowed from semiotics (e.g. Latour 1986;Cerulo 1995Cerulo , 2000Alexander 2003) and ecological studies (e.g. Abbott 2001;Lieberson 2000) may help in identifying the mechanisms of cultural change. ...
Sharing the “historicist challenge to analytic philosophy” (Glock 2006) we investigate the philosophical production (and, to a lesser extent, some non-philosophical works as well) on Ludwig Wittgenstein from a distant reading perspective. First, we provide a description of the “Wittgensteinian field” by analyzing several data provided by the Philosopher’s Index, an electronic bibliographic database especially devoted to philosophy. Then we analyze these data by using statistical tools (such as for example topic modeling) and we interpret the results historically and sociologically, along the lines of Bourdieu (1988) on Heidegger, Lamont (1992) on Derrida, Gross (2006) on Rorty, and Collins (1999) on the whole philosophical tradition.
... One such ritualistic performance conducted in a certain physical space is a commemorative ceremony or ritual. Numerous sociological and anthropological studies on national and religious identity formation, for instance, have examined how embodied collective performances, such as parades on national holidays and collective singing of a national anthem (Cerulo 1995;Connerton 1989;Spillman 1997), cater to collective memory production and the reproduction of national identity. Zerubavel (1996: 294) claims that through these collective actions, individuals undergo 'mnemonic socialization' that absorbs them into 'mnemonic communities.' ...
Could colonial settlers who repatriated from colonies to metropole after the empire’s fall be considered ‘diaspora’? How do these migrants of decolonization maintain their collective memory of the past and solidary identity as a group? This article explores the historical experiences of Okinawan colonial migrants to Japanese mandate Micronesia (which includes the Northern Marianas, Palau, and Chuuk) and these migrants’ forced repatriation to Okinawa after the devastating battles in the Western Pacific in 1944–45. It also ethnographically examines the Okinawan repatriates’ pilgrimages to the islands throughout the post-WWII years to visit their childhood homes and locations of their loved ones’ deaths. These Okinawan repatriates, who had been twice-displaced in their lifetimes and survived the brutal war, continue to visit the islands to reminisce about their childhood and pray for the loved ones who had died on the islands. This article argues that such migrants of decolonization could not only be considered a diasporic group but also a group who retain a strong sense of solidarity and collective memory. Further, this article claims that formal and informal ritualistic practices, such as those ethnographically portrayed in this essay, play a pivotal role in creating and recreating collective memory and identity among the migrants of decolonization as a diaspora.
... Literature has discussed the significance of national and ethnic symbols (see (Brubaker, 1998;Cerulo, 1995;Fox, 2004;Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008;Smith, 1989). These studies form a base for brief reflections on some symbols associated with Pakistan. ...
This study proposes that the recent decade long conflict and violence in Swat, a Pakhtun populated region, has complex and multi-dimensional implications for two connected processes: Pakhtun sense of belonging to Pakistan (Pakistaniyat of Pakhtuns) and the process of National integration in Pakistan. It asks two questions, what are the consequences of the ongoing conflict for Pakhtun's sense of belonging to Pakistani nation? And What are the repercussions of the conflict for Pakistani State and its national integration process? The 'perceived' role of Pakistani state in the conflict, the religious dimension of this conflict (Islam), and involvement of Pakistani state military are three areas discussed by this article as affecting Pakhtun's imagination of Pakistan, Pakistani state and the subsequent process of national integration in Pakistan. The study is qualitative ethnographic in nature, based on an extensive ethnographic field work in Swat from December 2016 to March 2017, which was conducted for PHD research. It comprises of open ended interviews and discussions with almost 80 people from diverse socioeconomic and political status along with observation in some cases.
... It has long been recognized that nations are an important repository of symbols, whether in the form of golden ages, heroes and icons, capitals, public squares and statues, flags and anthems, national festivities, jubilees or commemorations, national museums and national academies, stamps and collections, war memorials or football teams. Symbols provide shortcuts to the groups they represent and are by nature referential, subjective and boundary-creating (Breuilly 1993;Cerulo 1995;Giddens 1991;Mosse 1975;. Therefore, considerable activity is found in connection with the introduction of markers, following the strategic use of symbols in identity and recognition politics, which is in turn connected to debates and struggles about membership, nationality, ethnicity, citizenship and integration. ...
