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Mainstreaming Equality in the European Union: Education, Training and Labour Market Policies
... The identified problem is that women have been excluded from several social spaces due to unequal opportunities and treatment, but 'the solution proposed is to include them in the world as it is, without challenging the underlying male norm' (Verloo & Lombardo, 2007, p. 23). This approach has been characterized by some as 'inclusion' (Squires, 1999) or 'tinkering' (Rees, 1998(Rees, , 1999, in the sense that it promotes small changes without questioning the structure. This is one of the major critiques of liberal feminisms: that they do not challenge the deeper structural inequalities and simply aim to fit women into existing male-dominated frameworks (Acker, 1987;Beasley, 2005). ...
... -mainly derives from this approach (Rees, 2010). Some authors have also named this approach 'reversal' (Squires, 1999) and 'tailoring' (Rees, 1998(Rees, , 1999, meaning that it proposes compensatory adjustments or exceptions specifically made for women. However, a word of caution is necessary in this regard since this approach may run the risk of falling into essentialist views of what it means to be 'a woman', thereby excluding the realities of, for example, non-white and trans and non-binary people (see, e.g. ...
... Finally, the 'equality as transformation' approach (Rees, 1998, Rees, 1999, 2010 or 'displacement' (Squires, 1999) revolves around 'subject positions' and 'gendering (as a verb) rather than gender (as a noun), and espouse a diversity politics' (Squires, 2005, p. 368). The proposed solution, more in line with postmodern and queer feminisms (Beasley, 2005), is to deconstruct 'political discourses that engender the subject' (Verloo & Lombardo, 2007, p. 33). ...
In this article, I argue for the need to scrutinize policy discourses in education, as they shape which issues are deemed relevant and legitimate, and which are marginalized or omitted. I take the case of Catalonia, where policies promote the introduction of a so-called ‘gender perspective’ in university teaching as part of a series of gender equality initiatives. Particularly, I unpack the discursive construction of such ‘gender perspective’, focusing on the inclusions, but also on the tensions and policy silences. Drawing on an analysis of a policy document and semi-structured interviews, I show the complex interplay of contending, yet coexisting approaches to gender equality (including ‘equality as sameness’, ‘difference’ and ‘transformation’), and discuss the power relations involved in the policymaking processes. A discursive analysis of education policies proves relevant in questioning and critically examining what is frequently presented as a ‘neutral’ and ‘depoliticized’ issue, an empty shell, reduced to an unproblematized buzzword.
... Rees in her book 'Mainstreaming equality in the European Union' (Rees, 1998) documents and critiques the development of equal opportunities policies in the European Community/European Union from 1957-1997. Teresa Rees was well placed to write this book as, in addition to researching in this field, she worked as an expert advisor to the European Commission on equal opportunities and training policy for six years. ...
... Another consequence is felt at the level of national policy, where European concerns have become more important. Rees (1998) successfully manages to offer both a top-down and a bottom-up analysis of European policies and practice in the field of equal opportunities. Indeed one of the strongest arguments illustrating the need to change mainstream policy and practice comes from similarities in the problems faced by individual positive action projects across Europe. ...
... 41). Rees (1998) highlights how European programmes have increasingly engaged with a positive action agenda, through the provision of special skills training, earmarking of budgets for guidance and counselling, and documenting examples of good practice. How to get the EU, and the individual member states, to engage in the next stage and transform training provision, so as to mainstream equality, is a formidable challenge. ...
This critical review of skills research seeks to provide a backdrop against which to judge our efforts to develop a skills-based approach to guidance practice.
This review will examine five key areas: the nature of the evidence for rising skill demands in employment; the implications of gradually rising skill levels for skill development in education, training and employment; the importance of being able to transfer skills, knowledge and understanding between contexts; critical role for guidance in facilitating flexibility and transferability; the value of broad approaches to education, training, skills development and labour market policy.
The starting point for this review is therefore an examination of the assumptions
underpinning projections of skill demands for employment in the future.
... Apesar das várias mudanças de designação e de reestruturações orgânicas, a Comissão tem-se mantido como o principal epicentro das políticas dirigidas à igualdade. Para além da sua significativa e interessante história, esse foi o motivo que justificou a sua centralidade como ponto de ancoragem deste estudo: -em primeiro lugar, a Comissão remonta aos anos 1970 e releva de um conjunto de dinâmicas e de mudanças que espelham e traduzem não só o contexto político português desde o início dos anos 1970, mas também a própria evolução nas perspetivas (substantivas e políticas) acerca das questões da igualdade entre homens e mulheres que tem marcado o panorama internacional (Rees, 1998), com ecos evidentes na multiplicidade de protagonistas nacionais; ...
... Características da Comissão (liderança; recursos humanos; estratégias; alianças) Estratégias prevalecentes dos movimentos de mulheres (Beckwith, 2007) Estruturas de mobilização dos movimentos e formas de institucionalização (Walker, 2005) Constelações cooperativas de mulheres e de atores (Holli, 2008) Formas, atores e dinâmicas de tradução e acomodação das normas internacionais (Börzel e Risse, 2003;Montoya, 2009;Rees, 1998;Subotic, 2005) mainstreaming de género Focusing events como julgamentos de seus relacionamentos com o Estado, em determinados momentos ou cenários de oportunidades políticas, identificando quatro tipos de variação das estratégias prevalecentes dos movimentos de mulheres: ...
... Para muitas das pessoas entrevistadas, a Comissão tinha nesta altura um perfil de ONG, pela insuficiência de verbas, porque estava sempre a "barafustar com o Estado", interpelava os governos, ia bater à porta, interpelava a Assembleia e os partidos, era inconformista e proativa. Antecipava-se na proposta e reivindicação interna de políticas que estavam ainda em aparecimento nas esferas internacionais (Rees, 1998), como empreendedora de normas internacionais (Börzel e Risse, 2003). Notemos que é nos anos de 1988-89 que a Comissão e as suas redes de mulheres: ...
Em Portugal, os estudos sobre políticas públicas de igualdade, seus processos e
atores (movimentos de mulheres2, mecanismos oficiais para a igualdade3, governos,
partidos políticos) são escassos. O papel do feminismo institucional e a sua relação
com os movimentos de mulheres portugueses e com os partidos políticos nunca tinha
sido sistematicamente estudado, pretendendo-se com a divulgação desta pesquisa
contribuir para um melhor conhecimento acerca da história da sociedade portuguesa,
das dinâmicas dos movimentos de mulheres, das suas relações com as instituições
portuguesas, com os partidos políticos e com o mecanismo oficial para a promoção
da igualdade entre mulheres e homens.
Esta publicação apresenta alguns resultados do primeiro estudo sobre feminismo
de Estado em Portugal. O estudo fez parte de uma pesquisa de doutoramento em
Sociologia do Estado, do Direito e da Administração (CES/FEUC), concluído em
20114. A pesquisa empírica foi realizada com base num estudo de caso sobre oprincipal mecanismo oficial para a igualdade português, a atualmente designada
Comissão para a Cidadania e a Igualdade de Género. O estudo de caso requereu
uma abordagem qualitativa composta, em termos de fontes de investigação, pela
realização de cinquenta e três entrevistas semiestruturadas (a técnicos/as e ex-técnicos/as da Comissão; ex-Presidentes e dirigentes da Comissão; responsáveis políticos/as da tutela; peritas; dirigentes de associações de mulheres; especialistas) e pela análise de material de arquivo (atas e documentos diversos), de legislação, de publicações e de artigos de imprensa.
