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The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism.
Abstract
Book review
... Do extremo liberal rejeita-se qualquer forma de proteção social e a menor regulação política possível, do outro extremo, mais progressista, defende-se o oposto. Entre estas duas posições radicais, encontra-se a social-democracia, caracteriza pela formulação de políticas públicas de bem-estar que incorporam a redistribuição da riqueza (Esping-Anderson, 1990) e o investimento público na esfera social (Nogueira, 2001). As políticas social-democratas promovem a marcha progressista das forças de produção, pois acreditam que com a erradicação da pobreza, a diminuição do desemprego estrutural e o acesso à saúde e educação, os trabalhadores aumentam a sua produtividade, traduzindo-se em grandes ganhos de eficiência para as empresas e por consequência para a nação (Esping-Anderson, 1990). ...
... Entre estas duas posições radicais, encontra-se a social-democracia, caracteriza pela formulação de políticas públicas de bem-estar que incorporam a redistribuição da riqueza (Esping-Anderson, 1990) e o investimento público na esfera social (Nogueira, 2001). As políticas social-democratas promovem a marcha progressista das forças de produção, pois acreditam que com a erradicação da pobreza, a diminuição do desemprego estrutural e o acesso à saúde e educação, os trabalhadores aumentam a sua produtividade, traduzindo-se em grandes ganhos de eficiência para as empresas e por consequência para a nação (Esping-Anderson, 1990). ...
... Dadas as dificuldades económicas sentidas pela maior parte da população, a caridade prestada pela família ou instituições religiosas não era suficiente para atender a todos. A pobreza e a fome marcavam aquela época (Esping-Anderson, 1990). E a revolta por parte dos operários aumentava de dia para dia. ...
Debate-se veemente acerca do papel do setor público, mas nem sempre os intervenientes na discussão conhecem o tipo de Estado que os governa. Pelo que este estudo visa contextualizar o Estado-Providência, através da comparação dos diferentes modelos e exposição das pressões globais para a mudança. Adotando uma revisão de literatura distinguiram-se quatro modelos: Liberal, Corporativista, Escandinavo e do Sul. Conclui-se que a globalização e o envelhecimento da população são os principais fenómenos que colocam a sustentabilidade do Estado-Providência em risco.
... Other research has already examined the solidarity frames political parties use (Wallaschek 2020a) or partisan solidarity frame conflicts in one political context (Thijssen and Verheyen 2022), but a comparative perspective on solidarity frame conflicts in different welfare regimes is lacking. We address this gap and examine these solidarity conflicts by analyzing the solidarity frames in recent party manifestoes in three archetypical welfare regimes, as defined by Esping-Andersen (1990): Sweden -a socialdemocratic regime, Flanders (Belgium) -a conservative regime, and the US -a liberal regime. We explore two research questions. ...
... Although solidarity research has often focused on structural or behavioral aspects, there is a growing belief that solidarity frames, specifically those used by political actors, are also important (e.g., Kneuer et al. 2022;Thijssen and Verheyen 2022;Wallaschek 2020a;2020b). Examining solidarity frames can be helpful to gain insight into the why of solidarity instead of just the how (much) and can thus be a valuable method to understand welfare policitics, as differences exist not only in terms of how much should be spent but also why it should be spent (Esping-Andersen 1990;Hemerijck 2013;Van Hootegem 2022). ...
... As mentioned, to classify and compare regimes, we rely on the classical work of Esping-Andersen (1990). Despite the typology's shortcomings 2 , it remains the most common framework to compare welfare states (Arts and Gelissen 2001;Danforth 2014;Emmenegger et al. 2015). ...
Party political conflict plays an essential role in shaping welfare policies, while they are simultaneously also shaped by these policies. As political parties grapple with the wicked challenges of our times, new forms of solidarity and solidarity conflicts arise across welfare regimes. Despite their significance, these dynamics have not received much recent attention. Our article aims to fill this gap. Through content analysis of party manifestos, we compare the solidarity frames of political parties within and between three distinct welfare regimes—Flanders (Belgium), Sweden, and the United States. Our results confirm our expectations drawn from political feedback literature: while party ideology influences parties' solidarity frame preferences and solidarity conflicts between parties, these preferences and conflicts are also influenced by a welfare regime's societal solidarity norms. Our article highlights the value of analyzing solidarity frames and political solidarity conflicts within welfare‐state regimes to better understand welfare politics and policies.
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König, Pascal D. 2015. “Moral Societal Renewal or Getting the Country Back to Work: Welfare State Culture as a Resource and a Constraint for Policy Discourse.” Politics & Policy 43(5): 647–78. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12130 .
Mioni, Michele, 2021. “The ‘Good Citizen’ as a ‘Respectable Worker:’ State, Unemployment, and Social Policy in the United Kingdom and Italy, 1930 to 1950.” Politics & Policy 49(4): 913–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12425 .
Wagle, Udaya R. 2014. “The Heterogeneity Politics of the Welfare State: Changing Population Heterogeneity and Welfare State Policies in High‐Income OECD Countries, 1980‐2005.” Politics & Policy 41(6): 947–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12053 .
