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Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics
... Soft power, according to political theorist Joseph Nye (2004), is the ability to influence preferences and achieve influence through attraction rather than coercion or force. In 18th and 19th century Indo-Islamic courts, soft power was exerted not solely by means of royal favor and statecraft, but also in the less showy labors of cultural refinement. ...
... Being known as her pupil or companion added to his social capital and legitimacy. This reputational dynamic echoes Nye's (2004) point that soft power works when others want to emulate or associate with the source of influence. ...
... Their influence-exerted through persuasion, mentorship, and cultural sophistication-provides a compelling case study of how women in feminized spaces like the kotha exercised significant agency through noncoercive means. As Nye (2004) argues, the most enduring power is that which persuades rather than forces-and in this regard, the tawaif was among the most powerful women of her time. ...
... 9 More recently, the European Commission (Commission) announced the European Economic Security Strategy, which is aimed at comprehensively assessing and evaluating the risks posed to the EU's economic security across four key areas: supply chains, critical infrastructure, technology security and technology leakage and economic dependencies or economic coercion. 10 While it is necessary for the EU and its Member States to protect their interests, it is at the same time vital that they abide by their international obligations flowing from inter alia international trade and investment agreements. Therefore, the design and application of these instruments must be capable of protecting the vital interests of the EU and its Member States without resulting in an overt or covert protectionism. ...
... 9 Henry Farrell, Abraham L. Newman 'Weak links in finance and supply chains are easily weaponized' Nature, 9 May 2022, available at <www.nature.com/articles/d41586-022-01254-5>. 10 Demetri Sevastopulo, Qianer Liu, 'US tightens rules on AI chip sales to China in blow to Nvidia' Financial Times, 17 October 2023, available at <www.ft.com/content/be680102-5543-4867-9996-6fc071cb9212>. 11 Diksha Madhok, 'ASML force to suspend some China exports after US excalates tech battle', CNN, 2 January 2024, available at <edition.cnn.com/2024/01/02/tech/asml-china-exportssuspension-intl-hnk/index.html>. ...
... 7 However, the reliance on CRMs introduces its own vulnerabilities, 8 particularly their concentration and sourcing limited to specific regions 9 and the economic interdependencies. 10 This article focuses on the CRMA, which operates within two dimensions: an internal dimension aimed at enhancing domestic resilience and production capacity, and an external dimension dedicated to securing diversified and stable supply chains through international cooperation. Specifically, this analysis focuses on the external dimension, where the CRMA relies almost exclusively on the pre-existing, albeit almost forgotten, instrument of Strategic Partnerships to pursue its objectives. ...
The focus of Federica Fazio’s paper is on the mutual assistance (Article 42(7)
TEU) and solidarity (Article 222 TFEU) clauses introduced into the Treaties with the 2007 Lisbon Treaty revision. Fazio argues that in light of the war in Ukraine and concerns over President Trump undermining NATO’s mutual security guarantee, it is of utmost importance to understand how credible the EU’s mutual defence commitment is and how it can be operationalised. To this end, Fazio analyses the mutual assistance clause by examining its formulation, interpretation, and evolution over time. By examining past treaties and relevant documents, special attention is paid to the historical and geopolitical context in which this clause was adopted and operated over the years. Lastly, Fazio examines the differences and overlaps with EU’s solidarity commitment (Article 222 TFEU) as well as NATO’s own mutual defence clause (Article 5 North Atlantic Treaty).
... Ayrıca uluslararası alanda sağlanan rekabet avantajı (Anholt, 2007) sayesinde pozitif ekonomik ve sosyal gelişmeler gerçekleşmektedir. Aynı zamanda küresel alanda özgün ve kuvvetli bir ulusal kimlik inşa etmiş olan devletler; bu kimliği bir yumuşak güç unsuru olarak kullanmakta ve kuvvetli bir küresel etkiye sahip olabilmektedir (Nye, 2004). Bununla birlikte olumlu bir ülke markası imajı, uluslararası arenada yaşanan krizlerde olumsuz etkilere karşı direnç sağlayabilmektedir. ...
... Ülke markalaşmasının olumlu etkileri yalnızca ekonomik gelişmelerle sınırlı değildir. Ülke markalaşması, ulusun sahip olduğu kimliğin yeniden tanımlanmasıyla, kültürel değerlerin tanıtılmasıyla (Rojas-Méndez & Khoshnevis, 2023) ve diplomatik etkilerin uluslararası arenada arttırılarak güçlü bir yumuşak güç unsuru oluşturulması gibi pek çok konuda da avantajlar sağlamaktadır (Nye, 2004) Ülke markalaşmasının kavram olarak ortaya çıkışı, ülkelerin isimlerinin ihracata etkileri yani menşe ülke konusunun tartışılmasıyla başlamıştır (Gertner & Kotler, 2004). Kavramın inşa edilme sürecinde etkili bir diğer tartışma ise destinasyon markaları ve destinasyon pazarlaması üzerindedir (Morgan vd.., 2002). ...
... Yalnızca yurt dışında değil, yurt içinde kendi ülkesini ziyarete gelen turistlere sergilenen davranışlar da ülkenin marka imajına katkı sağlayabilmekte veya ülke imajını zedeleyebilmektedir (Anholt, 2007). Diğer taraftan, ülke markalaşmasının devletler için en kritik faydalarından biri olan yumuşak güç (soft power) unsuru, bireylerin kültürel faaliyetlerini de içermekte ve bundan ayrıca güç almaktadır (Nye, 2004). Yumuşak güç kavramından yola çıkıldığında, bireylerin bilimsel, sanatsal ve sporsal başarılarının ülke markalaşmasını doğrudan etkilediği görülmektedir. ...
ÖZET
Ülke markalaşması, ülkelerin insanlar üzerinde bıraktığı etkilere odaklanan ve ülkeyi uluslararası arenada daha güvenilir, itibarlı ve güçlü bir konuma getirmeyi amaçlayan son derece önemli bir kavramdır. Özellikle uluslararası pazarlamada oldukça kritik rol üstlenen ülke markalaşması, ürünlerin daha etkin pazarlanması ve markaların global hale gelmesi bağlamında ülkelere çeşitli rekabet avantajları sağlamaktadır. Ülke markalaşmasını oluşturan tarih, coğrafya ve ekonomi gibi çok çeşitli faktörler söz konusudur. Bu faktörlerin dışında, ulusal-uluslararası aktörlerin ülke markalaşmasına doğrudan ve dolaylı etkileri bulunmaktadır. Öne çıkan etkin aktörlerden bazıları; işletmeler, devletler, kurumlar, devletlerarası kuruluşlar ve uluslararası sivil toplum kuruluşları olarak ifade edilmektedir. İşletmeler, şüphesiz ülke markalaşmasının uluslararası pazarlamaya yansımasında önemli bir görev üstlenmektedir. Devletler, ülke markalaşmasında vatandaşlarına karşı büyük bir sorumluluk taşımaktadır. Kurumlar, işletmelere verdiği desteklerle ve koyduğu kurallarla ülke markalaşmasına katkı sağlamaktadır. Siyasi otoritelerin ve devletlerarası kuruluşların uyguladıkları politikalar da uluslararası pazarlamada ve ülke markalaşmasında kritik etkilere sahiptir. Uluslararası sivil toplum kuruluşları, ülkelerin ve toplumların yararına belirli konularda çalışmalar yaparak, endeksler ve raporlar yayınlayarak bireylerin ülke hakkında fikir sahibi olmalarını sağlayarak ülke markalaşmasına katkıda bulunmaktadır.