... Feminist scholars offer three models of gender equality. One focuses on sameness where equal opportunities or equal treatment are provided for an inclusive society (Rees, 1998;Squires, 1999Squires, , 2005Walby, 2005, pp. 325-26). ...
... 325-26). Other focuses on the differences between men and women by offering exceptional programs, gender-specific activities, and affirmative action to lift or reverse the disadvantageous position of men and women in a particular situation (Rees, 1998;Squires, 1999Squires, , 2005Walby, 2005, pp. 325-26). ...
... 326-27) and of how differences are recognized (Ferree and Gamson, 2003;Fraser, 1997). The last model focuses on the transformation of gendered structures by supporting the adaption and integration of gender considerations in all aspects of national policies, strategies, programs, and plans (Rees, 1998;Squires, 1999Squires, , 2005Rees, 2005, p. 55;Prügl, 2009, p. 175). This involves the development of something new, which offers a positive form of melding (Rees, 1998;Walby, 2005, p. 323). ...
Patriarchal culture remains dominant in many Southeast Asian countries, including Indonesia. It is unavoidable that a strongly patriarchal culture continues to have a negative impact on gender mainstreaming in Indonesia, despite the fact that gender equality is a crucial goal of the SDGs program. Gender equality in the workforce is an important aspect that forms the basis for assessing human development, and it is measured using the UNDP Gender Inequality Index (GII). Even though the fact that Indonesia has implemented a number of policies to reduce gender inequality in the workforce, data show that the country still faces challenges. The authors attempt to demonstrate how patriarchal culture can lead to gender inequality in the workforce in this paper, which will be examined using dual-system theory. Also, how the impact of these conditions will be seen concerning the concept of gender equality in general.
... Newman (1995) shows that gender structures administrative practices and operational routines of state agencies by creating different routines depending on whether agencies are male or female dominated. In particular, gender scholars have shown that public policies, law, organizational processes within public administrations, and broader political and economic processes of change, far from being gender neutral, tend to reproduce the male norm masqueraded as "neutral" and to systematically disadvantage women (Rees 1998, Shaw 2000. The androcentrism of policy making suggests that institutions, their processes, and policies are not only based upon but also reinforce male power advantage (Hawkesworth 1994, 105;Inhetveen 1999). ...
... Gender mainstreaming, or the incorporation of a gender perspective into policy making, has generated a variety of "productive tensions in theory and practice," as Walby (2005, 321) argues. It has been conceptualized according to different quality criteria (Lombardo 2005;Lombardo and Meier 2006) and different visions of equality, such as inclusion (connected to the strategy of equal treatment), difference (linked to positive actions), and transformation of existing gender roles and policy practices, that mainstreaming has been especially expected to deliver (Rees 1998;Verloo 2001;Squires 2005;Walby 2005). Borrowing concepts and tools from development studies, where mainstreaming first emerged, feminist scholars have identified different political approaches. ...
... Many different reasons are given for this. Competing definitions and multiple meanings of gender mainstreaming coexist, which meant that the way gender mainstreaming could be achieved in practice was far from clear and that it is more difficult to assess what it is that is actually implemented (Rees 1998;Mazey 2000;Verloo 2005). The strategy is also based on voluntaristic efforts rather than binding commitments (Behning and Serrano 2001;Verloo 2005;Walby 2005) so that it becomes "everybody's-and nobody's--responsibility" (Mazey 2002, 228). ...
Gender has always helped shape personal and family relationships, as well as governance processes, market structures, and religious practice. Political science, which is one of many academic disciplines in the world, is gendered and shaped by the social norms on sex and sexuality. This book aims to explain the gendered nature of political science and why it is important. It introduces the gender and politics scholarship, which is closely related to the practice of politics, particularly feminism, and discusses several key concepts, including some of the methods and methodologies that are currently available in the field. The book then shifts to a study of body politics, which involves the political importance of sexuality, reproduction, violence, and the body. From there, the focus turns to political economy, and the various forms and contexts of gendered organizing by men and women. The latter half of the book explores the relationship of gender to more traditional political institutions and the gendered nature of policy making, governance, and the state. Finally, the book addresses the arguments and puzzles surrounding equality, citizenship, multiculturalism, identity, security, and nations.
... We introduce a 'Tinker-Tailor-Transform' gender assessment typology (detailed in section 2.2.2) to predict and assess the type of impacts gender commitments in policy and practice are likely to achieve when pursued via different social-ecological narratives. We explore the proposition that when gender is pursued with the goal to drive human development outcomes, gender is likely to be valued intrinsically, and generate approaches, impacts and measures of success that are likely to 'Transform' gender inequalities (i.e., displace unequal gender norms, relations, structures and systems) (Locke et al., 2014, Rees, 1998, Squires, 2005. At the opposite end of the spectrum, where priorities are oriented toward ecological outcomes, gender is likely perceived as instrumental to this aim. ...
... As such, the ways in which gender equality is approached and measured are, at best, likely to 'Tinker' with gender (i. e., include women in spaces occupied or dominated by men) with limited potential to make meaningful advancements toward gender equality (Rees, 1998, Squires, 2003. ...
... We developed a 'Tinker-Tailor-Transform' assessment typology (Table 1), adapted from gender policy analysis frameworks (i.e., Squires, 2003, Squires, 2005, Rees, 1998, and indicators for gender best practice applied in fisheries and agricultural development contexts (i.e., IGWG, 2017, Kleiber et al., 2019. The 'Tinker-Tailor-Transform' assessment typology represents a tool for deepening understanding of the rationales for pursuing gender equality and assessing the intentions and impacts of gender investments. ...
Global visions of environmental change consider gender equality to be a foundation of sustainable social-ecological systems. Similarly, social-ecological systems frameworks position gender equality as both a precursor to, and a product of, system sustainability. Yet, the degree to which gender equality is being advanced through social-ecological systems change is uncertain. We use the case of small-scale fisheries in the Pacific Islands region to explore the proposition that different social-ecological narratives: (1) ecological, (2) social-ecological, and (3) social, shape the gender equality priorities, intentions and impacts of implementing organizations. We conducted interviews with regional and national fisheries experts (n = 71) and analyzed gender commitments made within policies (n = 29) that influence small-scale fisheries. To explore these data, we developed a ‘Tinker-Tailor-Transform’ gender assessment typology. We find that implementing organizations aligned with the social-ecological and social narratives considered social (i.e., human-centric) goals to be equally or more important than ecological (i.e., eco-centric) goals. Yet in action, gender equality was pursued instrumentally to achieve ecological goals and/or shallow project performance targets. These results highlight that although commitments to gender equality were common, when operationalized commitments become diluted and reoriented. Across all three narratives, organizations mostly ‘Tinkered’ with gender equality in impact, for example, including more women in spaces that otherwise tended to be dominated by men. Impacts predominately focused on the individual (i.e., changing women) rather than driving communal-to-societal level change. We discuss three interrelated opportunities for organizations in applying the ‘Tinker-Tailor-Transform’ assessment typology, including its utility to assist organizations to orient toward intrinsic goals; challenge or reconfigure system attributes that perpetuate gender inequalities; and consciously interrogate discursive positions and beliefs to unsettle habituated policies, initiatives and theories of change.
... Opaqueness in how GM can be conceptualised, both at policy and at theoretical level, is clarified in situating it within the feminist perspectives of equality, knowledge creation and normative practices. Rees (1998) outlined three types of models to make the process more distinct and also evolutionary. The first model, guided by gender equality principle, entails 'sameness' in making allowances for women to share with men positions previously considered as erstwhile male domains. ...