... First, starting with the theoretical workhorses and meta-approaches in political science, it is clear that these would suggest a classic partisanship pattern: while the Left is expected to fight inequality, the Right is more indifferent or accepting of material inequalities. Partisan theory (Hibbs 1977) and power resources theory (PRT) (Esping-Andersen 1990;Korpi 1978;1983;Stephens 1979) suggest that the distribution of societal and political power resources and the political coloring of governments are decisive for egalitarian outcomes and income equalization. 3 Hibbs (1977Hibbs ( , 1468 claims that "the macro-economic policies pursued by left-and rightgovernments are broadly in accordance with the objective economic interests and subjective preferences of their class-defined core political constituencies." ...
... Historians and scholars of the welfare state and inequality often hold that the "golden age" of capitalism (1960s-1970s) coincided with welfare state expansion, followed by an era of retrenchment. During the latter, governments thought they had little choice but to distribute losses rather than gains (Esping-Andersen 1990;Hobsbawm 1996;Pierson 1994). Studies focusing on the impact of globalization or international trade also tend to see the late 1970s and early 1980s as a watershed moment, after which the political choices of elected governments were increasingly constrained. ...
Despite 30 years of research on economic inequality, the question of whether government ideology affects inequality remains unresolved. As rising inequality poses a major challenge to contemporary democracies, we ask: (when) do parties matter regarding inequality? Our systematic analysis finds that research is divided, with a tendency toward a pessimistic “no.” We decipher the factors that account for this split in theoretically predictable ways. We assess the roles played by the type of inequality, the time horizon, and the impact of policy channels. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of 393 TSCS-regression findings show how the type of inequality and a neglect of top incomes, a focus on short- rather than long-term effects, and the inclusion of policy channels that absorb the effects of parties strongly codetermine the results. Effects septuple depending on how these factors are combined. We draw three lessons that, when combined, foster a shift toward a more optimistic perspective on the latitude of politics.
... Normative und monetäre Zielkonflikte bestehen dabei nicht nur innerhalb des sozialpolitischen Feldes, sondern auch zwischen der Sozialpolitik und anderen Politikfeldern. Welche normativen Vorstellungen in Form welcher Maßnahmen und Regelungen umgesetzt werden, ist deshalb immer auch eine Frage der zur Verfügung stehenden Machtressourcen und Akteurskonstellationen (Korpi 1985;Vanhuysse 2009), der gegebenen ökonomischen Rahmenbedingungen (Werding 2019) sowie von verschiedenen Pfadabhängigkeiten (Esping-Andersen 1990;Cox 2004). ...
... So lassen sich neben den gerade angerissenen, zum Teil in Konflikt miteinander stehenden normativen Zielsetzungen, die mit Blick auf die sozialpolitische Problem-und Zieldefinition bestehen, weitere Restriktions-beziehungsweise Einflussfaktoren identifizieren, die sich auf die Umsetzbarkeit von Sozialpolitik auswirken und sie dadurch zu einem grundsätzlich herausforderndem Unterfangen machen. Neben der Frage, welche sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen wie, von wem und in welchem Maße finanziert werden sollen und können (Schmähl 2009;Bäcker et al. 2020: 115 ff.), sind auch die Machtverhältnisse zwischen den jeweils an der Politikgestaltung beteiligten Akteur:innen von zentraler Relevanz (Korpi 1985;Esping-Andersen 1990). Sie bestimmen maßgeblich darüber mit, welche Maßnahmen wie umgesetzt werden oder welche sozialen Probleme im Rahmen von ›non-decisions‹ gegebenenfalls auch ignoriert werden, weil bei mächtigen Akteur:innen kein Interesse an der Veränderung des Status quo besteht (Blum/Schubert 2017: 184). ...
... This means that many studies have been substantially underpowered or have focused on government spending, which may have an impact on any inferences drawn from these studies (see e.g. Esping -Andersen 1990). ...
This chapter summarizes our current knowledge of the relationship between political regimes and the development of welfare states in developing countries. It highlights the disconnect between high demand for welfare programmes in poor countries and the variation in welfare provision across different regimes. It reviews the standard model of political economy by which democracies are expected to adopt more universal redistributive policies than autocracies because of more extensive political participation by the poor. It shows that empirical evidence does not consistently support this model. The chapter then presents alternative theoretical frameworks to argue that the standard view often misrepresents politics of social protection in both democracies and autocracies. First, welfare programmes can serve autocracies by ensuring regime stability through targeted social insurance schemes or to control the population and ruin competing elites. Second, democracies can be 'safeguarded' against redistribution through anti-majoritarian institutions or when the median voter, for various reasons, does not favour redistribution.
... Auch die vergleichende Wohlfahrtsstaatsforschung wird von der feministischen Forschung kritisch aufgegriffen (Ciccia/Sainsbury 2018). Dies gilt im Besonderen für das Konzept der Wohlfahrtsstaatsregimes, nach dem sich einzelne Länder des Globalen Nordens idealtypisch als liberal, konservativ oder sozialdemokratisch organisierte Wohlfahrtsstaatsregime klassifizieren lassen (Esping-Andersen 1990). Geschlechterbezogene Revisionen bringen neue Typisierungen hervor, die teilweise quer zu der in der klassischen Regimeforschung vorgenommenen Klassifizierung liegen. ...
... Employment, closely related to indicators for classifying welfare regimes such as decommodification and the formation of the working class, has always been a core topic of the study of welfare states (Esping-Andersen 1990). Jobs are important to laborers not only in the sense that they provide a major source of income but also because they are part of the eligibility requirements for welfare in some countries. ...