We move now to consider the context in which flags have become significant political symbols. The sacred nature of their treatment, induced and attained through the ritualization of nationhood, explains why burning a piece of cloth is considered an act of desecration and lays bare the flag’s intricate relationship to the nation. The contradictory and contextualized nature of national flags is now investigated as flags continue to constitute meaningful yet empty, treated as both sacred or mundane objects depending on context. Flags can be uniting yet divisive symbols, and used as instruments or counter-instruments; some are used to honour, others to dishonour. National flags have remained successful political symbols over centuries because they authenticate boundaries by symbolizing commonality. Physically, flag poles displayed on either side of territorial border crossings highlight such claims as the flags here eliminate ambiguity. The signalling of territorial claims and commonality also make flags into highly divisive agents as they are used to threaten, warn or deny strangers of membership. Flags are used to bestow honour on allies but their usage also extends to dishonour or condemn enemies. In this chapter we build on the flag-typology and the symbolic regimes identified previously and explore the contexts and developments of these and the nations that they represent.
... It has long been recognized that nations are an important repository of symbols, whether in the form of golden ages, heroes and icons, capitals, public squares and statues, flags and anthems, national festivities, jubilees or commemorations, national museums and national academies, stamps and collections, war memorials or football teams. Symbols provide shortcuts to the groups they represent and are by nature referential, subjective and boundary-creating (Breuilly 1993;Cerulo 1995;Giddens 1991;Mosse 1975;. Therefore, considerable activity is found in connection with the introduction of markers, following the strategic use of symbols in identity and recognition politics, which is in turn connected to debates and struggles about membership, nationality, ethnicity, citizenship and integration. ...
National days constitute a comparatively younger stratum of the nation. Whereas flags have been used to signal the presence of states and nations among other states and nations for some time, the nature of the national day is different as the in-group constitutes the focus for its celebrations, although ‘others’ and ‘enemies’ are much part of celebratory origins and establishment. National days enact institutionalized notions of sameness and oneness and contribute to making nations visible and are in this capacity intimately linked with nationalism. As part of official historical narratives appropriated by national elites, national days are usually officially recognized events that celebrate founding myths. As such they are socio-political in content and although they can appear as consensual they are often outcomes of long periods of struggle and conflict between various elites or between elites and peoples. In fact, little remains uncontroversial about national celebrations and commemorations and their (ongoing) formations, despite honouring events of an often distant past. Former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown learned this the hard way after he forgot to bow placing the wreath at the Cenotaph in honour of the fallen soldiers on Remembrance Sunday in London in 2009. In the following two chapters we trace the development of national days, their established patterns and their contributions to nation building.
Los estudios focalizados en los usos y funciones de las banderas nacionales continúan siendo escasos, y muy particularmente en la esfera iberoamericana. Este monográfico establece fundaciones empíricas y teóricas para dar impulso a estos estudios y para avanzar en la comprensión de las razones por las cuales se producen fluctuaciones, en ocasiones tan abruptas, en la presencia de las banderas en la esfera pública. Más allá de la relación que puedan tener con el disputado concepto de nacionalismo, la fluctuante prominencia pública de banderas constituye un fenómeno intrigante que nos invita a plantear preguntas sustantivas sobre la dinámica social, sobre la comunicación política y sobre comportamientos individuales y grupales en diferentes esferas culturales
Official anthems formed a substantial part of the history of states in the modern era. As tools at the service of political parties and rulers seeking power and the reinforcement of their legitimacy, countless conflicts developed around them. Far from arousing consensus and cohesion among citizens, in many cases several options were opposed. There was often a succession of different formulas, and many took a long time to become official. Their formal adoption was not predetermined by the adequacy of melodies and lyrics to the spirit or essential characteristics of each nation but depended on various circumstances. From the struggle between monarchies and republics to the establishment of fascist or socialist regimes, passing through the determination of some governments or the nationalizing effects of wars. Through several examples, mainly European, the evolution of official anthems in successive stages (the long nineteenth century, the interwar period, post–World War II and more recent times) is shown and these convoluted trajectories are highlighted. Ultimately, these symbols were subject to the ups and downs of political life and uncertain processes of national construction. Although the nationalist logic eventually prevailed, the search for a state anthem was almost always a complicated task.