... The second model is an enlightened valuation or 'tailoring' of existing and different contributions of women and men in a gender segregated society. The third model is transformative in nature since it proclaims new standards for both men and women, replacing the segregated institutions and standards associated with masculinity and femininity (Rees, 1998;Walby, 2005). What makes GM revolutionary is that it seeks to bring the process of change from within the institutions which it seeks to reform. ...
... The teaching programmes even in public institutions showed skeletal familiarity with GM. Commitment to gender was slender and bordered on 'tokenism' (Rees, 1998) since it was treated and transacted as a mere 'women-related issue' in the syllabus. Both public and private universities have settled for a low-bench mark in GM by appropriating the use of gender neutral language in teaching to the exclusion of transacting gender as part of the learning and cognitive development. ...
The present paper posits relevance of gender mainstreaming (GM) in journalism education, which can redress rising gender discrimination, violence, and gap in media ethics, professionalism and journalistic practices. Reasons are embedded in the structural, spatial and temporal aspects of the media profession, especially in the digital media content and practice. Gender mainstreaming framework (UNESCO/ UNITWIN, 2018) has been used in this paper to explore the progress in gender mainstreaming in journalism education in India. The findings are based on a survey of 34 Journalism schools of public and private universities in India for an exploration of pedagogical and transactional practices in gender mainstreaming. Findings suggest that epistemological and ontological perspectives in teaching and research programmes fall short of a consistent gendered approach and are universally sporadic. Any conscious agreement on ‘gender mainstreaming’ is either restricted to a ‘topic’ or a paper and offers limited scope of influence on changes in the interpretation of content, gender sensitive pedagogical perspective or diversity of issues in research. The position of faculty on gender mainstreaming does not actually show a deep gender polarization, but such feelings essentially could not change the orientation of the curriculum of the course, their delivery and professional standards. If enrolment of female students in journalism, as part of higher education, has shown a significant rise, yet their entry in the media industry has not dented the status quo of discrimination, or stopped women from deserting the profession mid-way. Mapping of gender mainstreaming in journalism education holds the promise of ushering in affirmative policies and actions in changing the media discourse pertaining to exploitation, disempowerment and marginalisation of women.
... Mainstreaming is associated with the fact that policies on sexual equivalence do not present a participant as home-bound to a near 'ghetto' opportunity, but rather an integrated cross-sectional framework to all policy-making comics. Mainstreaming has the voltage to tactfulness disadvantage (the aim of same-treatment policies) without denying conflict (Rees, 1998). Growing acceptance could prove to be 'revolutionary' and a difference in the organization of sexuality. ...
... The hazard of such contentedness in the 'tools' of growing acceptance and the unique impact-distinct in the status of sexualityfighting studies, the racial-proofing of records, and the tracking of sexuality-as contractual targets in and of themselves. However, this explanation of mainstreaming fitted healed with the new forms of concept adoptive solon widely in the politeness of multiethnic policies under the ingenious co-ordination (Rees, 1998). The hair-splitting essence of the direction of the policy-making process behind these two components of reform in the strategy to positioning regulations is beyond that of this publisher, as are great debates as to whether identical instruments can be used to articulate actual different forms of inequality. ...
The theoretical framework used in the present form is Gender Construction in content analysis. The research observed two hundred selected female parents who have practiced mixed calling among male and female genders. The Data were collected using interviews and recordings carried out through online discussion during female parental activities of the home financial industry [PKK]. The analysis revealed that during the interaction among female parents, they addressed each other's name by mentioning their husbands' names for several reasons: 1) a lack of self-confidence which is influenced by their habits of always glorifying their husbands in all their activities, 2) Javanese culture in the city of Blitar still binds them, and It is complicated to get rid of it, 3) most of the mothers still have lower occupational education than their husbands, and 4) they are more respected by others if the husband's name is always attached to every activity.
... This study was guided by the Liberal Feminist Theory. The concept of equality of opportunity constructed as equal treatment or equal access for women arguably traces its roots to Mary Wollstonecraft (1792) and the liberal feminist tradition (Rees 1998). The concept of equality implies that no individual should have fewer human rights or opportunities than any other (Rees 1998). ...
... The concept of equality of opportunity constructed as equal treatment or equal access for women arguably traces its roots to Mary Wollstonecraft (1792) and the liberal feminist tradition (Rees 1998). The concept of equality implies that no individual should have fewer human rights or opportunities than any other (Rees 1998). The liberals believe in human rights, gender justice or sexual equality, equal opportunities, equal access to resources, that is, males and females are equal and no-one should be discriminated against. ...
... Political Rights (ICCPR), which affirm equal access to opportunities and protections against unjust treatment (United Nations, 1948;United Nations, 1966;ILO, 2003 (Rees, 1998, as cited in Lindsay, Munro, & Wise, 2007Parker, 2003, as cited in Lindsay et al., 2007;Callerstig, 2014). ...
Labour outsourcing has emerged as a popular practice in the business sector, offering flexibility and cost-efficiency to organizations. In Sri Lanka, this practice has been prevalent for over three decades, yet remains an evolving and under-regulated concept in the labor market. Outsourcing involves delegating specific business processes to external service providers, enabling organizations to save on hiring and training costs while focusing on core operations. However, when entrepreneurs source manpower without obtaining the necessary skills, expertise, or tools, they face heightened risks of non-compliance with labor regulations.
This study critically examines the legal and practical dimensions of labor outsourcing in Sri Lanka. It investigates the existing labor laws that govern outsourced workers and the adverse effects of organizational practices on this workforce. The absence of specific legislation regulating the sector allows businesses to manage labor flexibly but creates ambiguity regarding the rights and protections of outsourced employees. These workers, employed by third-party suppliers and deployed under the supervision of entrepreneurs, operate outside the traditional employer-employee framework, leaving their labor rights inadequately addressed under current laws.
The study undertakes a comparative analysis of labor outsourcing frameworks in Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines to highlight best practices and statutory provisions that could address the gaps in Sri Lanka's legal framework. By exploring the impact of these legal structures, the study identifies actionable insights for developing a robust regulatory framework that balances organizational efficiency with worker protections. Ultimately, this research endeavors to propose a comprehensive legal framework that ensures lawful business operations while safeguarding the rights of outsourced workers in Sri Lanka.
Keywords: Labour Outsourcing, Sri Lanka, Legal Framework, Outsourced Workers, Labour Rights, Labour Laws, Business Organizations, Flexibility in Labour Handling, Third-Party Manpower Suppliers, Employer-Employee Relationship, Comparative Analysis, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, Worker Protections, Legislative Gaps, Regulatory Framework, Entrepreneurship, Cost-Efficiency, Labour Regulations
... The third discourse -'transformation' (Rees, 1998in Marandet & Wainwright, 2009), also equated to Fraser's universal caregiver model (Fraser, 2000), seeks to promote a society where men and women are recognised as both caregivers and workers. In the higher education framing this would translate to recognition of all students as, also, caregivers and workers, so as to transcend the existing model of the young, fulltime and flexible student associated with higher education. ...
Liberalisation of higher education in Uganda meant opening its provision to the private sector, and also running a public-private mix model at public institutions. Consequently, the composition and needs of the student population at universities have changed due to flexibility in provision of study programmes and access routes. Students who had previously been excluded are also joining in increasing numbers. This article uses the feminist frameworks to equality and difference, discourses of integration and exclusion and the concepts of Othering and Other to unpack equality of access, equity and inclusivity spaces of these new types of students. The aim is to contribute towards a learning agenda that promotes quality and sustainable educational development for all. We draw our findings from the voices of non-traditional students at a public university in Uganda. We validate these with voices of other germane actors to understand better the institutional policy and practice environments available to them. The equal opportunity provision has widened access for NTS but their equity and inclusivity spaces remain inadequately filled. To achieve sustainable inclusive and equitable quality higher education we suggest a policy, practice and provision environment that promotes a transformative lifelong learning agenda.