With a detailed historical analysis of postwar Japanese female employment, this article presents three underlying policy perspectives that shape the fact that women have less chance for high-quality employment despite the rising labor force participation rate. The three assumptions of women's role in policy-making are as follows: (1) women as housewives—dependent on males, do not earn a living salary and are thus marginalized in the labor market; (2) women as individuals pursuing gender equality should be treated without discrimination in the workplace; and (3) women as key drivers for economic growth can contribute to the solution to labor shortages. The postwar history of Japanese female employment is full of interaction among these three policy perspectives. Generally, it passes through phases of the dominance of the housewife perspective, the reformation from the equality perspective and the counterattack from the housewife perspective, as well as the mainstreaming of the economic actor perspective.
... Until the nineteenth century, with rare and partial exceptions, states took almost no responsibility for citizens, while philanthropists, churches, charities, and families provided welfare services. The first employment-based occupational insurance schemes mitigating the risk of ill health, work accidents, and old age occurred in the late nineteenth century (Esping-Andersen 1990). In the "welfare states" that subsequently emerged, governments assumed "responsibility for securing some basic modicum of welfare for [their] citizens" to mitigate the effects of natural and social contingencies on individuals' life chances (Esping-Andersen 1990, 18-19). ...
Despite crowdfunding platforms’ growing involvement in financing welfare, related ethical issues have received little scholarly attention. To address this gap, we focus on GoFundMe, the leading welfare crowdfunding platform in the US, to examine whether it facilitates the establishment of a just society that democratizes access to funding. Informed by Rawls’s ethics, we conduct a comprehensive analysis, arguing that GoFundMe’s modus operandi merits criticism. We advance three interrelated arguments for why GoFundMe is morally problematic. First, it distributes information and primary goods unfairly, perpetuating inequalities that disadvantage the most vulnerable. Second, it uses narratives that may distract public attention from systemic flaws in welfare provision, potentially reducing social pressure for institutional reform. Third, its emphasis on individual choice and responsibility may contribute to momentum for neoliberal policymaking. We show why scholars, policymakers, and platforms should engage in debate about regulating welfare crowdfunding activities to improve their ethicality.
... l as on the designing and running of home economics courses 1 We will be using Scandinavia and the Nordic countries alternately and almost synonymously when referring to either just Norway, Sweden, and Denmark (usually understood as the Scandinavian Peninsula) or all the five Nordic countries, also including Iceland and Finland. 2 Esping-Andersen, Gösta. 1990. The three worlds of welfare capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; Hernes, Helga M. 1987. Welfare State and Woman Power. Essays in State Feminism. Oslo: Norwegian University Press. 3 Lützen, Karin. 2000. "The Cult of Domesticity in Danish Women's Philanthropy, 1870." Gender and Vocation. Women, Religion, and Social Chan ...
The first part of the twentieth century involved profound changes of the economic structures of society. New welfare regimes occurred that focused on public health and education and, in the Nordic countries, led to several initiatives aimed at widening knowledge and disseminating it to many and new groups of people. They included women who had not hitherto been offered much schooling and whose situations also varied much according to social class, space, and place of upbringing. Such gender and intersectional issues are usually not dealt with in welfare state theories but will be focal points of this chapter. In the Scandinavian countries of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, these developments led to an increased focus on home economics as an educational and professional field. Accordingly, the focus is on Scandinavian networks on home economics education for women in the decades around 1900. We aim at understanding the backgrounds of the networks: whom they targeted, what tasks they comprised for the role of women, and how their ideas of ideal womanhood intersected with gender and social class, whether located in urban or rural areas in Scandinavia?
... Culture is also crucial for understanding attitudes toward etatism and pension benefits. According to the seminal work of Esping-Andersen (1990), countries such as the USA, UK, Canada, and Ireland are classified as liberal welfare states. Esping-Andersen use of the term liberal emphasizes the means test coupled with the free market rather than a pure classical understanding or corporatist maintenance of social hierarchies. ...
The goal of the study is to evaluate the influence of participants' expected inheritance (assets) on their attitudes toward etatism and pension benefits. The primary question is whether young people with an expected family inheritance exhibit different attitudes in these areas. Additionally, the study examines attitudes across gender, age, and country. One of the most significant challenges of pensions is preserving value over an individual's lifetime, as there is no definitive answer regarding which assets perform best in this regard. Public skepticism toward the pension system and the state is common, complicating matters further. This problem is particularly pronounced among younger individuals who have yet to assume full economic and financial responsibilities. They are often less economically literate and have limited access to financial advice. However, they do receive some foundational prior knowledge from their homes. The rationale for incorporating attitudes towards pensions as a valid variable is that prior knowledge plays a crucial role in judgments on specific issues, such as preserving value in the future or evaluating long-term investments. Even without personal experience, individuals have attitudes that shape their judgments. Overall, more than 700 people participated in the study. After removing outliers, N= 531 valid cases from seven countries: Poland, Romania, the USA, the UK, Canada, and Ireland. A power analysis preceded the testing of the MANOVA model. We found a significant difference in attitudes among participants who grew up in families investing in real estate and tangible assets. Those from families that invested in tangible assets exhibited a stronger concern regarding pension benefits, implying that people with such investments feel less secure about their pensions. Additionally, we found a significant interaction effect between the type of country and expected inheritance. In the Anglosphere countries, people have more positive attitudes toward etatism and pension benefits compared to those in Poland and Romania. This outcome confirms stronger kinship ties in the latter countries and a higher cultural attachment to real estate.