Türkiye özelinde değerlendirildiğinde; Türkiye’nin uluslararası pazarlarda tanınan çok çeşitli değerlerinin yanı sıra birçok yerli markasının olduğu söylenebilmektedir. Türkiye tarihsel mirasıyla, kültürel dokusuyla, turistik çekiciliğiyle, politik adımlarıyla ve uluslararası pazarda rekabetçi çok çeşitli ürünleriyle oldukça önemli bir konumdadır.
Yapılan bu bildiri çalışmasının amacı, uluslararası pazarlamada kritik bir rol oynayan ülke markalaşması kavramını teorik olarak çeşitli alt başlıkları ile ele almak ve bu kapsamda etkili aktörlerin neler olduğunu analiz ederek Türkiye örneği ile konuyu detaylandırmaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Ülke markalaşması, ulus markalaşması, uluslararası pazarlama.
ABSTRACT
Country branding is an important concept that focuses on the impact that countries have on people and aims to make the country more reliable, reputable and strong in the international arena. Country branding, which plays a critical role especially in international marketing, provides various competitive advantages to countries in the context of easier marketing of resources and globalization of brands. There are many factors that go into creating a country's brand, such as history, geography and economy. Apart from these factors, national and international actors have direct and indirect effects on country branding. Some of the prominent active actors are companies, states, institutions, intergovernmental organizations and international non-governmental organizations. Companies undoubtedly play an important role in reflecting country branding on international marketing. States have a great responsibility towards their citizens in country branding. Institutions contribute to country branding with the support they provide to companies and the rules they set. The policies implemented by political authorities and intergovernmental organizations also have critical effects on the concepts. International non-governmental organizations work on specific issues for the benefit of countries and societies and publish indices and reports, thus contributing to country branding by providing individuals with insights about the country.
When evaluated specifically for Türkiye, it can be said that there are many local brands that are known in the international market. Türkiye has a very important position with its historical heritage, cultural texture, touristic appeal, political steps and a wide range of competitive products in the international market.
The purpose of this paper is to theoretically address the concept of country branding, which plays a critical role in international marketing, under various subheadings and to analyze the effective actors in this context and to elaborate on the subject with the example of Türkiye.
Keywords: Country branding, nation branding, international marketing.
... The political messages conveyed by soft power are not delivered directly. The effectiveness of soft power is determined by the context in which it is used [2]. It takes multiple attempts and deep understanding to convey the underlying interests or political messages in a way that is more meaningful or acceptable to the recipient or target. ...
... It takes multiple attempts and deep understanding to convey the underlying interests or political messages in a way that is more meaningful or acceptable to the recipient or target. The study argues by the existence of Hollywood with its popular in movie industry, make the U.S. as a country whom have a great deal on owning soft power [2], and it give the chance for the U.S. to utilize its potential strength intentionally on soft power diplomacy, it could be seen by most of movies that produced by Hollywood are tend be peppered with U.S. political messages that are consumed by most people around the world. ...
... The definition of soft power is the capability to achieve the aim through attraction and persuasion rather than through pressure or transaction [2]. The attraction could be gained by adopting culture, political ideals, and foreign policies that are universal acceptable. ...
A contentious Hollywood action-comedy film became a hot topic in 2014, sparking an increase of hostilities between the two countries, the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In an era when tensions between liberalism and communism are lower than were during the Cold War, this film's reappearance raises a sensitive issue between those two countries. The United States uses its dominance in the global entertainment industry through numerous its film productions that are in high demand by the global community as a type of soft power diplomacy to intimidate its political/idealist adversaries and influence global public opinion to support it. Propaganda through communication media such as posters, radio, television, movies, music, and even social media posts like today has been commonly used since World War I to mobilize public opinion in supporting or justifying an international actor's interests. Although its performance is not as fast as hard power, it can influence and encouraging decision makers or countries to place their positions in international relations, even leading them to use hard power as final output to support these interests. Through constructivism and using film The Interview as a case study. this research paper aims to analyze and describe the utilization soft power on propaganda by the U.S.' to intimidate its political/idealism rival, North Korea with its autocracy.
... Therefore, understanding these preferences is not just a preliminary step but a fundamental aspect of comprehending the intricate mechanisms of power in society. It enables researchers to unravel the complexities of power relations and identify the underlying drivers that influence human behavior and decision-making processes (Nye, 2009b). ...
... In corporate environments, perceptive leaders understand that effective leadership extends beyond mere directives; it involves leading through personal example and inspiring others to align with the overarching vision. Relying solely on commands is insufficient for managing large organizations; obtaining buy-in from stakeholders regarding shared values is paramount (Nye, 2009b). ...
... These elements collectively contribute to a nation's ability to exert influence and attract others by projecting its ideals, cultural heritage, and diplomatic engagements on the global stage. Additionally, Nye's framework underscores the significance of leveraging these sources strategically to enhance a nation's soft power and bolster its international standing and influence (Nye, 2009b). ...
Soft power, defined as the ability to attract and persuade through appeal and influence rather than
coercion, has emerged as a critical component in the arsenal of global corporations navigating
the complexities of the interconnected world. This study, using Microsoft as a case, delves into
the realm of soft power in global corporations. Drawing upon qualitative methodology, this study
aims to uncover the nuanced factors contributing to global corporation soft power prowess. Key
areas of investigation include organizational culture and communication, corporate branding,
corporate social responsibility, emerging technological applications, global branding strategies,
and leadership approaches. Through an analysis of these factors, the study aims to offer valuable
insights into how multinational corporations employ soft power to forge significant connections,
influence perceptions, and further their objectives across diverse cultural and geographical
landscapes. This is done with the aim of appealing to a global audience, setting themselves apart
from competitors, and strengthening cohesion among clients and stakeholders.
Through a comprehensive analysis of soft power strategies, this case study not only
contributes to the academic understanding of soft power dynamics within global corporations but
also offers practical implications for businesses seeking to enhance their influence and
effectiveness in an increasingly interconnected world.