... Generally, gender mainstreaming aims to ensure inclusive legislative and policy frameworks, thereby combating discrimination and promoting equality. The Bill coincides with the gender mainstreaming's calls for consideration of specific rights and needs of diverse gender expression and identities (Schmidt, 2008;Council of Europe, 1998;Rees, 1998), acting on gender-based economic inequality that is overlooked in the status quo (Mazey, 2000;Verloo, 2003), promotion of protections and rights under the law (Ferree, 2009), and reformation of institutional practice and societal attitudes towards gender and sexuality (Schmidt, 2008). However, approaching gender mainstreaming theoretically and methodologically in recent analyses revealed room for adopting a new sociological and discursive approach that touches on actor, discourse, and institutional dynamics of the policy process in the realm of gender and equality to reveal underlying assumptions, power structures, and paradigms (Schmidt, 2010). ...
The Philippine SOGIE Equality Bill is the longest‐running series of Senate and House proposals filed in the Philippines. Despite academic efforts to analyze its intricacies, little is known about the discursive dimension of its agenda‐setting and the mechanisms behind its persistent deadlock, which exemplifies the phenomenon of policy stagnation. Through critical discourse analysis (CDA) and textual analysis, this study examines the statements of the legislative opposition. In doing so, it reifies Winkel–Leipold's approach to agenda‐setting, which reconceptualizes Kingdon's streams as discursive patterns. The study argues that the stalemate of the Bill is due to the disjunction in the political, policy, and problem streams that take reference from an entrenched socio‐culturally Abrahamic‐oriented landscape of the country, which actively shapes legislative outcomes of unconventional and progressive policies. Proponents may initially try to minimize potential conflicts by utilizing the normative power of such hegemonizing discourse to attain desired policy outcomes amidst existing discourse conditions. Analyzing the Bill's underlying discourses suggests that legal and socio‐cultural transformative change requires addressing overt and covert resistance in policy debates.
... One is the debate on sameness (equal opportunities or equal treatment) and difference (special programs) prevails, which contains the most typical arguments about difference, universalism and particularism (Walby, 2005;Benschop & Verloo, 2006). The second model distinguishes gender equality between "inclusion, reversal and displacement" and "tinkering inequality, tailoring inequality and transformation" (Rees, 1998;Squires, 2000). They respectively correspond to an individual focus on formal equality and equal opportunities, requiring to fit the needs of disadvantaged groups, and an institutional focus on transforming gendered organizational structures, redistributing power and creating a new standard for both men and women. ...
This article presents a broad historical review of the European Union (EU)’s policies on gender equality in education. The review shows that the EU’s policies on gender equality in education have gone through four stages: germination, foundation, formation and deepening. Though the EU has sought to call for greater gender equality in education and made some progress and achievements, gender equality in education is still an unfinished business because its success largely depends on enforcement, regulation and a gender equality culture in society. In reality, the EU, as a supranational organization, does not have enough enforcement power or regulation of its policies, and the patriarchal culture still exists and has a hidden legitimacy in society.
... Osim toga, "muške norme" i nadalje su prihvaćene kao "zlatni standard", 10 odnosno pristup i nadalje "nastoji prilagoditi žene specifičnom modelu muškosti koji je dominantan" 11 i ne radi na mijenjanju te suzbijanju čimbenikastrukturnih i kulturnih koji kreiraju i reproduciraju nejednakosti. Rees (1998Rees ( , 2005; Verloo (2001); Daly (2005) Upravo treći pristup -rodno osviještene politike -teži potonjemu, odnosno ističe nužnost suzbijanja rodnih nejednakosti na strukturalnoj razini. Skupina stručnjaka okupljena pri Vijeću Europe sredinom 1990-ih definirala je rodno osviještenu politiku kao "(re)organizaciju, poboljšanje, razvoj i evaluaciju javnopolitičkih procesa na način da se perspektiva rodne ravnopravnosti uključi u sve politike na svim razinama i u svim fazama, od strane aktera koji su inače uključeni u kreiranje javnih politika". ...
Na indeksu rodne ravnopravnosti (engl. Gender Equality Index), ključnom pokazatelju na temelju kojeg se prati napredak u području rodne ravnopravnosti na europskoj razini, Hrvatska je s 59,2 boda (od 100) 2021. godine zauzela relativno nisko 19. mjesto (EU-27 = 68 bodova). Time se zajedno s većinom drugih postsocijalističkih zemalja smjestila pri dnu ljestvice, odnosno u donju trećinu zemalja EU-a. Iako se njezin rang u odnosu na 2010. godinu poboljšao za pet mjesta, a što možemo pripisati uglavnom pokazateljima u domeni moći (npr. povećanom udjelu žena u politici), Hrvatska i nadalje pokazuje ispodprosječne vrijednosti prema svim mjerenim dimenzijama rodne ravnopravnosti: posao, novac, znanje, vrijeme, moć i zdravlje. Sagledamo li tu činjenicu polazeći od konteksta u kojem se unazad dva desetljeća institucionalni i pravni okvir u području rodne ravnopravnosti vidljivo unaprijedio, opravdano se postavlja pitanje zbog čega napredak nije evidentan u svim područjima, ali i zašto Hrvatska ne zauzima bolju poziciju na sumarnom pokazatelju. U tom svijetlu, ovo poglavlje kritički raspravlja razvoj politika rodne ravnopravnosti u Hrvatskoj tijekom četiri razdoblja, a koja su za potrebe ovdje iznesene analize razgraničena općim političkim procesima i promjenama: razdoblje socijalizma, razdoblje retradicionalizacije (1990-e), razdoblje intenzivnijih promjena tijekom (te neposredno prije) pregovora za članstvo u EU-u (2000-e) i razdoblje stagnacije nakon ulaska u EU (od 2013.-2021.). Na kraju se daje i kratki prikaz stanja politika rodne ravnopravnosti u Hrvatskoj iznoseći izabrane pokazatelje položaja žena u društvu.
... En la búsqueda de este objetivo de igualdad, la estrategia que inspira el mainstreaming de género parte de la constatación de las insuficiencias de los esfuerzos precedentes para lograr la igualdad entre mujeres y varones (Rees, 1998;Squires, 1999Squires, y 2005 y del limitado alcance de los mecanismos tradicionales de tutela antidiscriminatoria (Barrère, 1997(Barrère, , 2010(Barrère, , 2011. ...
El artículo profundiza en el concepto de mainstreaming de género, analizando sus dos componentes básicos: (i) su contenido sustantivo que es el enfoque de género, de acuerdo con el cual la desigualdad entre mujeres y varones es un fenómeno sistémico cuya raíz última sería el género entendido como la (re)construcción social de la diferencia entre los sexos y de las relaciones entre ellos; y (ii) el mainstreaming como estrategia para alcanzar la igualdad, estrategia consistente en incorporar la perspectiva de la igualdad de género en todas las normas y en todas las políticas (transversalidad, enfoque global), estrategia que sería complementaria y no excluyente de la igualdad de trato y de las acciones positivas y que aspiraría a ser particularmente incisiva para el logro del mencionado objetivo. Teniendo en cuenta que la meta del mainstreaming de género es la transformación social, la modif icación de las relaciones entre los sexos, así como de sus representaciones sociales y la existencia de una gran ambigüedad en torno a cuál debe ser el sentido y la dirección de los cambios, en el trabajo se argumenta que la transformación social debe ir en la línea de superar tanto el asimilacionismo (asunción de los modelos masculinos por parte de las mujeres), como el dualismo entre mujeres y varones, el mantenimiento de esferas separadas y distintas, pues ambos hacen imposible la consecución de la igualdad real. La transfor- mación social, que requiere incorporar a los varones al cambio, debería orientarse hacia la consecución de una mezcla positiva (a positive form of melding), de un nuevo modelo de sociedad superador del androcentrismo, pues el paradigma de lo humano, susceptible de universalizarse, serían no sólo los valores “masculinos”, sino todas las cualidades, ca- pacidades y posibilidades humanas, tanto las que forman parte del modelo “masculino”, como las que forman parte del modelo “femenino”, pues todas ellas son valores humanos que cualquier ser humano puede practicar.Por último el artículo destaca las potencialidades que encierra la estrategia de Gender Mainstreaming y también los riesgos y las dif icultades que comporta.