... Dans le même sens JESSOP (1993) préfère utiliser le concept de Schumpterian Workfare State par opposition au Keynesian Welfare State. il est enfin évident que cette nouvelle forme de l'État est appelée à prendre plusieurs visages en fonction des conjonctures et des trajectoires nationales, comme a pu le faire l'État-providence (ESPING- ANDERSON, 1990). principes de nature particulariste qui rompent avec la perspective universaliste de l'État-providence (Beauchemin, Bourque et Duchastel, 1995). ...
... Its Gini-coefficient was and is around 0.30 -similar to the Scandinavian states. The Danish author Gøsta Esping-Andersen (1990) differentiates between three worlds of welfare capitalism. (Bleses & Seeleib-Kaiser 2004) 1 9 7 7 1 9 7 9 1 9 8 1 1 9 8 3 1 9 8 5 1 9 8 7 1 9 8 9 1 9 9 1 1 9 9 3 1 9 9 5 1 9 9 7 1 9 9 9 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 3 2 0 0 5 2 0 0 7 10,0 After the two oil-price shocks, which led to a global crisis, capital started to question the social partnership, which was the base of the German model of welfarecapitalism. ...
The history of Germany is full of contradictions. Perhaps it is together with Japan the most contradictory society in the world. It was never able to realize democracy by its own efforts. The revolution of 1848 failed as other attempts during the 19th century (France, Hungary etc.), although Germany had one of the strongest labour movements in the world. The Bismarckian Welfare State was combined with political oppression: the carrot and the stick (Lorenz von Stein 1956). The German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler (1987) draws back this failure of democratic culture to the early 18th century, when Prussia started its ‘Defensive modernisation’, i.e. an authoritarian modernisation top-down, which was copied by Japan in the Meiji-period and by the Asian tigers (South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong) later on in the 1960s and 1970s.
... Sosiaalisella kansalaisuudella on kansalaisuuskeskusteluissa usein tarkoitettu hyvinvointivaltioon ja sosiaaliturvaan kytkeytyvää kansalaisuutta, eli sosiaalietuuksiin ja -palveluihin liittyviä kansalaisten oikeuksia ja velvollisuuksia(Marshall 1992;Esping-Andersen 1990;Johansson & Hvinden 2007; Taylor- Gooby 2009, 4-5). Toisinaan käsite on ymmärretty myös laajemmin ihmisten, kollektiivien, instituutioiden ja yhteiskuntarakenteiden välisinä suhteina, ja näissä suhteissa käytävinä neuvotteluina arvostetun kansalaisen asemasta yhteiskunnassa(Isin ym. ...
... Tenure transition refers to changes in tenure status, with a specific focus in this study on transitions from being a renter to becoming a homeowner. We draw our empirical evidence from the three Nordic capital cities of Helsinki, Oslo, and Stockholm, with these being very similar in many aspects, and which represent social democratic welfare regimes which possess extensive similarities in terms of social benefits, welfare coverage, institutions, and taxation (Esping-Anderson, 1990). However, they differ markedly in their housing regimes (Wessel et al., 2017). ...
... Therefore, according to the author (OFFE, 1992), UBI opens the possibility for public policies to better align with environmental and sustainable agendas, given its post-productivist tendency. Also, proponents argue that UBI would be more effective than the traditional welfare state, as suggested by Esping-Andersen (1990), in fighting inequality and socioeconomic exclusion. ...
This paper elucidates the inseparable connection between the pursuit of a more ecologically sustainable society and the quest for socioeconomic justice. It also demonstrates why Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is an effective policy to act on both fronts. First, the corresponding theory on environmental and socioeconomic oppression sheds light on the argument that both types of domination stem from the same historical process and are inherently interconnected. Addressing one without considering the other is essentially flawed; they are both features and consequences of present society. Acknowledging the historical debt owed to vulnerable economic classes and developing countries is imperative. Green republicanism could potentially establish a theoretical foundation for social-ecological thinking. Defining freedom as non-domination and applying this concept to nature are essential prerequisites for overcoming socioeconomic and environmental oppression. UBI is presented and discussed theoretically as a strong solution to address these two challenges. It serves not only as a means to facilitate the transition to a post-productivist society, transforming labor relations, but also as a catalyst for the development of circular economies and more sustainable occupations. Additionally, the basic income policy implemented in the city of Maricá, Brazil, is cited as empirical evidence showcasing the environmental and socioeconomic values of UBI.
... Sweden is considered a social democratic welfare state which, according to Esping-Andersen (1989), means that there is an emphasis on the importance of universal access to welfare benefits and services, both of which are considered as social rights. The author argues that: [p]erhaps the most salient characteristic of the social democratic regime is its fusion of welfare and work. ...
Disabled people encounter numerous barriers to accessibility and face discrimination and inequalities in their daily lives. The situation is even more complex for migrants with a disability, who have to learn how to navigate a new bureaucratic system. This study focuses on deaf adult migrants and the linguistic and bureaucratic challenges they face in Swedish society. The data consists of interviews with 43 deaf migrants participating in language learning courses in four folk high schools catering to deaf people in Sweden. Crip Theory and Crip Linguistics are used as lenses to explore the impact of able-bodiedness and linguistic norms on this particular group. The findings show that deaf migrants experience infantilisation, that sign language interpreters are often seen as a one-size-fits-all solution without much consideration for other factors influencing communication, and that normative able-bodiedness underlies many of the bureaucratic issues deaf migrants face.