This paper explores through perspectives of rhetorical criticism the stories of two rivals planting their national flags in unexplored territories. While the American flag on the Moon proved the American technological superiority over the USSR, the Russian flag in the Arctic can be seen as a political move by President Putin to recreate the lost grandeur of the Soviet Union and reenact the Cold War to revive his political support at home. By doing so and recording their exploits, the two actors created national narratives that go beyond the simple performance of erecting a flag; these images construct an affectual nationalist identity through elites’ performance of flag planting, and mass media’s staging of these political events as a “spectacle.”
Ulus, ulusal sınırlar içinde kendini gösteren unsurların bir bütünü olarak ifade edilebilir. Bir ulusu hayal etmenin tek bir yolu yoktur. Ulus kimliğini tanımlayan faktörler arasında; etnik köken, din, dil, ortak bir geçmiş, kültür, o ulusa özgü düşünüş, davranış ve yaşayış biçimi vs. yer almaktadır. Kuşkusuz, bu değişkenlik, birtakım tarihi, siyasi, iktisadi ve kültürel faktörlerin etkisiyle şekillenmiştir. Bu doğrultuda ulusal semboller de bir ulusun ve mirasının anlaşılmasına yardımcı olan, ulusu görünür kılan, tanımlama ve ifade bakımından onu somutlaştıran önemli işaretlerdir. Ulusal semboller ulusal mirasın tevarüsü ve aidiyet duygusunun diri tutulması, ayrıca ulusun diğer topluluklardan ayırt edilmesi bakımından belirleyici rol oynamaktadır. Bu yüzden uluslaşma, ulus inşası ve ulusal devlet kuruluşlarında sembollerden yararlanılır. Ulusal sembolleri kültürel ve bağımsızlık sembolleri olarak ikiye ayırabiliriz. Kültürel semboller, toplumun kültür birikimi temeline dayalı, zamanla oluşarak gelişen değerlerdir. Burada, ulusu teşkil eden toplumların kültür mirası son derece belirleyicidir. Bağımsızlık sembolleri ise, siyasi elitler tarafından ulus-devlet inşası sürecinde “icat edilir”; burada kültürel miras söz konusu sembolleri besleyen temel kaynaklardan biridir. Sembollerin üretimi sırasında karşılaşılan en önemli meselelerden birisi soy birliği, dil, din ve kültür birlikteliği (veya ortaklığı) durumunda “ulusal değerlere sahiplenme” sorunudur. Bu bazen kültürel miras ve tarihi hafıza üzerinde belirgin uyuşmazlıklara yol açmaktadır. Özellikle ulus inşa süreçlerini devam ettiren toplumlarda, söz konusu sorunların bariz şekilde ortaya çıktığını gösteren pek çok örnek bulunmaktadır. Keza, bugün dünyada soy, köken, din ve dil benzerliklerine sahip, aynı tarihi ve kültürel mirastan beslenen pek çok ulus bulunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Sırplar ve Karadağlılar bahsi geçen sorun bakımından karakteristik bir örnektir. Birçok seçkin bilim insanı Karadağlılardan Sırp olarak bahsederken, bu görüşe muhalif olanların da kayda değer bir oranda olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Gerçekten de pek çok ortak değer ve benzerliklerin yanı sıra Karadağlılar, kendilerini Sırplardan ayıran özgün bir kültür geliştirebilmiştir.
