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Collaborationism in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe

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... As early as the late 1960s, John A. Armstrong drew parallels between the three nationalist movements e the OUN, Usta sa, and the Slovak People's Party (Armstrong, 1968). He showed the differences between Eastern European integral nationalist movements and fascism, arguing that the basic motivation of the former's collaborationism during World War II was ethnic rather than ideological. ...
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Although considering Ukrainian integral nationalism as a variety of fascism is not without foundation (especially within the framework of the history of ideas), the fascist model has a limited heuristic value for the Ukrainian case. The proper designation for the ideology and practice of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and similar movements in stateless nations is not fascism, but rather ustashism (from the Croatian Ustaša), which can be defined as revolutionary integral nationalism developing under conditions of perceived foreign oppression and using violence for the purpose of national liberation and the creation of an independent authoritarian state.
... 31 In particular, they highlight the degree, depth, length, and shifting nature of their collaboration with the Nazis. 32 They are especially revealing concerning the complicated issue of the degree to which some OUN members' active participation in the Holocaust was related to German inspiration or rather to indigenous Ukrainian anti-Semitism. 33 The third article does not directly deal with the 31 --JSPPS 6:1 (2020) --OUN itself, but provides an extensive discussion of issues of interpretation and conceptualization of the main war-time ultranationalist organization that is comparable to the OUN-the Ustaša. ...
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This is the third instalment in an ongoing series of thematic JSPPS sections dedicated to the memory and history of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its military arm, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukr. abbrev.: UPA). The first two special sections focused on some contentious issues in the history and memory of the OUN and UPA and their comparatively informed interpretation. They tackled questions related to the historical, political, sociological, and ethical assessment of these organizations, and the contemporary use of their history against the background of the Russian-Ukrainian war since 2014. This section has similar general foci, yet deals in more detail—though, by no means, exhaustively!—with a particular subset of controversial topics in the history of the OUN and UPA, as well as issues surrounding their legacy for present day Ukraine, already touched upon by, among others, Igor Barinov in previous instalments. These articles provide additional observations and perspectives on both OUN(b) and OUN(m), and their complicated relationships to war-time fascism, in general, and German Nazism, in particular, as well as on the relation of the OUN’s ideology to the participation of some of its members in the Holocaust. https://www.ibidem.eu/en/zeitschriften/journal-of-soviet-and-post-soviet-politics-and-society/journal-of-soviet-and-post-soviet-politics-and-society-17455.html https://spps-jspps.autorenbetreuung.de/en/jspps/current-issue.html
... 31 In particular, they highlight the degree, depth, length, and shifting nature of their collaboration with the Nazis. 32 They are especially revealing concerning the complicated issue of the degree to which some OUN members' active participation in the Holocaust was related to German inspiration or rather to indigenous Ukrainian anti-Semitism. 33 The third article does not directly deal with the 31 OUN itself, but provides an extensive discussion of issues of interpretation and conceptualization of the main war-time ultranationalist organization that is comparable to the OUN-the Ustaša. ...
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This foreword is our third JSPPS preface on the topic "Issues in the History and Memory of the OUN," and provides an extensive bibliographical update. It does not repeat what was already outlined in the introductions to the previous installments, both freely available in full online. https://www.ibidem.eu/de/zeitschriften/journal-of-soviet-and-post-soviet-politics-and-society/journal-of-soviet-and-post-soviet-politics-and-society-17087.html
... Although the issue of WWII collaborationism in Europe was rst analytically scrutinised in the 1960s, in two pioneering academic articles by Stanley Hoffmann (1968) and John A. Armstrong (1968), the stormy public debate was triggered in 1991 with the publication of Henry Rousso's seminal work The Vichy Syndrome (1991). The French historian examined shifts in public attitudes to the occupation of France since 1944. ...
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This volume offers a multidisciplinary approach to shaping and imposition of “formulas for betrayal” as a result of changing memory politics in post-war Europe. The contributors, who specialize in history, sociology, anthropology, memory studies, media studies and cultural studies, discuss the exertion of political control over memory (including the selection, imposition, silencing or ideological “twisting” of facts), the usage of “formulas for betrayal” in various cultural-political contexts, and the discursive framing of the betraying subject for the purpose of legitimizing various memory regimes and ideologies.