... In contrast with the cultural traditional focus on equal pay and equal treatment in the workplace, this new agenda also includes specific positive actions on behalf of women. The most promising approach identified by Rees (1998) is gender mainstreaming. ...
The study assessed gender-sensitive awareness of managers to committee membership, recruitment and promotion. It also comparedthe level of gender mainstreaming in the management of public and private universities in Osun state. The reseach design adopted wasdescriptive research design. The population of the study comprised all the 357 managers of universities (Principal Officers, Deans of Facultiesand Heads of Departments) in Osun state. The research sample consisted of 113 respondents of the population drawn from themanagers of universities in Osun State. Purposive sampling technique was employed in selecting three universities in Osun State, whichwere Obafcmi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, representing the federal university, Osun State University, Osogbo, representing state and BowenUniversity, Iwo, representing private universities. Managers were selected from each university using proportionate stratified randomsampling technique. The data were collected from the respondents using a questionnaire titled ‘Gender Mainstreaming and Managementof Universities Questionnaire (GMMUQ)’. The data collected through the questionnaire were analysed using descriptive and inferentialstatistics. The study concluded that the extent of gender-sensitive awareness of managers to recruitment and promotion in universities inOsun State was low and that that there was no significant difference in the level of gender mainstreaming in the management of publicand private universities in Osun State.
... Therefore, it is a contested concept and open to many diferent interpretations in policy practice, ranging from a policy approach refecting awareness of gender diferences and fulflling technical equality requirements, to a gender equality strategy refecting the potential to transform gender relations in society . We can further attribute this opacity to the difculties inherent in gender mainstreaming itself, by the EU's myopic understanding of what gender is and by institutional and political processes particular to the EU (Rees 1998(Rees , 2005. In general, then, feminists have criticised it as inefective and for masking the EU's lack of progress and interest in transformative gender policies that it hides behind a procedural smokescreen (Smith and Villa 2010). ...
This book addresses a gap in both contemporary theorising and empirical analysis of the European Union’s (EU) law and policy frameworks on migration, sex work and anti trafficking. Drawing on the authors’ previous research on these policies and with their practical experience of engaging with various EU institutions in law and policy-making fora around gender, equality and justice, the work examines the processes involved in constructing and enacting policy frameworks and legal interventions on these issues, within a feminist analytical framework. The authors map how EU agenda-setting operates, and detail the roles that various EU institutions, external groups and actors, including non-governmental organisations, play in promoting or blocking policy on these three issues. The book draws on feminist theorising on gender, policy-making and social justice to develop a general theoretical framework to help us understand how and why a consensus has seemingly been achieved at EU level on what constitutes gender equality in these three policy areas. The book presents a valuable resource for academics, researchers and policy makers in Law, Migration, EU policy making and Gender Studies.
... Therefore, it is a contested concept and open to many diferent interpretations in policy practice, ranging from a policy approach refecting awareness of gender diferences and fulflling technical equality requirements, to a gender equality strategy refecting the potential to transform gender relations in society . We can further attribute this opacity to the difculties inherent in gender mainstreaming itself, by the EU's myopic understanding of what gender is and by institutional and political processes particular to the EU (Rees 1998(Rees , 2005. In general, then, feminists have criticised it as inefective and for masking the EU's lack of progress and interest in transformative gender policies that it hides behind a procedural smokescreen (Smith and Villa 2010). ...
... Therefore, it is a contested concept and open to many diferent interpretations in policy practice, ranging from a policy approach refecting awareness of gender diferences and fulflling technical equality requirements, to a gender equality strategy refecting the potential to transform gender relations in society . We can further attribute this opacity to the difculties inherent in gender mainstreaming itself, by the EU's myopic understanding of what gender is and by institutional and political processes particular to the EU (Rees 1998(Rees , 2005. In general, then, feminists have criticised it as inefective and for masking the EU's lack of progress and interest in transformative gender policies that it hides behind a procedural smokescreen (Smith and Villa 2010). ...
... Therefore, it is a contested concept and open to many diferent interpretations in policy practice, ranging from a policy approach refecting awareness of gender diferences and fulflling technical equality requirements, to a gender equality strategy refecting the potential to transform gender relations in society . We can further attribute this opacity to the difculties inherent in gender mainstreaming itself, by the EU's myopic understanding of what gender is and by institutional and political processes particular to the EU (Rees 1998(Rees , 2005. In general, then, feminists have criticised it as inefective and for masking the EU's lack of progress and interest in transformative gender policies that it hides behind a procedural smokescreen (Smith and Villa 2010). ...
... Therefore, it is a contested concept and open to many diferent interpretations in policy practice, ranging from a policy approach refecting awareness of gender diferences and fulflling technical equality requirements, to a gender equality strategy refecting the potential to transform gender relations in society . We can further attribute this opacity to the difculties inherent in gender mainstreaming itself, by the EU's myopic understanding of what gender is and by institutional and political processes particular to the EU (Rees 1998(Rees , 2005. In general, then, feminists have criticised it as inefective and for masking the EU's lack of progress and interest in transformative gender policies that it hides behind a procedural smokescreen (Smith and Villa 2010). ...
... While gender mainstreaming implies significant changes to institutions, it can be based on a variety of visions or models of gender equality (Walby 2004). According to Rees (1998), it is only when gender equality is understood as a means of transforming gender roles for both men and women that gender mainstreaming can deliver gender justice, which corresponds to the WCWG members' understanding of gender equality. ...
This article analyzes the efforts of Egyptian feminist activists to insert gender equality in the country’s post-revolutionary constitutions in 2012 and 2014. While the literature on women’s political role during this period provides insights into exclusionary gender practices and conditions for bargaining power structures, this study contributes with a conceptual analysis of how feminist activists construed constitutional gender equality. The study is based on interviews with, and written statements by, activists engaged in the constitutional process. The article argues that these activists viewed the constitution as a central instrument in the struggle for gender equality and demanded a gender equality model beyond the sameness/difference paradigm. Instead, they argued for a substantive notion of gender equality that reflected women’s situated experiences while they, at the same time, navigated the legacies of Egypt’s earlier constitutions.
... Bu eleştiriyi de dikkate alarak, kadın ve erkek arasındaki farklılığı vurgulayan ikinci kavramlaştırma, kadının erkekten farklı olarak değerlendirilmesi gerektiğini, çünkü kadının erkekten farklı olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Başka bir deyişle, kadın ve erkeğin farklı katkıları olsa da eşit olarak değerlendirilmelidir. Cinsiyet eşitliğine yönelik üçüncü kavramlaştırma ise, mevcut toplumsal cinsiyet ilişkilerinin dönüştürülmesidir (Rees 1998;Verloo 2005). ...