This article deploys national anthem and national currency as analytical lenses to disentangle the connection between symbolic politics and nation-building, national identity formation and regime legitimation in Kazakhstan. The study emphasises the role of national symbols—in particular, the national anthem and national banknotes—as important elements of a larger discourse about the nature of Kazakh national identity. The work argues that both the Kazakh national anthem and national currency tenge do not only serve as the main attributes of statehood and economic independence; rather their significance stems from their role as crucial elements in the nation-building process.
The article examines the strategic war narrative as a tool used by the state after 1989 to justify the start of a war or justify its end. Based on the understanding of this term, introduced into the popular science turnover by M. Vlahos, the author of the article expands the conceptual framework by referring to the narrative principle of collective memory by J. Verch. It is concluded that the war narrative is partly similar to the concept of mnemonic security (as well as other hegemonic forms of memory), which is tested on the A. Pető's concept. A review of key domestic and foreign research works on the topic is carried out. The key elements of the war narrative (symbols, sacrifice, etc.) within political dimension are identified, as well as the victory narrative, which was in demand in the first months of V. V. Putin (coinciding with the outbreak of hostilities in Chechnya in the period since 1999 and the continuation until 2009 in the form of counter-terrorism measures on the territory of the republic and the border regions of the North Caucasus).
In 2008, a giant yellow sculpture of the word ‘NEWBORN’ was built to celebrate Kosovo's independence. Every year, the designer repaints it to express a new theme, but his messaging is often challenged by anonymous pranks and other interventions. Creating uncertainty over NEWBORN's legitimacy and who has the right to repaint it, these contestations are significant because they echo the uncertainty over the Kosovo state, whose sovereignty is also in dispute. By analysing the relationship between the politics of the sculpture and the politics of the state, the article argues that the disruptions to NEWBORN not only reflect but also reconstitute Kosovo's sovereignty. Although it is generally viewed as the capacity of a state to self‐govern, by conceptualising sovereignty as recognition, authority and agency, the article demonstrates how citizens' agency transcends the state and the basis of its rule.
This paper addresses the recognized need for connecting scholarship on materiality and evaluation by conceptualizing how materiality provides grounds for “valuation entrepreneurship.” It extends the scope of materiality scholarship by considering an ignored organizational outcome while offering stronger evidence for the role of supply-side factors in social evaluation. The theoretical model posits that materiality affords opportunities for identity construction and social organization that can lead to the emergence of a new theory of value contesting the evaluative regime. This framework is applied to the reanalysis of a famous case: Impressionism. The analysis shows that new materials and methods of painting served as a “focus” for the social organization of artists with a shared identity of craftsmen. These artists espoused a new theory of value that advocated the “unfinishedness” of artworks and used natural perception as an objective basis for contestation of the “subjective” evaluative regime at the salons. The contestation had political overtones, drawing on cultural resources and scientific tenets to justify the valorization of individuality and decentralization of art appraisal. An endogenous account of culture in action presents materiality as a natural counterpoint to the emphasis on conceptualization.
This article discusses a selection of state emblems, national symbols and national identity in Southern Sudan. The emblems and symbols are used to provide meaning to a nation in the making and serve as pillars for common national identification to guide the formation of national identity. In essence, they represent the top-down process of politically dominant societal actors’ attempt to effect nation building by seeking to promote their desired type of national identity. Drawing on field observations and analysis aimed at examining aspects of state symbols and national identity, the article shows that the meanings attached to the adopted state emblems and national symbols can be inclusionary or exclusionary and may encourage unity or division. It argues that any attempt to promote unifying and cohesive national identity following a long and divisive armed conflict, as in the case of Southern Sudan, requires the adoption of inclusive and positively meaningful state emblems and national symbols.
Cílem článku je nastínit některé možnosti aplikace obecného sociologického konceptu vymístění na teoretickém poli konstrukce a symbolické reprezentace národní identity. Za použití několika příkladů z dějin moderního českého národa autor popisuje nekončící bitvu o hegemonickou verzi národní historie a identity, která se vede skrze vynalézání, reprodukování a vymisťování jejich symbolických reprezentací. Snaží se demonstrovat, že bez ohledu na to, jak úspěšné může vymístění fyzických atrubutů symbolů být, je jejich význam obvykle nesen v kolektivní pamětí po mnohem delší čas a slouží k problematizaci současných "kanonických" verzí národní identity.
