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An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players

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Abstract

There have been a growing number of studies on various psychological aspects of online poker. Despite increasing research on various aspects of poker, there has been a relative lack of research on the professional online poker player. Given this paucity of research, the present study was designed to explore how online professional poker players think, feel, and act whilst they are on and off the virtual baize. An e-interview (with four male online professional poker players) was conducted and subsequently analysed using Thematic Analysis. The Thematic Analysis identified three superordinate themes, each with three subordinate themes. These were: Player Motivation (Money/Income; Fun To Play; Lack of Jobs), Enhanced Self-Esteem (Ego, Pride and Confidence; Education and Learning; Playing Ability), and Poker Gambling As A Skill (Bad Players Have Problems; I’m Not Addicted; Life Is A Gamble). Each of the online professional poker players believed poker to be predominantly a game of skill. Interestingly, a novel finding that has not been reported in the literature before was that all of the professional players believed that it was possible to be both profitable and addicted to poker simultaneously.
WITH THE INCREASE in the popu-
larity of both online and offline
poker (Linnet et al., 2010; McCor-
mack & Grfffiths, 2012; Parke & Griffiths,
2011a, 2011b, 2012; Shead, Hodgins &
Scharf, 2008), more people are allegedly
choosing to supplement their income by
playing online poker (Hopley & Nicki, 2010;
Laquintano, 2010). This increase in popu-
larity appears to be due to several factors
including increased web presence
(including advertising), increase in televi-
sion programming (both terrestrial and
satellite), celebrity endorsements, and maga-
zine coverage (Griffiths et al., 2006; McCor-
mack & Griffiths, 2012; Wood, Griffiths &
Parke, 2007).
There have been a growing number of
studies on the psychological effects of online
poker (Griffiths et al., 2010; Hopley & Nicki,
2010; LaPlante et al., 2009; McCormack &
Griffiths, 2012; Parke & Griffiths, 2011;
Wood et al., 2007). Previ ous online poker
research has tended to use a student popula-
tion as their participants (Wood et al., 2007;
Griffiths et al., 2010; Hopley & Nicki, 2010).
Griffiths et al. (2010) conducted an online
poker web-based survey from a self-selected
sample of university students (N=422). Four
factors were found to predict financial
success: (a) bankroll management; (b)
playing at higher stakes; (c) not over-esti-
mating the skill involved in poker; and (d)
perceiving to have more skill than oppo-
nents. The study also reported three factors
related to problem gambling: (a) swapping
one’s gender via screen name or avatar; (b)
no bankroll management; and (c) playing
longer sessions more frequently. This and
other studies, have found that many partici-
pants believe poker to possess at least some
skill (Alon, 2004; Dedonno & Detterman,
2008; McCormack & Griffiths, 2012; Parke &
Griffiths, 2011a, 2011b, 2012; Turner, 2008;
Tur ne r & Fr it z, 2 00 2) .
The debate on the degree of skill
involved in poker has given rise to statistical
analysis on the game. Alon (2004) examined
the probabilities and odds involved in the
hands of poker players and concluded that a
good poker player is be able to analyse the
probabilities of the cards dealt, and analyse
the reactions and betting patterns of fellow
players to only play the winning hand. Alon
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 13
© The British Psychological Society – ISSN 1369-7862
An exploratory qualitative study of
online poker professional players
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
There have been a growing number of studies on various psychological aspects of online poker. Despite
increasing research on various aspects of poker, there has been a relative lack of research on the professional
online poker player. Given this paucity of research, the present study was designed to explore how online
professional poker players think, feel, and act whilst they are on and off the virtual baize. An e-interview (with
four male online professional poker players) was conducted and subsequently analysed using Thematic
Analysis. The Thematic Analysis identified three superordinate themes, each with three subordinate themes.