Keywords: Soft power, organizational strategies, corporate influence, soft power
leadership, global corporations
... Finally, the chapter explores digital diplomacy through state use of social media platforms and influencer partnerships to boost soft power (Nye, 2004) and engagement with foreign publics. The analysis presented in this chapter establishes a theoretical framework to understand digital public diplomacy in contemporary international relations. ...
... One of the greatest strengths of public diplomacy is its association with power, especially in the sense of how nations attempt to influence foreign audiences to support their agendas. As Snow (2009, p. 3) points out, "public diplomacy is inevitably tied to power"; thus, it is important for diplomats to have an understanding of various power types, including soft power (Nye, 2004). ...
... When analysing the themes and messaging of the posts, we can observe a clear trend towards the promotion of culture and values, consistent with soft power strategies (Nye, 2004). Neutral comments reflected curiosity, cultural facts, and personal experiences, extending the conversation (e.g., Neymar vs. Mbappé, Dunkirk Carnival). ...
This thesis examines the role of social media influencers (SMIs) in digitalized public diplomacy through a study of Paul Cabannes' collaborations with French diplomatic institutions in Brazil, from April to November 2024. Based on concepts such as opinion leaders, relational public diplomacy, and networked communication, the study analyses Cabannes’s impact through his humorous and cultural content, serving as a non-state actor and network bridge between France and Brazil. The combination of engagement metrics and sentiment analysis on Instagram and TikTok reveals that SMIs-diplomatic collaborations have led to significantly more active and passive engagement than conventional public diplomacy strategies, especially on Instagram, where the public engaged in more in-depth conversations. Posts themed around culture and humor drew the most positive sentiment, while politically sensitive content triggered criticism, particularly on TikTok. Digitalized public diplomacy strategies can greatly benefit from partnerships with social media influencers, provided they are supported by effective listening, responsive communication, and a clear strategic vision tailored to each platform.
... Africa, once a marginal domain in Turkish diplomacy, has become a central pillar of Ankara's foreign policy vision, particularly after the launch of the 'Opening to Africa Action Plan' in the late 1990s and its intensification post-2005. From development aid and humanitarian outreach to defence cooperation and military presence, Turkey's engagement reflects a sophisticated blend of soft and hard power tools-a 'smart power' strategy carefully attuned to local political contexts and regional rivalries (Nye 2004). What distinguishes Turkey's Africa policy is its multidimensional approach, simultaneously leveraging civil society organisations, religious diplomacy, business councils and security agreements to deepen bilateral ties and expand its strategic footprint. ...
... The soft and hard power theory (Nye 2004) further refines the analysis. Turkey deploys soft power through humanitarian aid, education and religious diplomacy, particularly in Somalia, while exerting hard power through military interventions and security agreements, as seen in Libya. ...
This study explores Turkey's strategic expansion across the African continent between 2011 and 2021, with a focused analysis on its engagement in Ethiopia, Libya and Somalia. Anchored in a theoretical framework that blends neoclassical realism, soft and hard power theory, and middle power diplomacy, the research investigates how Turkey has transitioned from a peripheral actor to a proactive regional influencer. The study reveals that Turkey's foreign policy in Africa combines humanitarian aid, educational outreach and cultural diplomacy with military training programmes, arms sales and the establishment of military bases. In Somalia, Turkey has operated as a state-builder through aid, infrastructure and military cooperation. In Libya, Ankara has strategically deployed hard power to secure post-conflict influence and energy routes. In Ethiopia, it has pursued hybrid engagement, leveraging both economic investment and defence partnerships to enhance its regional foothold. This multifaceted approach reflects Turkey's broader geopolitical ambition to assert itself as a middle power in the evolving international order. By balancing ideological narratives, economic pragmatism and strategic militarism, Turkey has carved out a sustainable role in shaping Africa's security, development and diplomacy.
... Ця асиметрія створює нерівні умови для розвитку національних культур, обмежує доступ до альтернативних поглядів та формує залежність менш впливових країн від культурних та інформаційних продуктів провідних глобальних центрів. Зрештою це сприяє утвердженню впливу провідних глобальних центрів, водночас створюючи виклики для збереження та розвитку культурного розмаїття у світі (Nye, 2004). ...
... У світі з різноманітними культурними, політичними та соціальними системами повага до культурних відмінностей і використання м'якої сили може призвести до мінімізації ідеологічних конфліктів та більш гармонійної взаємодії (Nye, 2004). ...
... Strategic autonomy-a principle of India's foreign policy-further illustrates New Delhi's intent to engage with Afghanistan independently, navigating between regional powers like China and Pakistan. This nuanced approach reflects a blend of Realist and Liberal paradigms: while Realism underscores India's pursuit of security and strategic depth in Afghanistan to counterbalance adversaries, Liberalism emphasizes developmental aid and democratic principles (Morgenthau, 1948;Nye, 2004). In applying Soft Power Theory, India has strategically leveraged cultural diplomacy, including educational scholarships and infrastructure projects, to foster goodwill and influence in Afghanistan. ...
... Soft power, as defined by Nye (2004), is the ability of a nation to shape preferences through attraction rather than coercion or payment. China has successfully employed soft power through programs like the Confucius Institutes, which promote Chinese language and culture worldwide. ...
... Nye 2004, 5. 3 Nye 1990 As described in Kurlantzick 2007. ...
... Soft power é um conceito proposto por Joseph Nye para descrever formas de poder baseadas na capacidade de atrair e cooptar, em vez de coagir. Surge da atratividade através de elementos culturais, ideais políticos e das políticas de um país (Joseph s.Nye, 2004). 4 A noção de "Oriente" como um espaço imaginado pelo Ocidente, foi criticamente examinada por Edward Said em sua análise sobre o orientalismo como construção discursiva(Said, 1979). ...
Este trabalho reúne reflexões iniciais de uma pesquisa de doutorado em andamento, dedicada a investigar as relações entre indivíduo e coletividade na China moderna, com ênfase na produção cinematográfica da primeira metade do século XX. A partir da análise de filmes como arquivos simbólicos, propõe-se uma leitura antropológica das articulações entre categorias como “Estado”, “tradição”, “modernidade” e “etnicidade” — não como dados fixos, mas como campos de disputa. Sem pretensão de esgotar o tema, o texto busca levantar questões sobre os sentidos coletivos em disputa naquele contexto histórico, propondo reflexões sobre de que modo essas disputas ainda ressoam em formas contemporâneas de imaginar a coletividade na China.
... Second, the Balance of Power Theory of the realist school (Giri, 2021;Morgenthau, 2006) explains Indonesia's efforts to avoid the dominance of one bloc (US or China) by joining BRICS. Third, national interest and soft power (Nye, 2004) became the basis for analyzing Indonesia's priorities, such as economic stability and cultural influence, within the framework of BRICS cooperation. ...