Article
This paper examines how the issue of collaboration was presented and dealt with in Soviet, Western and post-Soviet Russian and Belarusian writings. Furthermore the paper discusses the national, socioeconomic and political preconditions of collaboration with the German occupation forces in Belarus. The author highlights the relationship of collaboration with the prewar Soviet policies and analyses the politics of Belarusian nationalists and independentist émigrés from 1917 to 1941. The Nazi recruitment of Belarusian exiles of different military, political and intelligence organisations and the funding of Belarusian pro-German oriented right-wing organisations are described. The reactions of the Belarusian civilian population and its attitudes vis-à-vis the German occupation authorities and Soviet partisans at the initial stage of the war are then discussed. The paper underlines the complexity of motives and the variety of forms of collaboration. The collaboration movement in Belarus was far from homogeneous: some people supported the Germans on the basis of their political principles, nationalistic ideas and state-building aspirations; some collaborated because they rejected Soviet economic and cultural polices, while the majority just wanted to survive the war and improve their postwar chances. Particular attention is devoted to the nature and peculiarities of Nazi polices in the occupied territory of Belarus. The harsh measures introduced by Germans (requisitions by the troops, forced labour program, collective reprisals and the genocide of Belarusian Jewry etc.) jeopardised the positive or neutral attitude of the local population toward the Germans, aroused hostility and became one of the main factors that caused the change in attitude. Finally, the paper analyses the transition from collaboration to resistance in late 1943–1944 on the basis of several considerations: the change in the course of the war, the influence of propaganda, and an emerging understanding that the Soviets would emerge victorious.
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The Chechen Conflict is the most fatal and protracted conflict in the post-Soviet space. While it is the most discussed conflict there, it is also the least understood. Many contradicting accounts of it exist, and still many questions remain unanswered. One reason is that the nature of this conflict has changed over time. Unlike what many - particularly Western - analysts think, it is not a religious conflict. It began as an ethno-nationalist separatist conflict but only later was it infiltrated by extremist Salafis/Wahhabis. At this moment a war is going on between the local Chechen and the central Russian governments against the Salafi/Wahhabi Emirate of the Caucasus. Chechnya is the only autonomous region in Russia in which a separatist movement had been successful. The possible reasons are the peculiarities of the Caucasus; especially its mosaic type of ethnogeographic configuration and the traumatic past of many of its peoples. Another important factor in the explanation of such a separatist conflict in Chechnya - and nowhere else in the North Caucasus - is the fact that only in Chechnya has a titular minority enjoyed a dominant demographic position. This paper also discusses issues such as the nature of Islam in Chechnya and the Russian geopolitical codes.
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This article analyses the concepts and phenomena of collaborationism and conformism in Estonia during the Soviet annexation. The focus is on cultural personalities and events connected to choir music and the Song Celebration Movement in 1940-1985. An important source for studying this subject is the correspondence between two creative figures: Tuudur Vettik and Roland Laasmae. This period in the Estonian Song Celebration history was marked by an ideological pressure from the Communist Party, and creative figures - poets, composers, choirmasters and bodies organising the Song Celebrations - largely depended on the attitude of party leaders and on cooperation with them to ensure their stable and calm day-to-day existence. Rebels could expect a whole range of repressions: imprisonment, deportation to Siberia, or local persecution and boycott. The article briefly delves into the history of the concept of collaborationism by describing its various nuances and periods; manifestations of the phenomenon are analysed in other fields beside the music. Comparison is made with the history of other West European states (incl. former socialist countries), and the experiences of the Baltic states during the period in question are also analysed.
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This article is devoted to a description of racial and nationality policies under German occupation in the particular case of the Generalbezirk Dnjepropetrowsk. It will analyse the double-national (German-Ukrainian) rhetoric made up by the nazis and their local collaborators to justify the 'New Order' established in Ukraine. This rhetoric will be described through the analysis of forced Ukrainization of the Dnipropetrovsk city administration carried out by the mayor, Sokolovskyj, the reading of local newspapers (Dnipropetrovs'ka Hazeta and others) and the speeches at political celebrations (anniversary of the liberation from communism and Hitler's and Shevchenko's birthdays). This will allow illustration of how the nazis and their collaborators succeeded in creating a racial rhetoric that opposed two nationalities - the Germans and their younger brothers the Ukrainians - to another nationality, the Jews, who were accused of all the crimes and offences committed by the Soviets.
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What functions does “collaboration” play in our moral and political practices and how did it come to play those roles? We use the term “collaboration” to identify a valued partnership, but it also names a morally compromised association and functions as a reason for blaming and punishing complicitous behavior. However, it has also played nefarious political roles: shoring up patriarchy, legitimizing ethnic cleansing, and bolstering a myth of national unity. “Collaboration” plays various roles because it is both ambiguous and vague. It is ambiguous in that there are multiple conceptions of collaboration, and it is vague because it contains borderline cases that are difficult, even impossible, to resolve. An exploration of “collaboration” combined with the history of its coming of age shows why its study is so vexing and how it functions in unexpected and disturbing ways.