Целью данной статьи является проведение тщательного библиометрического анализа, на основе существующих исследований в данной области и выделение доминирующих трендов. Тема давно изучается в экономической литературе и имеет особое значение для экономического и социального развития любой страны. Ежегодно во многих странах, включая и Казахстан, растет доля населения старшего возраста. С увеличением продолжительности жизни, получателей пенсий растет и нагрузка на бюджет, государственные социальные органы и медицинские услуги. Все это обуславливает необходимость исследовании по данному вопросу. В результате анализ показал всесторонний обзор состояния исследований в этой области, включая публикационную активность, географический охват, известные журналы и наиболее часто используемые ключевые слова. Для достижения данной цели, были выдвинуты следующие вопросы: 1. Каково состояние научного интереса к теме социальной защиты населения старшего возраста? 2. Какие страны, журналы, ключевые слова входят в число лидеров? Результаты этого исследования показывают, что социальная защита пожилых во всем мире представляет значительный интерес для обсуждения и исследований. Однако необходимы дальнейшие исследования с более подробным учетом роста числа пожилого населения. Ключевые слова: социальная защита, пожилые, население старшего возраста, благосостояние, библиометрические исследования, R-biblioshiny.
Mit dem Begriff der Armutsdiskurse lassen sich historische »Armutsde-batte[n]« (Hradil 2010: 3) fassen. Hervorgehoben werden dann spezifische, historisch-kulturell situierte Äußerungsinhalte respektive damit verbundene inhaltliche Positionen. Armutsdebatten verweisen beispielsweise darauf, dass das Phänomen der Armut immer wieder neu verhandelt wird: ›Ist Armut relativ oder nur absolut bestimmt?‹ ›Wird Armut der individuellen Leistungsfähigkeit oder strukturellen Teilhabebedingungen zugeschrieben?‹ ›Ist Armut nur ökonomisch definiert oder auch sozial-kulturell?‹ Plädoyers für die eine, die andere oder weitere Positionen symbolisieren die inhaltlichen Möglichkeiten, die innerhalb von Armutsdebatten in Bezug auf eine Bestimmung von Armut eingenommen werden. Der Begriff der Armutsdiskurse geht in diesem Fall im Begriff der Armutsdebatte auf. Diskurstheoretisch nehmen sich vor allem wissenssoziologische Zugänge (vgl. Keller 2005: 175ff.) der diskursiven Logik von Debatten an. Sie interessiert, wie diese strategisch oder taktisch von sozialen Akteuren formiert werden, welche Interessen, Motive, Bedürfnisse und Zwecke sich also in der Art und Weise, wie etwas gedacht, geäußert und gewusst wird, einschreiben (vgl. ebd.: 217). Korrespondierend dazu, aber aus einer anderen theoretischen Deutungsperspektive, wendet sich die »Kritische Diskursanalyse« der Formierung von Denk-und Deutungslogiken zu (Jäger 1999). Allerdings wendet sie das Verhältnis von Praxis und Diskurs im Unterschied zu wissenssoziologischen Zugängen und argumentiert aus einer materialistischen Perspektive für ein Verständnis des Diskurses als »überindividuell« (ebd.: 148): »Das Individuum macht den Diskurs nicht, das Umgekehrte ist der Fall« (ebd.). Mit einer diskurstheoretischen Perspektive, wie sie die Kritische Diskursanalyse einnimmt, deutet sich schon an, dass Armutsdiskurse nicht in Armutsdebatten aufgehen. Sie lassen sich vielmehr in einem umfassenderen Sinne auch als historisch-spezifische Möglichkeitsräume der Rationalisierung und ...
This is my dissertation on oranizational ecology and labor market mobility. At the same time, it is an evolutionary perspective on social change, which I still appreciate. The book is written in German and published in 2003. It is not available anymore. Since there won't be a 2nd edition, for sure (not really a best-selling book ...), and its impact was rather >modest<, it should be fine to publish it online.
Michael Windzio
A partir del concepto de Organización Social de los Cuidados (OSC) y de la metodología de los halos del cuidado, este artículo analiza la oferta de tipos de trabajos de cuidado remunerados y la OSC desde las demandas para dos campos del cuidado: la infancia y la vejez. Se evidencia cómo el trabajo de cuidado sigue reposando mayoritariamente en las familias, ya sea de forma no remunerada o remunerada, y la ausencia casi total del Estado en la provisión de ese tipo de servicios. Esto se traduce en una alta feminización y precariedad que traslada las malas condiciones en las que se presta el trabajo de cuidado no remunerado al remunerado. Esta OSC evidencia la necesidad de que una futura agenda de los ODS incorpore la desfeminización de los cuidados, las interrelaciones entre trabajo no remunerado y remunerado, y el trabajo decente.
Artigo baseado no capítulo 4 da tese de doutorado (1997), a partir de trabalho apresentado em mesa redonda coordenada por Alberto Tosi Rodrigues na ABCP do ano 2000.