This research aims to analyze Indonesia's diplomatic strategy in BRICS as an effort to bridge national interests with the dynamics of global political balance. Indonesia's membership in BRICS, which officially began in January 2025, is a strategic step to strengthen the country's economic, political, and geopolitical position amid the global polarization between the US and China. Economically, BRICS opens up great opportunities for Indonesia to diversify export markets for key commodities such as CPO, coal, rubber and natural gas to non-traditional partners such as India, Russia and Brazil. In addition, Indonesia also utilizes funding from the New Development Bank (NDB) to finance national strategic projects, including infrastructure and green energy transition. However, challenges remain, especially in managing the risk of economic dependence on China which dominates two-thirds of the total BRICS GDP as well as competition with other members in similar commodity sectors. Politically, BRICS membership strengthens Indonesia's position as a “bridge” between the Global South and developed countries, while promoting more inclusive global governance reforms. This research uses a descriptive-analytical approach with qualitative methods to explore Indonesia's diplomacy strategy in BRICS, focusing on economic, political, and soft power aspects. The results show that BRICS membership provides significant benefits for Indonesia, both in terms of market access and geopolitical influence, but also requires caution in maintaining balanced relations with global powers such as the US and the European Union. This research recommends strengthening negotiation capacity across sectors, optimizing the NDB for green projects, and an ASEAN-based inclusive diplomacy strategy to manage internal BRICS tensions, such as Sino-Indian rivalry. Thus, BRICS becomes a multidimensional instrument for Indonesia to strengthen economic sovereignty, political stability, and national security amid increasingly complex global fragmentation.
... According to realism/neorealism, power is linked to the accumulation of material resources, such as military strength and economic capability, which are essential for ensuring a State's survival in the international system (Morgenthau 1949, Waltz 1979, Barbé 1987, Mearsheimer 2006. In contrast, liberalism/neoliberal institutionalism highlights the importance of interdependence and international institutions as key mechanisms for shaping the global environment (Keohane and Nye 1989), emphasizing immaterial capabilitiesor what Joseph Nye refers to as soft power (Nye 2004)-and the ability to generate norms as central elements in structuring international hierarchy (Lake 2009). Meanwhile, the neo-Marxist/world-systems perspective focuses on wealth accumulation and domestic well-being, considering economic competition as the main driver of international struggles (Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982, Babones and Chase-Dunn 2017, Kiely 2017, and assigning crucial relevance to what are here defined as semimaterial capabilities, which incorporate the socio-economic dimension of national power. ...
The East Asian subregion has undergone profound transformations in its national power distribution since the end of the Second World War and especially, during the post-Cold War period. Several countries in the region, previously underdeveloped, have managed to emerge as powers of global relevance, while in the 21st century some of these same powers are declining or facing challenges to maintain their power. In a subregion of crucial strategic importance, these changes demand an analysis and update of the national power dynamics in East Asia.
Although there are numerous detailed studies on specific countries, such as Japan, South Korea, and in particular, China, few works have addressed the power transitions in the subregion as a whole (Ross 1999, Arrighi, Hamashita and Selden 2003, Buzan and Zhang 2014, Park 2017). Existing research tends to adopt historical and hermeneutic approaches, often neglecting updated methodologies that enable empirical and quantitative assessments. A notable effort in this regard is the Asia Power Index (Lowy Institute 2024) which employs a multidimensional approach covering eight thematic measures and 126 indicators. However, its scope is limited to data since 2018, making it inadequate for analysing power shifts since the Cold War. To address this gap, this Commentary employs the World Power Index (WPI) as a quantitative tool (Morales 2024), offering a longitudinal perspective on power dynamics in the region.
... IR has gradually integrated more sophisticated and multidimensional concepts of power (Baldwin, 2013;Berenskoetter and Williams, 2007;Diez, 2013;Guzzini, 1993Guzzini, , 2005Guzzini, , 2013aGuzzini, , 2017Keene, 2013;Keohane and Nye, 1987;Manners, 2002). In this respect, Nye (2004Nye ( , 2011 adapted the third face of power by coining the typologies of soft and smart power. Barnett and Duvall (2005) revised the various dimensions and introduced a typology encompassing 'compulsory', 'institutional', 'structural' and 'productive' power in IR. ...
How can the power of norms triumph over material power? To address this issue this article explores the relational dynamics of structural and agential factors that enhanced the normative relevance of the Timor-Leste question between 1975 and 1999. In doing so, it contextualises the roles of the United Nations, Portugal, and Indonesia; advances a relational theorisation about power, norms, and context; and develops the concept of normative relevance. I argue that the change in Timor-Leste was related to the hierarchical and normative structural transformations of the 1990s, with the new political and ideational environment providing the conditions necessary for the change and emergence of Timor-Leste’s normative relevance. Moreover, by activating a sense of normative obligation, leaders and diplomatic officials assume the role of agents of change and reinforce the norm’s relevance. However, simply possessing normative reason for resolving an international dispute is insufficient. For normative legitimacy to be effective, norms must be relevant and collectively assumed by the international community.
... It can therefore be argued that the sporting events hosting policy and strategy within the UK and its constituent nations is underpinned by a neoliberal political orthodoxy which frames the benefits of sporting events through the lens of economic boosterism and the projection of soft power (Nye, 1990(Nye, , 2005 for the UK as a host nation. Indeed, given that the various major events hosted by the UK have been bid for and delivered by governments from across the political spectrum, it is fair to say there has been little challenge to the prevailing political perceptions on the status of sport in the UK context, with little diversity in the ideological approaches to the politics of sport. ...
This chapter explores the interconnection between sports event hosting and political symbolism in the UK during a decade of constitutional and political turmoil. It examines the dualistic symbolism of international sporting events such as the Olympics and Commonwealth Games, and the use of sport as a means for political positioning for the UK and its constituent “home nations” of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. Particular focus is given to the UK’s attempted use of sporting event hosting for “economic boosterism” and the projection of “soft power,” while questioning the effectiveness of this approach in the face of the UK’s constitutional turmoil and declining geopolitical influence in the post-Brexit time period.
... Навпаки, «м'яка сила» (soft power)це здатність переконати актора виконати ці дії. Однак, найкращим поєднанням методів жорсткої та м'якої сил є «розумна сила» (smart power), підхід, в рамках якого використовують найбільш відповідну стратегічну тактику жорсткої та м'якої сил (Nye, 2004;Nye, 2009). ...
У статті досліджено роль публічної дипломатії як інструменту забезпечення національної безпеки в умовах гібридних загроз і збройного конфлікту. Особливу увагу приділено поняттю оборонної дипломатії, її функціям, формам та значенню в системі зовнішньої політики. Проаналізований взаємозв’язок між публічною дипломатією, збройними силами та інформаційно-психологічними операціями, підкреслюючи їхню ефективність у сучасному міжнародному середовищі. Досліджено, що публічна дипломатія в умовах війни здатна не лише формувати позитивний імідж держави, а й виступати стратегічним інструментом впливу на глобальний інформаційний простір, зміцнюючи тим самим національну безпеку.