1980’lerden sonra küresel bağlamda Neo-liberal ekonomi politikalarının uygulanmaya başlamasıyla birlikte oluşan yeni eşitsizlik alanları, hâlihazırda toplumsal cinsiyet (gender) eşitsizliğinin mağduru olan kadınları daha da eşitsiz bir konuma sürüklemiştir. Bu durum, kadının geleneksel toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini güçlendirerek, büyük bölümünün âtıl kalmasına ve emeklerini iş gücü piyasasına düşük ücretle sunmasına yol açmıştır. Türkiye, 2000’li yılların başlarından itibaren Avrupa Birliği (AB)’ne entegrasyon süreci içerisinde gerek Medeni Kanun gerekse İş Kanunu’nda yaptığı düzenlemelerle bir dizi cinsiyet eşitliği politikalarını hayata geçirmiş, ancak toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliği tamamen ortadan kaldırılamamıştır. Bu çalışmada, “Kadınlara yönelik bir tehdit unsuru olarak algılanan toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğinin sosyal, siyasal ve ekonomik alana yansımaları ve bu tehdidin ulusal ve uluslararası bağlamda güvenlikleştirilmesine yönelik girişimler” incelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplini içerisinde ana akım güvenlik çalışmalarından ayrışan Feminist güvenlik yaklaşımları ile AB ve Türkiye’deki uygulamalar, “nitel araştırma” yöntemi kapsamında doküman incelemesi yoluyla analiz edilmiştir. Ulaşılan bulgular, cinsiyet eşitsizliğinin uluslararası bağlamda güvenlikleştirilmesine yönelik çabaların yavaş, fakat istikrarlı bir biçimde ilerlediğini, ancak ulusal düzeydeki girişimlerin bu istikrardan yoksun olduğunu ortaya koymuştur.
... This focus on gender balance became further accentuated when the Norwegian Research Council in 2012 launched the ten-year research program BALANSE, with the overall goal of improving gender equality and gender balance in research, with a particular focus on increasing the share of women professors. 4 Like many other European countries and bodies, 'gender mainstreaming' is the preferred strategy (Bergman 2013, Rees 1998). However, what gender mainstreaming entails in practice varies significantly (Booth andBennett 2002, Daly 2005,). ...
Local leaders in academia have been perceived as resisting the role as change agents for gender balance. Employing a concept of voices inspired by Bakhtin, we found that department heads has to negotiate ambiguous and blurred voices from the leadership as well as critical and concerned voices from employees which lead them to thread carefully when enacting gender balance policies. Thus, there is considerable space for leadership to facilitate department heads work with gender balance by allowing them more space for agency and provide support to give them more authority and legitimacy as change agents. This would also help department heads in their attempts of destabilizing a one-dimensional and simplistic view of meritocracy and their enactments of more radical interpretations of gender balance policies.
... The second inspire initiatives that identify women as a disadvantaged group in society, requiring specific treatment and opportunities to rectify the history of discrimination they have endured as a group. It consists mainly of creating conditions for equality between men and women through positive actions [8,32]. Finally, the gender perspective promotes actions to transform the social organisation for a fairer distribution of responsibilities between men and women. ...
Integrated policy strategies represent an increasingly popular approach in urban development and gender policies. This article analyses the integration between integral urban policies and gender mainstreaming in the European Union. A specific analytical proposal is elaborated and applied to urban policies promoted by the EU in Spain between 1994 and 2013. The Comparative Urban Policy Portfolio Analysis is used to study the inclusion of gender-sensitive policy measures in local project portfolios, their transversality across policy sectors, and the relevance of two main approaches to analyse them. The results show that integral urban development programmes have incorporated gender-sensitive policy measures. Results also show a low level of transversality focused mainly on social integration, although they combine objectives focused on a women-centred approach to classical areas of gender inequality affecting women, i.e., employment, education, health, and a gender approach focused on new welfare challenges linked to care and defamilisation. These results show the relevance of analysing gender approaches included in integral urban policies to comprehend the character of their gender mainstreaming and their potential effects on more gender-equal cities.
... Gender mainstreaming was adopted by the European Commission in the mid-1990s (Commission of the European Communities 1996), prior to its constitutionalisation through the 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam (Article 13 TEC, now Article 8 TFEU). It is the "third phase" of promoting gender equality in the European Union (Rees 1998), advancing the conceptualisation of gender equality beyond equal treatment and positive action approaches which were introduced in the 1970s and 1980s respectively and which focused predominantly on the area of employment policy. Unlike equal treatment legislation and positive action initiatives, gender mainstreaming -once set in place -is a process that seeks to promote gender equality throughout decision-making and across all policy activity, using a range of different tools. ...
This European Policy Analysis presents five dimensions along which the institutionalisation of gender mainstreaming in the European Commission can be assessed: formalised adoption; structures and procedures; quality; accountability and compliance; and stability. In applying this framework to the Commission’s mainstreaming activity, the weaknesses in the Commission’s institutionalisation of gender mainstreaming are exposed.
Five barriers to the institutionalisation of mainstreaming are identified and discussed,
including the Commission’s “masculine” culture, weaknesses in the institutional ownership and oversight of gender mainstreaming and the failure to promote effective gender mainstreaming through the “Better Regulation Agenda”. Although there are examples of good practice within the Commission, the authors point to the need to transform not only the Commission’s policy activity but the Commission as an organisation itself. The analysis is concluded with six recommendations for the successful promotion and institutionalisation of gender mainstreaming.
... Segundo Rees (1998), haverá três tipos-ideais de abordagem às questões de género, nomeadamente, a igualdade de oportunidades, a ação positiva e o mainstreaming de género. A primeira assenta na ideia de que os direitos humanos são para todos, não podendo haver indivíduo algum com menos direitos do que outro, o que implica a criação de condições de igualdade de oportunidades para assegurar, por exemplo, o direito a salário igual para trabalho igual. ...
O artigo procura fazer uma análise feminista dos 25 anos da Plataforma de Ação Pequim através de uma discussão das ambiguidades com que os termos ‘género’ e mainstreaming foram introduzidos na Plataforma, refletindo sobre as ramificações e consequências da sua utilização no seu cruzamento com as políticas neoliberais que se foram consolidando nas últimas décadas. Em causa está o reconhecimento das múltiplas questões ligadas ao multiculturalismo subjacente ao modelo liberal de género e a proposta de formas de conceber um mainstreaming mais próximo das diversas experiências vividas e políticas especificamente direcionadas para responder às necessidades de grupos com necessidades particulares. Refletindo mais amplamente sobre os direitos das mulheres, o artigo termina defendendo que o direito à informação deve também abranger um direito à literacia.
Palavras-chave
Plataforma de Pequim, mainstreaming, neoliberalismo, sexo e género, multiculturalismo
... For decades now, international comparative research has shown great interest in the European initiatives targeting education and training (Field, 1998;Grek, 2008;Neave, 1984), and in view of the multitude of heterogeneous educational strategies there has been a real need for systematization. A wide range of measures and target groups have to be taken into account to obtain an overview of what was happening in the EC from the mid-1970s onwards (Rees, 1998). Furthermore, the great ambition and limited duration of the numerous programmes has made it necessary to take a closer look at their effects (see e.g. ...