The year 2024 marks significant anniversaries in the field of Swiss disability policies, reflecting a complex trajectory where notable advances in inclusion and non-discrimination coexist with path-dependency and competing political priorities. This special issue sheds light on the conflicting agendas of the promotion of human rights, inclusion and equality for people with disabilities and their actual implementation, which is confronted by cost-containment measures that restrict access to disability benefits and hinder progressive reforms in disability services. The ambition of this special issue is to highlight the fundamental contradictions between the potentials and limits of disability policy transformation. This editorial introduces how these paradoxes of disability policies operate both internationally and in the Swiss context while providing an overview of the insightful papers included in this special issue.
Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir a intrincada relação e a influência mútua entre felicidade e educação em um nível macro. Baseando-nos em uma das teorias de realização do desejo (modelo de dois níveis de Leontiev) como base teórica, definimos felicidade como uma fusão de desejo e realidade e consideramos os métodos oferecidos pela educação para harmonizar esses componentes. Elucidamos o papel do construto felicidade, que, funcionando como ideologema, acaba sendo um instrumento ambíguo da política educacional. A percepção da felicidade no espírito de felicidade-mínimo (felicidade passiva motivada por deficiência) ou no espírito de felicidade-máxima (ser-motivado, felicidade ativa) determina as estratégias para alcançar a felicidade – o jogo descendente e o jogo ascendente, que nós, partindo do conceito de Quilter, analisamos através do prisma da ética da renúncia e da ética do florescimento. Sua escolha e distribuição entre diferentes estratos de alunos dependem da abordagem (social-democrata, conservadora ou liberal) no sistema educacional do país e são uma questão de justiça social. Revelamos a carga felixológica da educação como unidade de aprendizagem e formação, que determina seu duplo papel na promoção da felicidade: graças a ela, a capacidade de experimentar a felicidade se expande, mas, ao mesmo tempo, o risco de frustração e infelicidade aumenta. Chegamos à conclusão de que a educação deve se desenvolver sistematicamente – juntamente com melhorias em outras instituições sociais e esferas da vida, caso contrário, não terá consequências positivas, mas negativas.
We developed standardized methods that allow for computing National Transfer Accounts (NTA) statistics consistently from 1984 to 2014 and applied this uniform approach to analyze the evolution of three NTA accounts. By detailing our computation methods, we ensure that the results can be replicated, providing a consistent basis for discussion using NTA. Our analysis revealed that the 23–39 age group experienced the slowest consumption growth since 2004, despite having higher labor income growth compared to other age groups. This discrepancy is attributed to a greater public transfer burden on this age group. This finding offers a new perspective on the potential causes of declining marriage and fertility rates in Japan. Additionally, we discuss potential improvements to the NTA estimation methods and framework.
Societies are experiencing deep and intertwined structural changes that may unsettle perceptions European citizens have of their economic and employment security. In turn, such perceptions likely alter people’s political positions. For instance, those worried by labour market competition may prefer greater social protection to compensate for the accrued risk, or prefer more closed economies where external borders provide protection (or perceived protection). We develop expectations about how such distinct reactions can emerge from distinct labour-market risks of globalization, or automation, or migration. We test these expectations using a conjoint experiment in 13 European countries on European-level social policy. Results broadly corroborate our expectations on how different concerns about sources of labour market competition yield support for different features of European-level social policy.
O artigo examina as mudanças na fundamentação das decisões recentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em relação aos direitos sociais, com ênfase nas relações de trabalho, especialmente no que se refere à terceirização. A partir de 1988, a Corte validou reformas constitucionais liberalizantes e promotoras da austeridade fiscal, mas utilizando abordagens predominantemente jurídicas ou processuais, sem manifestar posições substancialmente alinhadas com leituras neoliberais da constituição econômica. No campo dos direitos sociais, o Tribunal recorreu episodicamente a fundamentações consequencialistas e manifestou preocupações orçamentárias, mas manteve uma perspectiva liberal moderada, coerente com o caráter dialético da Constituição. Entretanto, nos últimos anos, em decisões que enfraqueceram os direitos trabalhistas, surgiram nos votos argumentos políticos de orientação conservadora que conferem clara primazia da proteção ao livre mercado nas relações trabalhistas. Essa mudança de postura é evidenciada pela análise da decisão na ADPF 324/DF, que permitiu a terceirização irrestrita e revelou uma alteração na abordagem sobre a relação entre direito e economia, encampando uma lógica de mercantilização das relações de trabalho. O artigo sugere que essa virada jurisprudencial pode ter repercussões na interpretação de outros direitos socioeconômicos e, por consequência, na própria concepção de constitucionalismo social que a Constituição de 1988 procurou consolidar.
This essay explores the long-term transformation of the welfare regimes--the complex of policies and institutions for social transfers and regulation spreading across health care, retirement security, social assistance, and labor markets--of Brazil and Mexico over the three-decade, 1980-2010 period through the lens of gradual institutional change (GIC) theory in comparative political economy. Both had similar starting point of segmented, corporatist, partially inclusive regimes as of the crisis of import substition and moves more statist, protectionist economic policies to market- and outward-oriented models. It is argued that Brazil's evolution can best be seen through the ideal type of "institutional layering" from GIC theory, with the steady accumulation of programs, benefits, and policies over time, particularly from the new Constitution of 1988 and on through the Cardoso and particular Lula governments. On the other hand, Mexico's welfare regime transformation can best be understood through the GIC category of "displacement" of former programs and principles centered on the organized labor and peasantry and state-society-governing party linkage toward a residualist, market-oriented "asistencialismo," less generous, less inclusive, and more oriented toward the disorganized poor. GIC theory and its typology of forms of institutional change helps us understand and analyze long-range evolution as well as struggles that occur over the interpretation and enactment of insitutional norms and reforms in context such as these--"big-bang," fundamental, "all at once" reforms such as those expected by dominant currents in the literature were rare and instead piecemeal, incremental, cumulative changes were the predominant pattern.