... Така роздробленість ускладнює формування єдиної координаційної стратегії, оскільки окремі сегменти не завжди готові об'єднати свої зусилля для досягнення спільних цілей. Соціологічні дослідження свідчать, що для максимізації впливу на міжнародне сприйняття країни необхідно забезпечити інтеграцію різних груп у єдину систему взаємодії, що дозволить ефективно використовувати культурний та економічний капітал діаспори [10]. По-друге, недостатній рівень підтримки з боку держави є ще одним критично важливим чинником. ...
... On the other hand, it is defined as a strategy to achieve nonmedical objectives (Chipaike et al., 2023;Kobierecka, 2023). From this perspective, vaccine diplomacy is part of soft power diplomacy to gain influence over other countries through the power of attraction (Nye, 2004). Vaccine diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic was the latter case: countries engaged in vaccine diplomacy for geopolitical objectives (van Dijk and Lo, 2023). ...
COVID-19 vaccines were unevenly distributed across the world, with fewer supplies in the Global South. The geopolitical powers who developed the vaccines started engaging in vaccine diplomacy, competing to donate or export their vaccines to other countries. A perspective neglected in this landscape is of those living in countries targeted by vaccine diplomacy. This study conducted a survey experiment in Zimbabwe to examine the influence of vaccine origins on vaccination intention. The results suggest that vaccine country origins and country image interact to influence vaccination intention toward American and Chinese vaccines. We also found that there was an interaction effect between vaccine country origins and partisanship in relation to Chinese vaccines. The findings suggest that the utility of vaccine diplomacy as a soft power strategy is affected by the heterogeneity of a country’s image fostered through international and local politics.
... • Foreign Policy and Global Engagement: International relations and participation in global organizations affect how a country is viewed and its brand image (Nye, 2004). ...
... Politik ve kültürel hedefler açısından ulus markalama, kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak güç için önemli bir araç olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Joseph Nye (2004) tarafından sert güç (hard power) olgusunun karşısında konumlandırılan ve bir ülkenin kültürel ürünlerinin etkisine işaret eden yumuşak güç, ulus marka iletişiminin potansiyel getirilerinden birisidir. Bir ülkenin kültürel değerleri, tarihsel sembolleri ve film, dizi, müzik, spor, edebiyat ve sanat gibi alanlardaki kültürel ürünleri, o ülkenin ulus markalama kampanyasının önemli referanslarını oluşturmakta ve uluslararası izleyicilerde olumlu çağrışımlar yaratabilmektedir. ...
... Politik ve kültürel hedefler açısından ulus markalama, kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak güç için önemli bir araç olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Joseph Nye (2004) tarafından sert güç (hard power) olgusunun karşısında konumlandırılan ve bir ülkenin kültürel ürünlerinin etkisine işaret eden yumuşak güç, ulus marka iletişiminin potansiyel getirilerinden birisidir. Bir ülkenin kültürel değerleri, tarihsel sembolleri ve film, dizi, müzik, spor, edebiyat ve sanat gibi alanlardaki kültürel ürünleri, o ülkenin ulus markalama kampanyasının önemli referanslarını oluşturmakta ve uluslararası izleyicilerde olumlu çağrışımlar yaratabilmektedir. ...
1990’lı yıllarda temeli atılan ve 2000’li yıllardan itibaren uygulanmaya başlanan ulus
markalama, bir ülkenin kültürel, tarihsel ve ekonomik değerlerinin kapsamlı bir iletişim
süreci dahilinde hedef kitlelere aktarılmasını mümkün kılmıştır. Ulus markalamanın bir
stratejik iletişim girişimi olarak ivme kazandığı 2010’lu yıllarda, ülkelerin ulus marka kim-
likleri ve konumlandırma tercihleri belirginleşmiştir. Özellikle sürdürülebilirlik olgusunun
pazarlama söyleminde yaygınlaşmasıyla birlikte, Nordik ülkelerinin ulus markalalarını
“kapsayıcılık” (inclusion) ve “çeşitlilik” (diversity) değerleri etrafında farklılaştırmaya
başladığı gözlenmiştir. Bu doğrultuda bu çalışma, Nordik bölgesi (İsveç, Norveç, Fin-
landiya, Danimarka, İzlanda) örnek olayı üzerinden kapsayıcılık ve çeşitliliğin ulus mar-
ka iletişim stratejisine entegre edilme sürecini çözümlemektedir. Çalışmada öncelikle
ulus markalama kavramı ele alınacak, ardından kapsayıcılık ve çeşitliliğin marka ileti-
şiminde kullanımına değinilecektir. Literatür tartışmasının üzerine belirlenen ulus marka
websiteleri nitel bir yöntem bağlamında tematik analiz ile incelenecektir. Sonuç olarak
bu çalışma, bazı Nordik ulus markalarının toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği, demokrasi, açıklık,
yenilik, sürdürülebilirlik ve barış gibi değerlerin üzerinde şekillendiğini ortaya koyarken,
diğerlerinin hedeflenen ölçüde bir marka iletişimi geliştiremediğini ve temelde birtakım
kalıp yargılar üzerinde durduğunu ortaya koyacaktır.
This article analyzes and compares the strategies and tactics of “soft power” employed by China and Russia in the field of education. The research is based on the study of official documents, scientific literature, and statistical reports. An analysis of data on the number of students participating in educational programs in Russia and China and their potential influence on public opinion and perception of the countries is provided. As a result of the research, common features of “soft power” in the educational sphere of China and Russia were identified, defining the mechanism of broadcasting the national interests of countries, alternative to the West, through the opening of educational institutions in other countries. Common tools of authorities as the main agent of “soft power” (state programs, scientific and student projects, grants, and funding) are described. Distinctive features highlight differences in cultural foundations and historical prerequisites for influence, as well as changes in the role of China and Russia in the global system of international relations at the present stage.
This research conducts a comparative content analysis of two leading English-language newspapers, The Kathmandu Post and Rising Nepal, to examine the media framing of China’s cultural and educational diplomacy in Nepal. This study employs a frame analysis methodology alongside a qualitative content analysis approach to systematically examine thirty news items published from 2021 to early 2025. Key themes were coded and examined based on frequency and contextual framing, including cultural interaction, Chinese language promotion, Confucius Institute coverage, education diplomacy, and geopolitical alignment. Rising Nepal demonstrates a clear state-centric editorial stance, frequently articulating a supportive tone that emphasizes bilateral collaboration, strategic partnership, and mutual growth, thereby highlighting a significant contrast in representational patterns. This research argues that these contrasting frames signify underlying ideological and geopolitical affiliations, rather than merely editorial choices. This research contributes to the expanding body of literature on soft power, media and culture diplomacy, and the geopolitics of influence in South Asia by integrating media framing theory with qualitative analysis.