Cathartic homecoming in Yun Hŭnggil’s Novel Sequence The Road to Soradan. This paper deals with the contemporary South Korean novelist Yun Hŭnggil (b.1942)’s novel sequence The Road to Soradan, and discusses the implications of the adult narrators’ act of homecoming by focusing on the importance of war memory recollections, and on the idea of catharsis in relation to a spatial dimension – the hometown. The cathartic connotation of homecoming and the emotional effects those hometown places are charged with come into view as the adult narrators re-access their hometown, recollect their past and thus reconnect with its memories and with their own selves. REZUMAT. Actul cathartic al reîntoarcerii acasă în romanul Drumul către Soradan de Yun Hŭnggil. Lucrarea de față aduce în prim plan romanul Drumul către Soradan, scris de romancierul contemporan sud-coreean Yun Hŭnggil, și discută implicațiile actului de reîntoarcere în orașul natal întreprins de naratorii adulți ai acestui roman de secesiune. Ideea reîntoarcerii acasă este corelată cu importanța rememorării amintirilor de război și cu racordarea conceptului de catharsis la ideea dimensiunii spațiale. Cuvinte-cheie: catharsis, traumă, narațiune de secesiune, Yun Hŭnggil
Abridged version of the Doctoral thesis by Jovan Jonovski on the Lion and the Sun as symbols used in heraldry and vexillology of the Republic of Macedonia
How, amidst a crisis of sovereignty and identity, did once-rejected national symbols become meaningful to Kosovo’s Albanians? Having declared independence in 2008, a 2014 study found that less than one-third of Kosovo’s citizens identified with their newly adopted state symbols. As meanings are always shifting, depending on the contexts in which their forms appear and the actors involved, theories of social construction have focused on the representational aspects of meaning-making: the ways in which the forms stabilize (or destabilize) the constructs they depict. Instead of focusing on the representational—the determinable, measurable, and rational aspects, this article investigates the discursive mechanisms that mobilize meanings and configure contexts, extending Robin Wagner-Pacifici’s alternative theory of events. Through discourse and semiotic analysis, it tracks Kosovo’s new flag and anthem through the construction, crisis, and transformation of three social realities: political independence, national identity, and the world of international competitive judo, illuminating how changing meanings change, shifting contexts shift, and how to interpret actors’ fleeting emotions. In the Kosovo case, the construction is the crisis, as well as the change.
Considérant la chanson comme un acte de communication (Lasswell 1948), l’objectif de cet article est d’examiner, de façon qualitative et inductive, le contenu religieux et non religieux ainsi que le contexte relationnel qui sous-tend les paroles des hymnes nationaux de 195 pays. À cet effet, nos résultats indiquent que la religion est mentionnée dans deux tiers des paroles des hymnes nationaux du monde. De plus, quatre types de relations semblent être présents au sein de celles-ci, soit des relations intragroupes, intergroupes et parasociales (une avec le pays et l’autre avec une entité religieuse). Finalement, nos analyses qualitatives permettent de préciser que les deux relations parasociales se déclinent comme reflétant une relation asymétrique complémentaire. Nous discutons ces résultats à la lumière de l’idée que l’identité se construit d’une manière relationnelle.
This article examines a profound turn in the commemoration and representations of the dictatorial past in Chile (1973–1990), where young people who did not experience firsthand the authoritarian order are publicly creating fleeting images, practices, and objects to remember the military dictatorship. These are urban ephemeral and ludic mnemonic assemblages (Freeman, Nienass, and Daniell 2015) that connect past and present events and demand new ways of talking, acting, and thinking about the past, thereby appropriating the public space. The participants in these actions stress the original, carnivalesque, and public dimensions of their practices, challenging the official politics of memory that has focused on the recognition of victims within the walls of museums or memorials. The following question guides this article: How do new public, ludic, and ephemeral strategies interact with and potentially change official ways of narrating the past? How do they create the space for political participation in postconflict societies? Drawing upon a qualitative and multimethod study that combines 60 in‐depth interviews, participant observations, and archival work, I maintain that, although this blossoming of the Chilean public memory has opened up new territories for activating memory, it has a transient temporality and, consequently, may have transitory political potential.