The Community Action Programme for Education and Training for Technology (COMETT) played a key role in paving the way for increased cooperation between the member states of the European Community (EC) in the field of education and in the promotion of intra-Europe mobility. In this article, COMETT is considered as a non-traditional education and training programme for solving economic challenges in the context of technological change that was focused on the training of a highly skilled workforce. The process of setting the agenda for COMETT is studied through an analysis of official EC policy documents and archival material from the EU’s historical archives in Florence. Our analysis suggests that the challenge posed by new information technologies acted as a catalyst for a new approach to education governance that was based on closer cooperation between European universities and industry. Promoting intra-Europe mobility among highly skilled workers and students was a key part of the programme, which defined an economic and social strategy for Europe in response to technological change. Educational and social goals were secondary in the design and implementation of the COMETT programme, which, first and foremost, was motivated by the EC agenda to boost the competitiveness of European industry.
... The EU's equality regime has been built in stages, shifting approaches and expanding in scope over time. Scholars have described a three-stage movement from a focus on equal rights and treatment, to positive action, to gender mainstreaming (Rees 1998;Mazey 2001;Booth and Bennett 2002). In the agricultural sector, the equal rights approach and gender mainstreaming have been particularly relevant. ...
Current educational and scientific policy must address several critical issues, including not so much the training of highly qualified personnel as the adaptation of the population to exist in a high-tech sociocultural environment. The implementation of the chosen model for developing the scientific and educational system of the Russian Federation determines the strategic direction of its reform in the short term. This research examines the use of smart regulatory tools in state education and science policy. The author analyzed the experience of several countries in terms of the use of legal means of smart regulation in the reformation of education. The research evaluated the potential effectiveness of self-regulation in the management of educational organizations of various levels. The author analyzed the array of regulations governing educational and scientific relations in the Russian Federation and identified barriers to introducing elements of smart regulation in this area. The research applied general scientific methods of logical knowledge: analysis and synthesis are used to analyze the experience of several countries in terms of the application of smart regulation in reforming education. The systemic method allowed the author to assess the key areas of implementation of educational and scientific policy and develop recommendations for its improvement. The author applied the formal-legal method and the method of legal hermeneutics to analyze normative-legal acts regulating educational relations in Russia.
Gender equality, as one of the principles of democracy, is the equal treatment of all, excluding differences based on gender. Achieving social equality without any distinction contributes to the respect of freedoms and human rights, therefore globally equal gender treatment in different segments adds to the values of democracy. But what is the legal perspective of gender equality in the countries of the Western Balkans, how far has the principle of equality been established in practice for the countries of the Western Balkans and what are the advantages that are evidenced by equal gender treatment in different fields and how the same can have an impact on the society of the countries of the Western Balkans?! Considering that the countries of the Western Balkans aim for their integration in the EU, the dilemma will be whether they can rely on the strategies that the EU has to establish the principle of equality, knowing that the EU has a backlog in terms of equal gender treatment. The dynamics of gender equality in the countries of the Western Balkans is the duty of these countries and a condition on the road to EU membership.
Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği perspektifinin politika alanlarının tüm aşamalarına ve düzeylerine dahil edilmesi toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırma olarak ele alınmaktadır. Toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırma ile elde edilmek istenen; eşitlik ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği ile ilgili tüm boyutların, ülkenin kamu politikalarına ve kamusal etkinliklerine yansıtılmasıdır. Toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırma kavramı, temelde bir insan hakkı süreci üzerinden başlatılan cinsiyet eşitliğinin olumlu ayrımcılık politikaları ile fırsat eşitliğine dönüştürülmesi, kısmi eşitlik politikalarından vazgeçilerek bütünleştirici ve dönüştürücü politikalar üzerinden oluşturulması sürecidir. Türkiye’de hazırlanan kamu politikaları hem kalkınma amaçlı hem de uluslararası kuruluşlarla koordineli olma amaçlı olarak toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini gözetmektedir. Bu sebeple toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırmada Birleşmiş Milletler ve Avrupa Birliği üzerinden bir yol haritası oluşturulması amaçlanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı; toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırmanın, kamu politikalarının ilk aşaması olan “planlama” aşaması üzerinden Türkiye’deki kalkınma planlarında var olup olmadığını belirlemektir. Türkiye’de Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliğini Ana Akımlaştırma kavramının literatüre girdiği tarihten günümüze kadar (1996-2023) tüm kalkınma planları nitel analiz veri yöntemi ile kod analizi şeklinde irdelenmiştir. Kullanılan nitel analiz tekniği MAXQDA 2020 yazılım programı üzerinden gerçekleşmiştir. Çalışmanın temel sorusuna göre tematik kategorilere ayrılarak kod ve alt kodlar oluşturulmuş, tekrarlı okumalar yaparak metinlerde içerik analizine gidilmiştir. Çalışmada ana akımlaştırma için tarihsel bir çizgi üzerinden eşitlik, cinsiyet eşitliği, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği süreçleri incelenmiştir. Bu sebeple eşitlik, cinsiyet eşitliği, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği ve toplumsal cinsiyeti ana akımlaştırma çalışmadaki ana kodlardır.
Gender mainstreaming involves integrating a gender perspective into various actions, policies, legislations, or initiatives to address the concerns of all individuals and prevent the perpetuation of gender inequalities through institutional channels. Despite its global implementation, gender mainstreaming has not consistently resulted in progress for women; often, it is linked to a scaling back of policies and programs specifically targeting women. Recent research highlights the gendered impacts of climate change, yet efforts to develop mitigation and adaptation strategies have largely neglected gender mainstreaming. Additionally, the predominant scientific and technological focus in institutional responses has overshadowed social outcomes, leading to insufficient attention to vulnerable groups, particularly women. This paper argues for the imperative of gender mainstreaming in climate policy and advocates for policies explicitly centered on women's empowerment. The essence of gender mainstreaming is crucial not only for ensuring the comprehensiveness of climate policies and programs but also for the development of women-focused policies, ensuring that women receive the necessary support and empowerment to take proactive measures on their own behalf.
The European Community (EC), afraid of lagging behind the United States and Japan in the technology race, developed a series of strategies in the 1980s and 1990s to enhance their position in the field of information and telecommunication technologies (ICT). One key strategy was the training and retraining of citizens to deal with the shortage of a highly skilled labor force. At the same time, women’s issues were being raised as part of the EC’s political agenda, with a particular emphasis on the effects of technological change on the employment of women. We claim that despite the advantageous conditions for promoting women’s advanced education in ICT, the EC’s strategy was to promote only basic computer literacy, following a discourse that victimized women, due to their alleged lack of skills and flexibility. Although by the late 1980s, the view of women as constituting potential economic assets in the EC’s economy became more prominent, the concrete measures for women’s education and training did not substantially change and remained scantily funded and short-sighted throughout the whole period.
This paper analyses the character of the European Union in the development of gender equivalence and the empowerment of women. It includes the place of gender in EU development policy (EUDP), and core reasons that placing it in such a momentous policy of the most important continent of the world. The study covers legal situation of gender equality and mainstreaming in EU policies but it has more focus on EEC and national policies of member nations for two basic reasons. Foremost, the transformation in the domain of gender uniformity based in core strategies of EU countries to effect only than it has acquire legal and executing powers. Secondly, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which are part of Agenda 2030, are general and hence implement on all EU nations.
מאמר זה מציג את עבודתו של פורום "נשים לתקציב הוגן" באמצעות דוגמאות
שונות לניתוח מגדרי של תקציב המדינה, של שירותים ציבוריים ושל תוכניות
כלכליות וחברתיות שהונהגו בישראל בשנים האחרונות. נדגים להלן כיצד הטמעה
של פרספקטיבה מגדרית בתכנון, ביישום ובבקרה של תקציבים, שירותים ותוכניות
יכולה להביא לצמצום פערים ולשפר את יעילותה של המדיניות הציבורית כך
שגברים ונשים ייהנו ממנה באופן שוויוני יותר.