In the context of globalization, film functions as a strategic medium for cultural exchange and the reinforcement of national identity. This study investigates 20th Century Girl (2022), a South Korean film distributed by Netflix, as a vehicle for intercultural communication and film-induced tourism. Employing a descriptive qualitative method and content analysis, the paper explores how narrative nostalgia, thematic depth, and cultural representation generate emotional engagement and stimulate interest in South Korea as a travel destination. The study also highlights the pivotal role of Netflix in globalizing Korean audiovisual content and strengthening the Korean Wave (Hallyu). Findings indicate that the film not only illustrates essential Korean cultural values such as the importance of friendship, family, and school traditions but also indirectly showcases cultural tourism assets, including filming locations and local lifestyles. These insights affirm the significance of cinema as a tool of cultural diplomacy and soft power for enhancing South Korea’s image on the global stage.
Aim. To identify the key resources, actors and directions of the soft power of the Republic of South Africa.
Methodology. The research is based on systemic, communicative and institutional approaches, the principle of historicism, methods of traditional document analysis.
Results. It has been established that the Republic of South Africa is a leader in the promotion of soft-power technologies on the African continent, but their implementation is hampered by internal socio-economic problems. It is concluded that its initiatives at the sites of the African Union, as well as projects in the field of tourism and sports, are of great importance for building the potential of the soft power of Pretoria. It is predicted that the concept of the African Renaissance and the philosophy of Ubuntu can form the basis for strengthening the soft influence of South Africa in the international arena.
Research implication. The conclusions obtained can be useful both for studying the specifics of the soft power of African states as a whole, and for developing a strategy for socio-humanitarian cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of South Africa on a bilateral basis and within the framework of interstate structures.
This article critically examines the Indian Constitution as a powerful instrument of soft power, highlighting its role in projecting India’s civilisational values, cultural richness and philosophical depth globally. Drawing on Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power, defined as the ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion, the article explores how the Constitution’s text, artistic elements and founding principles serve as vehicles for India’s international image as a vibrant, inclusive and culturally rooted democracy. The study analyses the Constitution’s symbolic and artistic dimensions, including calligraphy and illustrations, which visually narrate India’s pluralistic heritage and civilisational journey. It also explores how constitutional values such as justice, equality, fraternity and non-violence resonate globally, aligning with universal aspirations and enhancing India’s reputation as a promoter of peace and human rights. The article also assesses the Constitution’s role in cultural diplomacy and its impact on global perceptions of India. Assessing both the strengths and challenges of leveraging constitutional identity for soft power, the article offers insights and recommendations for strengthening India’s global influence through its constitutional ethos.
The Korean Wave (Hallyu), characterized by the global popularity of South Korean culture—including K-pop, K-dramas, K-beauty, fashion trends, and Korean cuisine—has significantly impacted consumer behavior, cultural exchange, and entrepreneurship across the world. This paper explores the intersection of the Korean Wave with economic empowerment, focusing on how the cultural phenomenon serves as a catalyst for economic opportunities, women’s empowerment, livelihood and employment generation. The Korean Wave presents opportunities in both the economy and society by creating sustainable livelihoods and promoting self-reliance. Key areas of opportunity include K-beauty (beauty and skincare industries), Korean food entrepreneurship and fashion inspired by Korean aesthetics. Furthermore, these trends offer pathways for women’s economic empowerment by fostering women-led enterprises and providing skill-building in sectors linked to K-wave industries. This paper examines the role of the Korean Wave in creating pathways for economic development in Mizoram. The study employed a qualitative method of semi-structured interviews among entrepreneurs and businesses engaged in marketing of Korean products. By leveraging the Korean Wave’s cultural appeal and entrepreneurial opportunities, the study evaluates how the Korean Wave acts as an economic catalyst and promotes opportunities for entrepreneurship and economic empowerment.
The European Union (EU) is a very specific sui generis entity in the international arena as it neither a classical international organisation nor state. Moreover, the process of its creation remains incomplete, with the original vision of establishing a novel, supranational entity on the continent still not fully realised. What is more, European integration and the EU has recently met many challenges and obstacles of different kinds, both internal (a potential Grexit, a very real Brexit, an axiological clash of the elites, and democratic deficit) and external (e.g., conflicts on its borders, the resurgence of hard power to the international scene, the so-called “Trump factor”, etc.). This article seeks to examine and specify the current global position of the EU in this new, turbulent era marked by partial de-globalisation, the dominance of hard power, and great-power competition in the world. This era is defined in this essay as a “strategic draft”, during which Russia seems intent on dismantling the international order, while China looks to establish an entirely new one. These are challenging times, as the old order no longer functions properly, while the new one is yet to take shape.
Our adversarial system of international relations poses substantial risks of violent catastrophe and impedes morally urgent initiatives and reform collaborations. The domestic politics of more evolved societies provide guidance toward a better world governed by just rules, which ensure that basic human needs are met, inequalities constrained, and weapons and wealth marginalized as tools for influencing political and judicial outcomes. Impartial administration, adjudication, and enforcement of just rules require a strong normative expectation on officials and citizens to fully subordinate their personal and national loyalties to their shared commitment to the just and fair functioning of the global order. As we have fought nepotism within states, we must fight nepotism on behalf of states to overcome humanity’s great common challenges. To moralize international relations, states can plausibly begin with reforming the world economy toward ending severe poverty, thereby building the trust and respect needed for more difficult reforms.
Kautilya, also known as Chanakya, was an ancient Indian strategist and political philosopher whose seminal work, the Arthashastra, remains influential in contemporary political thought. This paper explores Kautilya’s defence strategy and war policies and their relevance in the modern world. It examines the theoretical underpinnings of Kautilya’s approach, including deterrence, diplomacy, intelligence gathering, and the use of force. By analysing case studies of modern conflicts, conducting a comparative analysis with contemporary defence doctrines, and exploring the relevance of Kautilya’s ideas in addressing current security challenges, this paper elucidates the enduring significance of Kautilyan principles in shaping strategic thinking and defence policies.
This study aims to investigate Qatar’s and the EU’s perspectives on the 2022 World Cup. Through a case study of the 2022 World Cup, the study evaluated the EU’s and Qatar’s views on the tournament using conceptual frameworks and the literature review approach, which involved gathering pertinent articles, political discourses, reports, books, etc. The concept of soft power has been used to analyze Qatar’s strategy. The concept of civilizing power has been applied to the EU’s perspective to examine these differing views, and it is the study’s original contribution. The study’s limitation is that it just examines the EU’s and Qatar’s discourses and actions toward the 2022 World Cup. The study has observed that Western nations, particularly those in the EU, emphasized concerns about Qatar’s democratic practices and human rights record, arguing that a country lacking these values should not host such an event. In contrast, Qatar saw the event as an opportunity to share its values and strengthen its position in the political arena.