Before Romanticism matured as an attitude, proponents of achieving a collective selfhood aspired to render the emotion of belonging as something tangible. The power of music as both an emotion and a rational construct runs parallel to political feeling. But there remains a basic contradiction. Music can achieve perhaps a unique capacity to communicate, as it affirms the sense of shared community, but also the fascination of contagion to outsiders willing to give themselves up to its rhythms and melodies. In this academic study, Tijana Trako Poljak of the University of Zagreb explores the nature of musical “nation-building” (in Reinhard Bendix’s famous formula) in the new-old independent Croatia, a stauchly nationalist entity which came out of the collapse of Communist Yugoslavia in 1995. She is particularly aware of the role of songs, from the national anthem to protest lyrics, and shows how a political system in the making can coincide with the formation of an independent musical market.
The article deals with the inclusion of animals of native species in the imagery of national symbolism and its role in the construction of the nation and national identity. The concept of a native species is presented by analyzing various aspects of the representation of animals of native species in media discourse. The case study of the marble trout shows that the assignment of the status of“nationality” reduces the possibilities of recognizing the intrinsic value of animals of native species, and at the same time establishes the hierarchy of animal species that extends into a genetic normative.
This chapter explores how national anthems of African and non-African Arab nations reflect a collective national identity. The national anthems of 22 Arab countries were analyzed using the textual thematic analysis to identify the common attributes of national identity in these anthems and the variance in referring to political entities, national symbols, and natural artifacts according to the political system (republic vs. monarchy) in the country. The analysis shows five thematic components of the national identity presented by those anthems, with an emphasis on the themes of religion and local political leaders in the anthems of monarchies. On the other hand, republics base their identity on religion, history, and nation-related natural and national artifacts. The anthems of the republics show a higher level of complexity (thematic richness) and more tendency to use emotionally charged, forceful language, in contrast to the anthems of the monarchies
Selecting national emblems is crucial for the development of a national identity. This paper presents all official proposals for the coat of arms of the Republic of Macedonia, starting in 1992, with the proposals of the public competition for the selection of the coat of arms, flag, and anthem of the Republic of Macedonia, and finishing with the last Government proposal in 2014. All of the proposals are categorized according to their main symbol, a sun or a lion. The long and complex process of creating national symbols shows that there is a deep division regarding which one to use.
Why has ASEAN endured and why do members, many of whom remain comparatively weak and poor, continue to invest in the regional project? Existing answers, either that ASEAN is meaningless or that it has transformed regional affairs through the creation of shared values are both misplaced. Neither argument is empirically plausible. Instead, this Element argues that ASEAN has and continues to serve state interest through the creation of a shared ritual and symbolic framework. This framework has mitigated regional tension through the performance of regionalism, but has not fundamentally addressed the sources of that tension.
The construction of collective memory (and the formation of people’s identification) is a social process; however, this process is under-theorized. This article proposes a conceptual framework through which to understand the identity-remembering process. Several significant elements to consider are pointed out and discussed. Mnemonic engineering indicates that social actors strategically employ available mnemonic techniques and resources to promote a preferred memory and thus identity. Mnemonic alignment and mnemonic refreshment are seen as the two primary goals of mnemonic engineering: to provide standardized memories and to renovate memories on a regular basis. Moreover, a distinction between mnemonic revolution and mnemonic reform is made to refer to the different styles that mnemonic engineerings use to deal with mnemonic sediments (the taken-for-granted memories). The almost inevitable alternatives and constant modifications are also discussed. The proposed conceptual framework is intended for application to identity-remembering cases in various social fields and differential scales.
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