The introduction sets out the context and objectives of this volume. It explains why and how we focus on the gendered effects of EU institutions and policies on specific populations as objectives of governmentality, and on the role that EU institutions and certain feminist groups and experts play in creating and maintaining this assemblage of governmentality. We set out how we believe our contribution to feminist critiques in this area offers a needed analysis of the current situation because it sees these actors as playing a role in excluding and silencing marginal voices from law and policy deliberations on gender equality in the EU policy sphere.
Curricular reform is one of the most neglected policies when dealing with gender (in)equality in higher education. The relatively soft gender mandates included in domestic legislation in this domain and lax oversight mechanisms, or lack thereof, have led to pervasive gender-blind curricula, which deprives students of diverse role models and fails to provide them with the capacity to problematize gendered socialization patterns or identify the diversity of population needs. Engendering higher education programmes is thus a core intervention to support inclusion both inside and outside universities, one that has the potential to bring about gender justice and enhance the quality of university degrees and their societal relevance. In this light, equality and quality are inextricably linked. This chapter presents the policy innovation adopted in the Catalan university system wherein gender has been mainstreamed into the assessments of undergraduate and graduate programmes, thereby bringing gender back in evaluation work. In doing so, it discusses the tension between quality assurance processes and gender equality goals, highlighting that making the teaching practice gender-sensitive is not a managerial solution, as neither can be the incorporation of a gender perspective into extant quality assurance frameworks. The chapter presents the new gender indicators incorporated into quality assurance standards and discusses the extent to which they tackle the genderedness of higher education institutions in a holistic manner. It also reflects on the potential implementation hurdles and the transferability to other contexts of this intervention.KeywordsCurriculumHigher educationGender blindnessGender mainstreamingQuality assurance
The goals set out in the 1995 Platform for Action of the Beijing World Conference on Women—to achieve gender equality in and through the media—interrogate today's digital policies: To what extent have internationally agreed-upon norms of gender equality and gender mainstreaming been recognized and implemented? To what extent has the knowledge produced by feminist scholarship informed media policy developments? What kind of new knowledge, and analytical frameworks, may contribute to unmask gender-unequal power relations in contemporary media environments? The article addresses these questions with a focus on European discourses and institutional practices for the Digital Agenda.
The purpose of this study was to explore the status of gender mainstreaming implementation in university teaching in Greek higher education institutions by examining the education students receive regarding gender equality. The Sensitive Assessment of Training for Gender Equality index was used to collect data from 1,194 students from nine Greek public universities over four degrees (Teacher Education, Physical Education, Greek Philology, and Science). The students were purposely selected through an online survey. Participants were between 20 and 53 years old, mostly female (79%) and Greek (98.20%). Findings revealed that formal preparation for gender mainstreaming implementation in university teaching is practically nonexistent. While respondents rated positively the need for incorporating a gender perspective into curricula, recognizing its importance in reducing sexism, developing gender competencies and practicing a gender-sensitive pedagogy, their views differed in the emphasis that should be given to gender training. Science students were less demanding than school teaching, physical education and Greek philology students, as well as male than female students. Additionally, the participants rated institutions’ and educators’ commitment to gender equality as neutral and did not recognize existing gender inequalities. This suggests that gender mainstreaming is poorly considered in Greek higher education at institutional, curricular, and relational level.
Gender impact assessment has been both celebrated as a beacon of hope for the cause of gender equality and criticised as being ineffectual. More than 20 years of gender mainstreaming have demonstrated that equality governance with and through impact assessment is an intersectional and still evolving process. Arn T. Sauer's study examines the instruments of gendered policy analysis and the conditions under which they are being used by the Canadian federal government and the European Commission. Interviews with experts from public administration and instrument designers as well as document analyses reveal benefits and challenges and show that the success of equality governance depends upon whether knowledge about gendered policy and appropriate administrative practices are embedded, embodied and entrenched in public administration.
The article summarises the scientific debate on the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies adopted by the European Union to promote gender equality in academia and the adoption of a gender perspective in research.
The article focuses on introducing gender mainstreaming, promoting gender equality and structural change in research performing and financing organisations, and adopting gender action/equality plans. The discussion is structured around textual analysis of relevant EU acts, scientific literature, reports of EU funded research projects, communication and support actions. The authors discuss the critics of the various initiative and advance some considerations about what could support individuals and groups interested in promoting positive changes towards gender equality, diversity and inclusion in the academic field. The article relevance is linked to the innovation promoted by Horizon Europe, that requires all public institutions applying for Eu funding to have a Gender equality plan, and the risks that previous mistakes can be repeated hindering the process towards gender equality as in the recent past.
This chapter begins with a discussion of the mainstream understanding of integration, which tends to see the evolution of the European project in the 20th century as a progression of ‘fits and starts’ along a generally linear path forward, yet always prone to
crisis or setback. The general interpretation tends towards an understanding that integration has deepened as a result of crises – and continues to do so in the light of the ongoing ‘polycrisis’ to which the Covid- 19 pandemic and its radical effects further contribute. The second section briefl y considers some feminist recounts of European integration. This demonstrates that a different lens can shift our understanding of the EU’s progression. When retelling the EU history through a gendered lens, we need to contextualize key events in European integration within the broader social context of a growing and changing women’s movement and both individual and collective action. This shows how reconceptualizing the historical narrative can change the overall story. The final part of this chapter gives an overview of how this Handbook is organized. It explains what gendering the EU and EU politics means and entails and which key and cross- cutting questions and perspectives have guided this Handbook.
Thinking sexuality education and religion together often results in antagonisms that pit religious and secular values against each other. Political theology provides new insights into this tendency by showing how modern concepts of political legitimacy are based on secularised Christian theology. Neoliberal schooling, public sexual health and human rights provide legitimacy for sexuality education in post-Christian societies and all three are grounded in political theology. The political theology of sexuality education can be seen wherever ideal sexual subjectivities are presented which set up standards which one can succeed or fail to meet with clear consequences. These standards could be heterosexual, safe and marital, but equally agential, pleasurable, transgressive and self-aware. While there may be many ways of escaping the Christian political theological foundations of sexuality education altogether, a political theology of non-violence opens up a way for Christian and secular conceptions of sexuality education to move forward amidst significant cultural and moral difference.
This article explores what the UK’s European Union membership has meant for the development of a distinctive, substate equalities agenda in Wales. An analysis of interview data through the lens of feminist institutionalism reveals European Union membership as integral to the emergence of Wales’ approach to gender equality, with Welsh equality advocates using access to European Union norms and funding to establish and legitimize more progressive institutions to advance equality, overcoming domestic resistance and gatekeeping. In turn, research exposes structural risks for Wales’ equalities agenda post-Brexit. Recent equality-related activity in Wales partially mitigates against post-Brexit risks, although vulnerabilities remain.
The paper offers a comparative analysis of dominant mainstreaming and gender analysis frameworks to consider the nature of the relationship between these equality initiatives and neoliberalism. We challenge the portrayal of mainstreaming as necessarily resistant to neoliberalism, and show how dominant forms of mainstreaming illustrate characteristics congruent with neoliberal premises and policy agendas. Our particular concern is the extent to which some forms of mainstreaming and gender analysis are unable to put in question neoliberal premises because of their ex post character. For this reason we describe the relationship as contested. Our goal is to identify ways to strengthen the potential of mainstreaming initiatives to step outside of and critique neoliberalism's strategic norms. To advance this objective we offer some first steps towards producing gender analysis as an ex ante intervention. Significantly, we suggest that effective implementation requires a focus on policy's creative (active) role in constructing “problems” and in shaping gender relations.
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