In the sphere of interstate cooperation, civil society organisations (CSOs) play a crucial role as mediators of ideas, facilitators of cross-border dialogue, and promoters of the cultural and creative potential of their respective nations. Within the European Union, these organisations form an integral part of the multi-level governance system. This article, based on a unique dataset comprising 45 interviews with 51 interviewees, delves into the motivations that drive stakeholders involved in Czech-German cross-border initiatives. Our comprehensive analysis of this large sample reveals that the primary motivation currently centres around fostering social connections and gaining a deeper understanding of the neighbouring country. In contrast, aspirations to promote broader democratic values or enhance professional experience appear to be secondary. By comparing our findings with insights from other examples of German bilateral relations, we offer a nuanced understanding of Czech-German civil society interactions, providing valuable perspectives for shaping broader European cross-border cooperation strategies.
In the Indo-Pacific region’s ever-evolving geopolitical landscape, Indonesia is a pivotal player endowed with a multifaceted strategic position. This qualitative research explores Indonesia’s nuanced relationship with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) context, employing an Internet research methodology to explore the intricacies of its geopolitical dynamics.
By synthesizing online sources, this study uncovers Indonesia’s strategic calculus, emphasizing the delicate balance of historical, economic, and geopolitical factors that shape its stance toward the BRI. Through a qualitative lens, it investigates how Indonesia carefully navigates its geopolitical interests while engaging with the BRI framework, ensuring a balance between economic development, sovereignty, and regional stability. This portrayal of Indonesia’s careful navigation will make the audience feel the country’s strategic acumen.
Furthermore, this research delves into Indonesia’s diplomatic strategies within the Indo-Pacific, assessing its partnerships, alignments, and differences with key regional players in the context of the BRI. By analyzing online discussions, official statements, and expert opinions, it becomes evident that Indonesia is increasingly assuming a pivotal role as a bridge between the maritime and continental aspects of the Indo-Pacific. It is leveraging its geostrategic significance to foster regional cooperation and mitigate potential tensions.
Ultimately, this study significantly enhances our understanding of Indonesia’s position in the Indo-Pacific theater. It sheds light on the country’s proactive strategies and evolving relationships within the Belt and Road Initiative framework. This research underscores the importance of qualitative analysis in capturing the complexities of contemporary geopolitics, offering valuable insights into Indonesia’s pursuit of a balanced and mutually beneficial engagement in the era of geopolitical recalibration. By highlighting Indonesia’s proactive nature, the audience will feel the country’s active role in shaping the region’s geopolitical dynamics.
The article reveals the main aspects of the development and implementation of foreign policy doctrines and strategies that form the quintessence of the state’s foreign policy. The theoretical and methodological foundations of foreign policy doctrines are presented, their role in the implementation of foreign policy is shown. The main role in global interaction between the leading centers of power continues to be played by a relatively narrow group of large states and integration associations. The dynamics of the balance of forces and interests between these entities continues to determine the trends of international interaction. The formation of the foreign policy of any state is based on a number of basic criteria that ensure its effectiveness, strategic coherence and compliance with national interests. One of the main, if not the most important criteria, is its national interests, which serves as the main guideline for the country’s foreign policy. The state determines its priorities, in particular, ensuring security, economic development, preserving sovereignty and cultural identity, etc. An equally important criterion in the formation of foreign policy strategies and doctrines of states is security, therefore such a policy is built in such a way as to guarantee national security, avoid external threats and ensure the territorial integrity of the country. The economic interests of the state are the next basic criterion, which is implemented in the search for new sales markets, attracting investments, promoting economic cooperation and integration into world economic processes. Another important criterion is the geopolitical location of the state, which takes into account its geographical position and role in regional and global processes. Another of the main factors in the formation of foreign policy is international law and obligations, which is implemented through compliance with international norms and principles, as well as the fulfillment of obligations within the framework of international organizations, such as the UN, OSCE, WTO, etc. An essential criterion that determines the strategy of a state’s foreign policy is global challenges that adapt the country’s policy to modern challenges (for example, such as regional conflicts, climate change, the fight against terrorism, migration, information security, etc.). The balance of power and partnerships that determines the choice of strategic allies and partners, balancing the interests of different centers of influence (for example, between the USA, the EU, the PRC or the Russian Federation) is also an important component in the formation of foreign policy of countries.
‘Soft-Power’ diplomacy is the new instrument for nations to influence the masses. After globalization (post the Second World War), nations are interconnected through technology and diplomacy. Nations tend to avoid using ‘hard’ diplomacy in this globalized world. India is an ancient civilization with a rich cultural heritage that has shaped its ‘Soft-Power’ diplomacy. Adorned by democratic values, India and the European Union have the ability to leverage their influence through cultural diplomacy, collaborations, and mutual engagements in the Indo-pacific as a ‘Soft-Power’. The ‘Incredible India’ campaign (promoted by the Government of India since 2002) is associated with India’s tourism (Edwards and Ramamurthy in Commun Culture Critique 10:11–13, 2017 [1]). The tangible and intangible cultural heritage brings convergence from difference and its benefits are substantial in international relations (Munjeri in Museum Int, 2004 [2]). ‘Yoga’ has become an international Yoga since 2015 as the United Nations Organisation declared the 21st of June as ‘International Yoga Day’ ( UNO, International Day of Yoga. 2023 [3] https://www.un.org/en/observances/yoga-day#:~:text=Recognizing%20its%20universal%20appeal%2C%20on,Yoga%20by%20resolution%2069%2F131). For effective public and cultural diplomacy, the use of social media by non-state actors is influential. This article analyses how India’s cultural heritage shapes its ‘Soft-Power’ diplomacy and has become an effective instrument for public diplomacy. It will study the convergence of public diplomacy between India and the European Union and its impact on the global stage.
This chapter examines the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics as a means to think through the relationship between soft power and hard power. Salt Lake City 2002 often gets attention for its jaw-dropping corruption and the introduction of new mega-event-related security regimes. But, as the first Olympics after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Games took on new meaning at the nexus of soft power, sportswashing, and the eventual invasion of Iraq. With Los Angeles hosting the 2028 Olympics and Salt Lake City on track to stage the 2034 Winter Games, a frank and frontal look at the past can illuminate key political dynamics in play today.