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In Making Sense of War, Amir Weiner reconceptualizes the entire historical experience of the Soviet Union from a new perspective, that of World War II. Breaking with the conventional interpretation that views World War II as a post-revolutionary addendum, Weiner situates this event at the crux of the development of the Soviet--not just the Stalinist--system. Through a richly detailed look at Soviet society as a whole, and at one Ukrainian region in particular, the author shows how World War II came to define the ways in which members of the political elite as well as ordinary citizens viewed the world and acted upon their beliefs and ideologies. The book explores the creation of the myth of the war against the historiography of modern schemes for social engineering, the Holocaust, ethnic deportations, collaboration, and postwar settlements. For communist true believers, World War II was the purgatory of the revolution, the final cleansing of Soviet society of the remaining elusive "human weeds" who intruded upon socialist harmony, and it brought the polity to the brink of communism. Those ridden with doubts turned to the war as a redemption for past wrongs of the regime, while others hoped it would be the death blow to an evil enterprise. For all, it was the Armageddon of the Bolshevik Revolution. The result of Weiner's inquiry is a bold, compelling new picture of a Soviet Union both reinforced and enfeebled by the experience of total war.
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This paper looks at Displaced Persons in the aftermath of World War II, using the Waffen SS "Galicia" members' path to their civilian life, as a case study, and situating them in the general picture of those displaced from Eastern Europe and parts of Russia afterthe Second World War. Their migration corresponds to the theoretically definedstages of Displacement, but there is a danger of underestimating the importance of contextualising and situating each example of forced migration and resettlement within the circumstances of the period. Therefore, this paper situates the "Galicia" Division's Displacement, providing a detailed step-by-step illustration of their movement in becoming, firstly, Prisoners of War, then Displaced Persons and, finally, achieving civilian status. It is also important to note that their Displacement is not merely of historical interest; it has an importance which still affects contemporary understandings of Ukraine as a nation. The overall aim of this paper is to detail the "Galicia" Division's dissolution and its ex-members' subsequent diasporic spread in the context of the events of 1945-1950 period. By doing this it will contribute to Displacement theory/studies bylooking in detail at context of the sequence of the changing situations in order to fullyunderstand the process of Displacement.
Thesis
p>This research examines the trials of ‘minor criminals’ conducted by the British under the Royal Warrant procedures between 1942 and 1952. Firstly, it is concerned with the mechanics of the trials, i.e., issues of who was to prosecuted, the structure of the trials, the appeals process. Secondly, it sets the prosecution of war criminals in its wider context, examining the ways in which the Cold War contributed to the desire to ‘wind up’ the trials and how this influenced British perceptions of Nazism. By looking at the responses of key groups (Jewish communities in Britain, for example) it also considers the external pressures placed on the trials and the impact they had on British policy. This work argues that although Jewish groups were one of the few sections of society to remain interested in the British war crimes trial programme, the trials in Germany were little influenced by Anglo-Jewry. Rather, the decision to continue the trials process into the late 1940s was based largely on the desire to bring to justice those accused of crimes against British citizens. This project also acts as a prism through which several key historiographical areas are addressed: the development of Anglo-German relations within the contest of the emerging Cold War; the contribution of war crimes trials to the nascent cultures of memory in Britain and West Germany; the changing nature of West German public opinion. It argues that the breakdown of the British relationship with the USSR was one of the defining events in war crimes policy. Thereafter war crimes trials were sacrificed as part of a more pragmatic policy of integration with West Germany.</p
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For many years, the history of Byelorussia under Nazi occupation was written primarily from the perspective of the resistance movement. This movement, a reaction to the brutal occupation policies, was very strong indeed. Still, as the author shows, there existed in Byelorussia a whole web of local institutions and organizations which, some willingly, others with reservations, participated in the implementation of various aspects of occupation policies. The very sensitivity of the topic of collaboration has prevented researchers from approaching it for many years, not least because in the former Soviet territories ideological considerations have played an important role in preserving the topic's "untouchable" status. Focusing on the attitude of German authorities toward the Byelorussians, marked by their anti-Slavic and particularly anti-Byelorussian prejudices on the one hand and the motives of Byelorussian collaborators on the other, the author clearly shows that notwithstanding the postwar trend to marginalize the phenomenon of collaboration or to silence it altogether, the local collaboration in Byelorussia was clearly visible and pervaded all spheres of life under the occupation.