Der Beitrag präsentiert erste theoretisch-konzeptionelle Grundlagen für eine intersektionale Sozialstaatsforschung und illustriert deren erkenntnistheoretischen Mehrwert am Beispiel der Arbeitsmarktteilhabe von Migrantinnen in Deutschland. Ich argumentiere, dass die bisherige (auch feministische) Sozialstaatstheorie der nationalstaatlichen Rahmung von Sozialstaaten zu wenig Aufmerksamkeit schenkt und Migrationsverhältnisse daher anders als Geschlechterverhältnisse nicht als systematisches Verhältnis von Sozialstaaten begreift. Anknüpfend an bestehende internationale Forschung schlägt der Beitrag eine intersektionale Sozialstaatsanalyse vor, benennt damit einhergehende Prämissen und illustriert diese exemplarisch entlang der Arbeitsmarktteilhabe von Migrantinnen zu zwei verschiedenen historischen Zeitpunkten in Deutschland: ‚Gastarbeiterinnen‘ in der deutschen Wirtschaft und geflüchtete muslimisch-markierte Frauen im SGB II-Bezug. Die Analysen machen deutlich, dass mit einer intersektionalen Sozialstaatsforschung Widersprüche zwischen und innerhalb sozialpolitischer Politiken und Diskursen ebenso sichtbar werden wie deren Wechselwirkungen mit den subjektiven Praktiken der Frauen.
Over the past decades, social policy in OECD countries has experienced significant shifts in family and income security policies. This article investigates these changes from a feminist political economy perspective and argues how they give rise to a gendered double movement. The double movement results from increased (re)commodification combined with rising individualisation, which has a dual effect: it releases women from familial duties while simultaneously commodifying female labour. By integrating the concepts of familisation, individualisation, decommodification and (re)commodification, this analysis examines data from 17 OECD countries between 1985 and 2010 regarding three aspects: the extent of shifts towards individualisation and (re)commodification in welfare states, the identification of distinct welfare state types based on these dimensions, and their consistency over time. The findings show a trend towards increased (re)commodifying policies from 1985 to 1995 and a rise in individualising policies from the late 1990s. By using a cluster analysis with a longitudinal perspective based on four dimensions, six different types of welfare states can be identified, highlighting both stability and shifts. Notably, shifts mostly occur in the same direction, moving towards an optional familialistic/individualistic flexicurity, which combines strong familising and individualising family policies with de- and (re)commodifying income security policies.
The evolution of social welfare in Europe is usually regarded as a linear process in the creation of more integrated and comprehensive public systems. However, European welfare states have resulted from power relations, patterns of inclusion and exclusion, and self-help. This introduction illustrates the approach adopted in this book, which investigates the interrelation between socially marginalised people and those charged with their assistance during the interwar period: the state, local authorities, and myriad voluntary actors. By emphasising these interactions on a local, national, and transnational level, the book challenges simplistic distinctions between public and private initiatives, stressing instead that a mixed system has supplied care for the social marginal.
The case studies deal with various geographical areas and social contexts, allowing for the exploration of social marginality through the prisms of gender and age, along with national and religious factors. The three main thematic areas, related to the wars, institutional segregation, and the action for young women and poor mothers, convey the mixed character of aid to marginals, the private involvement in state- and nation-building projects, and the implications in terms of social disciplining.
This book presents and reflects on the scientific evaluation results of the Innovation Fund project OBERBERG_FAIRsorgt, which generated both quantitative and qualitative data. The qualitative analysis is developed in detail. In addition, there is comprehensive interdisciplinary analysis of and reflection on the problems of the network development needed to anchor such a case management project in integrated care at the intersection of medicine and long-term care in the social sphere. The book systematically integrates the project experiences into a critical cultural analysis of the endogenous barriers to transformation in the established system in terms of its sectoralisation, fragmentation and problematic formations.
En este artículo presento una crítica de las corrientes contemporáneas de la teoría crítica posmetafísica. Sostengo que, a la hora de entender las teorías normativas que éstas han desarrollado y por qué son insuficientes como teoría crítica de la sociedad, hay que tener en cuenta los cambios en la economía política. Concluyo presentando un paradigma alternativo: el de una ontología social crítica que tenga en cuenta la estructura completa de las necesidades y capacidades humanas.
This study investigates the correlation between the Gini index and gross domestic product (GDP) in two of the world's largest capitalist economies: the United States and the United Kingdom. Utilizing econometric methods, including stationarity tests and linear regression, this research work aims to elucidate the relationship between economic inequality and economic growth. The results for the United States reveal a significant positive correlation between GDP and the Gini index, suggesting that economic growth is associated with rising income inequality. In contrast, the United Kingdom shows a much weaker relationship, indicating that other factors, such as redistributive policies and social welfare programs, may mitigate the impact of economic growth on income inequality. These findings highlight the importance of national policies and institutional frameworks in shaping economic outcomes and can be used in policy making. This study contributes to the existing literature by providing a comparative analysis of the correlation between GDP and the Gini index in two major capitalist economies, offering fresh empirical insights.