Foreign policy, traditionally focused on state-led decision-making and policy implementation, has undergone profound changes due to globalization and democratization. Civil society, particularly think tanks, alongside the growing emphasis on soft power and warm power, now significantly shape policy agendas, moving beyond the conventional reliance on hard power. These transformations mark new frontiers in foreign policy analysis. This chapter explores three key dimensions of these evolving dynamics. First, it examines the role of civil society and think tanks, in particular, emphasizing the concept of think tank diplomacy. Second, it investigates the incorporation of soft power and warm power into foreign policy frameworks. Finally, it presents three case studies from the Indo-Pacific region—Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP-T), South Korea’s New Southern Policy (NSP-K), and Australia’s New Southeast Asia Economic Strategy. By drawing on these examples of middle powers, the chapter provides fresh perspectives on contemporary foreign policy analysis.
This introduction shares the book’s theoretical and empirical ambitions and sets out a common conceptual ground that is employed to greater or lesser degrees by the authors of each chapter, in respect to the uniqueness of each individual case. Overall, this book is concerned with the aftereffects of hosting mega-events. It makes sense of developments around the globe through the notion of soft power, aimed both internationally and at the domestic host audience; the Potemkin relationship between spectacular but superficial promises and the deleterious outcomes that occur under that surface; and the uneasy linkages between hosting and the (geo)politics of authoritarianism and great nation populism. Each chapter highlights a different global region, featuring cases from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Australia, South America, and North America. By offering a standardized conceptual toolbox in this introduction, the book presents a more coherent picture of the implications of hosting mega-events in disparate areas around the globe.
Cultural theorists have recognized the impact of popular media on history, culture, and society. Visual mediums like Japanese animation (Anime) and comics (Manga) have proven their impact on their consumers. Masashi Kishimoto’s globally popular manga and anime series Naruto is the subject of this case study, which examines its impact on viewers. The goal is to examine how the audience reacts to Naruto’s incorporation of religious and mythological elements and how pop culture phenomena among fans, such as anime pilgrimage and online fandom, impact these elements. Naruto utilizes elements from Japanese religion, mythologies, and folk traditions to create the fictional universe. Hence, this paper examines how mainstream media popularizes and reinterprets the elements or ideas it incorporates through the case study of Naruto. The study examines Naruto fandom online, including social media, blogs, and fan websites. It also focuses on in-depth discussions of the series with a focus on religious themes, the rise of anime tourism and theme parks, and the religious themes incorporated in Naruto.
Objective: The objective of this study is The study aimed to investigate the degree to which school principals possess soft leadership and their relationship to the level of work seriousness among teachers in Jordanian public schools. Methods: This type of research was a This study is classified as descriptive research, aiming to attain precise knowledge of events, phenomena, and observations by exploring their variables, components, elements, and characteristics. Within the framework of descriptive studies, the correlational descriptive approach was employed due to its suitability for the study's nature, objectives, and research questions. To achieve the study's objectives, the researcher developed a tool consisting of (30) items distributed across two domains: soft leadership and work seriousness. A simple random samp le of (369) teachers from Jordanian public schools was selected during the first semester of the (2024/2025) academic year. Originality/Relevance: This research presents a modern educational model adapted to the soft skills that government school principals must possess, addressing local challenges such as insufficient soft skills among Jordanian government school principals in school management. Through teacher participation and motivation. Results: The results revealed that the level of soft leadership practice was high, as was the level of work seriousness. Furthermore, the findings showed a positive relationship between soft leadership and work seriousness.
It is tricky to state categorically that China has already ascended to and entered the ranks of global powers; this is, however, not to say that a reasonably insightful conclusion on the matter cannot be drawn. After formulating and applying our analytical model to analyze the geopolitics and current power status of China, we can say with a certain degree of confidence that conclusions can be drawn, and in this chapter, we use these conclusions as a basis, coupled with our research on the domestic reality as well as international framework up to December 2023 (as have been discussed throughout the book) to offer a final position on the matter.
With the research background, objective and importance defined, in this chapter we focus on the concepts and methodologies, which will pave the way for the chapters to follow. We will be examining three conceptual frameworks: sovereign power, geopolitics and the system of international relations. The unit of our analysis is the sovereign state, a political entity capable of formulating and implementing legitimate decisions as well as binding all national institutions and other political units.
The term “international cooperation” can be interpreted in various ways, but broadly speaking, it likely refers to collaboration among countries in addressing global challenges and adapting to the evolving dynamics of the world. “International Cooperation in the New Reality” extends to all areas from trade and finance to security, environment and education and health issues. International cooperation stands for a relation not only at country-level, but it also unifies professionals from various states. Modern types of international cooperation do not only include mutual support between governments and institutions from different countries—nowadays, international cooperation refers to a wider range of notions. It means working together as one government and institution, not making individual decisions and actions. International cooperation aims to develop common standards and to create programmes that take into account benefits/problems that can potentially be extended to more than one society and even to all communities worldwide. For ensuring Good Governance in general sense, it is important to make use of all the forms of international relations. Accordingly, this chapter discusses the importance of its various manifestations, trends and challenges that countries are facing worldwide.
Studying abroad has been emphasised to increase the cultural influence of sending countries and promote international understanding. This study re-examines study abroad as part of the internationalisation of higher education, using concepts of soft power, knowledge diplomacy, public diplomacy, and cultural diplomacy. Specifically, the study highlights the limitations of the conceptual frameworks of ‘nation’ and ‘formal educational opportunities’ in studying abroad, and discusses a perspective on learning that goes beyond the physical space of the university and the formal educational opportunity. Furthermore, this study considers cultural studies and a public pedagogy perspective to examine where and how studying abroad and international learning can occur. Therefore, this research aims to provide a more interdisciplinary perspective on higher education research surrounding the phenomenon of studying abroad, and to examine the academic boundaries that define the field of research on the internationalisation of higher education. The paper concludes that studying abroad and international education should be reconsidered as a ‘medium’ that promotes cross-border learning by understanding culture and social structure.
Media products such as television series have an important function in changing and transforming the mindset of society and directing and focusing social perception on certain points. Türkiye is one of the leading countries in the world in terms of TV series exports. Turkish TV series are widely followed in Iran, too. This study aims to understand the effects of Turkish TV series on Iranian society through newspaper reports. The study utilizes the concept of soft power proposed by political scientist Joseph Nye and George Gerbner's cultivation theory. The data set of the study consists of news articles on Turkish TV series taken from the websites of four major national newspapers in Iran. Qualitative content analysis was used to interpret the data and two themes were obtained: Debates on the Effects of Turkish TV Series on Family Institution and Gender Roles, and Debates on the Soft Power Generated by Turkish TV Series and the Political Effects of these TV Series. The prominence of the image of Western women in Turkish TV series in the context of family and gender roles and its importance in terms of upbringing theory is one of the results obtained in the study. It was also concluded that the image of "Türkiye that looks Western when viewed from the East" is reinforced through Turkish TV series. Another conclusion of the study is that Turkish TV series, as an element of soft power, strengthens the image of the country not only in Iran but also worldwide.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.