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Chapter
One of the key historical questions under debate in the Soviet Union and in the West today is that of wartime collabo­ration with the German occupation regime during the period 1941–44. Ukrainians, along with Balts and nationality groups from East Europe, are regularly cited as being among those respon­sible for such collaboration. Historians have begun to reexamine many of the key events, and there have even been calls from West­ern Ukraine to rehabilitate members of the anti-Soviet guerrilla forces that made up the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, which contin­ued to resist Soviet rule long after the German occupation had ended. Some hold that such persons were heroic fighters against a repressive Stalinist system which in structure and nature was analo­gous to the Hitler regime.
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Chapter
The term “collaborator” when associated with empire has come to mean someone from a subordinated or conquered society who traitorously supports the dominating enemy state instead of resisting it. This meaning has only been in use from World War II onward, originally referring to collaborators with Nazi-led Germany, Fascist-led Italy, or imperial Japan. But practices now called collaboration have occurred within every empire in history: in Europe, Asia, and the Americas and in land and overseas colonial empires. Over time, the roles of collaborators have varied by gender, class, and race, and in different imperial contexts. The motivations of collaborators have ranged from willing to coerced. Even among slaves and indentured laborers there are collaborators. The attitudes of imperial elites and of people from the collaborators’ own community toward them often conflict. Particular types of collaborators include “Fifth Columnists” and “Comprador Bourgeoisie,” originally used in Spain and Asia respectively.
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Chapter
Basing their study on conceptualizations current in anthropology, history, memory studies, and cultural sociology, Eleonora Narvselius and Gelinada Grinchenko offer a new, complex approach to understanding the violations of loyalty and trust that constitute betrayal, as well as their present-day revisions. Acts of betrayal and their subsequent reinterpretations are viewed through the prism of power, boundary-making, and actorship. The main argument is that in the shifting political–ideological contexts of twentieth-century Europe, these three variables correlate in various, but not infinite, ways. This introductiory chapter addresses several possible strategies evident in revising the old and constructing the new “formulas of betrayal” in the current European context. One part of these strategies refers to the political and legal modalities of betrayal, while in others the cultural and social underpinnings of moral border-crossing and change of loyalty are decisive. The following chapters in the volume take the underlying motivations of “formulas of betrayal” into consideration in more detail.
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The Holocaust, the Lithuanian anti-soviet uprising of June, 1941 (further on, the Uprising), and the Lithuanian partisan war of 1944-1953 are three events caused by different circumstances. They have no direct causal relationship and represent very different phenomena. Unfortunately, the historical reality scenes of Lithuania during the Second World War linking the Holocaust, the Uprising and the partisan war ruthlessly twisted these differently treated phenomena – collaboration with the occupants and resistance to them...
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For fifty years the Soviet Bloc constituted one pole of an essentially bipolar world power distribution. Although not unprecedented (consider Imperial Germany's defiance of most of the world during 1917–18, or later phases of Napoleon's challenge to Europe), bipolarism has usually been very brief. The sheer length of time the Soviet-American confrontation dominated world politics created, on the contrary, mind-sets and reflexes which only a conscious effort can overcome.
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The article addresses the qualification problems of armed conflicts. The study was conducted through the analysis of international legal doctrine, international treaties, decisions of international organizations. Attention is paid to the jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Court. It is noted that International Humanitarian Law has been in place since the beginning of the armed conflict. Therefore, the application of International Humanitarian Law does not require any recognition of the existence of armed conflict (international or non-international); this conflict exists because of armed clashes. It is emphasized that the need to classify the conflict arises in view of domestic and international legal factors (to bring to international criminal justice those who have committed war crimes; state responsibility for internationally wrongful acts, etc.). Attention was paid to the non-existence of a single body, which was empowered to determine the existence of an armed conflict. Different international agencies may have different qualifications for the same armed conflict. It is concluded that it is necessary to establish a Committee of Experts under the UN Secretary-General, to avoid different qualifications from the same armed conflict.
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This article develops a new paradigm for the study of collaboration by applying the concept to events outside the context of the Second World War. The authors examine three instances of collaboration in twentieth-century mass killings, seeking to situate them within the framework of genocide. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the article questions the validity of explanations of conflict predicated on the existence of binary systems—explanations that appear frequently in comparative genocide studies. The authors relate the decision to participate in mass murder to the history of structural inequality within a given society. The article concludes that, however vague, the concept of collaboration is useful in accentuating a bottom-up approach in the study of genocide.
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