Desde sua proposta em 1991, por W. Scott Stornetta e Stuart Haber e sua efetiva criação em 2008, por Satoshi Nakamoto, a plataforma Blockchain passa por constantes modificações e aprimoramentos de suas funcionalidades em vias de maior adequação aos fatores de eficácia e eficiência dos serviços passíveis de automatização, seja no setor público ou seja no setor privado. A partir deste contexto, exsurge o problema de pesquisa deste artigo: como a tecnologia Blockchain está sendo utilizada no setor jurídico pela Administração Pública e pela Administração de Empresas e quais as diretrizes de Governança e Compliance são e podem ser utilizadas ou propostas para os referidos setores? Para responder ao problema proposto, objetiva-se: I) demonstrar o que é e como a plataforma Blockchain funciona; II) identificar as aplicações jurídicas da Blockchain nos sistemas econômico e jurídico brasileiro; e III) verificar a existência, bem como propor iniciativas ou revisões de diretrizes de Governança e Compliance para essa ferramenta. Como resultado, verifica-se que há intensa e constante aplicação da tecnologia blockchain nos setores públicos e privados, mas há uma carência sobre os indicativos de implementação. Ao final, mesmo reconhecendo a limitação do estudo em exaurir as possibilidades, apresentam-se algumas diretrizes de Governança e de Compliance para que a tecnologia blockchain seja utilizada adequadamente. Para alcançar os resultados e as conclusões pretendidas, utiliza-se o método de pesquisa integrada associado a técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica.
Dario Azzellini. 2024. "Crowdwork: Kontext und Kompetenzentwicklung in den Ländern Italien, den Niederlanden, Schweden und dem Vereinigten Königreich."
Working Papers des Forschungsclusters OPAL der Helmut-Schmidt-Universität. Working Papers No. 14, Hamburg 2024, 111 S.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung zu Crowdwork bietet einen Überblick zu den Funktionen und Praxen der Gestaltung von Crowdworking-Plattformen im Allgemeinen und in vier Ländern Europas (Italien, Niederlande, Schweden und Vereinigtes Königreich) im Besonderen. Im Einzelnen werden Forschungsergebnisse zu den folgenden Themen dargestellt:
- Aufarbeitung des Forschungsstandes inklusive Verbreitung von Crowdwork, institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen für Crowdwork, v.a. Beschäftigungssysteme, Befunde zu Gigwork-Plattformen und nationale Formen der Interessenvertretung/Organisation von Crowdworkern.
- Darstellung und Analyse der Bildungsvoraussetzungen von Crowdworkern sowie der Kompetenzen, Zertifizierung und Kompetenzentwicklung von Crowdworkern. Dabei sind die folgenden fünf Fragen leitend: Welche Kategorisierung und Zertifizierung wenden Plattformen an? Welche Ressourcen zur Kompetenzentwicklung stellen Plattformen zur Verfügung? Welche institutionellen Maßnahmen existieren? Wie sieht die selbstorganisierte Kompetenzentwicklung aus? Wie sind die Aussichten auf Arbeitsmarktintegration und die Karrieremöglichkeiten in der Crowdwork?
- Darstellung zu Arbeitsweise, Anforderungs- und Angebotsstrukturen von 26 Crowdworking-Plattformen, die in den vier Untersuchungsländern aktiv sind. Hier werden auch unterschiedliche Geschäftsmodelle und Zielgruppen deutlich.
- Fallstudien von acht global agierenden Crowdworking-Plattformen und von Crowdworking-Plattformen aus Italien, den Niederlanden, Schweden und dem Vereinigten Königreich zu Arbeitsweise, Anforderungs- und Angebotsstrukturen sowie den Maßnahmen zur Kompetenzentwicklung und Zertifizierung.
This paper uses a transitions regime framework to track the development of government supported apprenticeships in England from the 1990s to the 2020s. During this period the apprenticeship programme grew from around 30,000 to 330,000 starts per year. Traditional apprenticeships were targeted at a specific age group who were entering a narrow band of skilled occupations. After three-plus years of training the recipients were intended to be ‘skilled for life’. Today’s government supported apprentices can be any age, last for any period from six months to four or five years, and at are all levels from basic to post-graduate. It is argued that this outcome arises from allowing education and labour markets to distribute government support, and is helping to align England’s youth transition regime with the realities of working lives in the twenty-first century.
This paper explores the intersection of poverty and recognition theory, grounded in Axel Honneth’s framework, to offer a novel perspective on poverty as a multifaceted social phenomenon. It argues that poverty should be understood not only as a lack of material resources but also as a significant deficit in social recognition, encompassing respect and social esteem. By situating poverty within the institutionalized order of recognition, the paper highlights how poverty both stems from and contributes to a lack of recognition, leading to social exclusion, shame, and stigmatization. The theoretical approach is complemented by selected empirical studies that illustrate the lived experiences of poverty, emphasizing the emotional and psychological impacts that extend beyond material deprivation. While the paper advances the theoretical understanding of poverty, it also identifies gaps in the current research, particularly the need for more empirical studies to substantiate these claims. Future research could expand upon these insights through cross-cultural studies and empirical investigations that further explore the connection between recognition and poverty. This work lays the groundwork for a deeper exploration of poverty as a social phenomenon that transcends economic metrics, advocating for a more holistic approach to poverty research.
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