These were: Player Motivation (Money/Income; Fun To Play; Lack of Jobs), Enhanced Self-Esteem
(Ego, Pride and Confidence; Education and Learning; Playing Ability), and Poker Gambling As A Skill
(Bad Players Have Problems; I’m Not Addicted; Life Is A Gamble). Each of the online professional poker
players believed poker to be predominantly a game of skill. Interestingly, a novel finding that has not been
reported in the literature before was that all of the professional players believed that it was possible to be both
profitable and addicted to poker simultaneously.
concluded that a substantial element of
poker is skill and that it involves an in-depth
study of quantum mechanics, statistical
physics, game theory and human psychology.
Griffiths et al. (2010), along with an
earlier study using the same data set (Wood,
Griffiths & Parke, 2007) suggested that
online poker was producing a new type of
problem gambler. Here, it was argued that
unlike typical problem gamblers who
develop problems because they lose far more
money than they can afford, some online
problem poker players were actually winning
money overall but were losing excessive
amounts of time that then impacted on their
lives. It was argued that the profile of such
players was similar to players addicted to
online games like World of Warcraft (Griffiths
& Meredith, 2009).
Despite increasing research on various
aspects of poker, there has been a lack of
research on the professional poker player.
The majority of the research on (offline)
professional gamblers comes from a socio-
logical perspective (Morehead, 1950;
Hayano, 1977; Hayano, 1984; Weinstock &
Petry, 2009). Historically, Morehead (1950)
described four different kinds of gamblers
(The Banker, The Percentage Gambler, The
Compulsive Gambler, and The Cheat).
Hayano (1977, 1984) built upon Morehead’s
idea with face-to-face interviews from poker
players living in Southern California.
Hayano classified poker players into four
groups (Worker-Professional, Outside-
Supported, Subsistence Professional, and
Career Professional). Hayano came to the
conclusion that ‘the cheat’ would not be a
part of his gambler taxonomy because they
cheat to win money, therefore, it was not
gambling. He examined why the players
interviewed played poker for a living instead
of a normal job. The professionals reported
they possessed more skill than their oppo-
nents and that as a consequence they contin-
ually won (and could, therefore, support
themselves financially).
St. Germain (2009) reported that profes-
sional poker players were better decision
makers than novices at all stages of play, and
made better decisions than intermediate
players at the pre-flop and flop stages of a
No Limit Texas Hold’em poker game.
Linnet et al. (2010) found similar results
with a small Danish student population (five
male experienced players and four female
inexperienced players). Weinstock and Petry
(2009) compared professional poker players
and pathological gamblers on a range of
personality measures. They found that
pathological gamblers were more impulsive
than professional poker players. Hopley and
Nicki (2010) also found high levels of impul-
sivity among a student population of online
poker players.
McCormack and Griffiths (2012) carried
out a qualitative study on how professional
poker players are able to make a living from
playing poker and what differentiates them
from recreational poker players. Their
research comprised a grounded theory study
involving the analysis of data from three
professional poker players, one semi-profes-
sional poker player and five recreational
poker players. The central theme as to what
distinguishes professional poker players
from recreational players was that profes-
sional poker players were much more disci-
plined in their gambling behaviour. They
treated their poker playing as work, and as
such were more likely to be logical and
controlled in their behaviour, took less risks,
and were less likely to chase losses. Recre-
ational players were more likely to engage in
chasing behaviour, showed signs of lack of
control, took more risks, and engaged in
gambling while under the influence of
alcohol or drugs. They concluded that
playing poker for a living was possible for a
minority of players but it took a combination
of talent, dedication, patience, discipline
and disposition to succeed.
Parke and Griffiths (2011a) used a virtual
ethnography design to observe knowledge
creation, transfer, and retrieval processes
within a poker-focused virtual community.
Their paper attempted to develop current
knowledge and understanding of how
14 Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
computer-mediated communication (CMC)
is used by poker gamblers to develop their
executive cognitive skills and enhance their
proficiency. Two independent poker
gambling virtual communities were observed
for a six-month period and data were
collected through participant observation,
and content analysis was used to identify
emergent themes. Two central behavioural
themes emerged from the participant obser-
vation (i.e. ‘experiential reporting’ and
‘development of poker skill’).
Recently, Szabo and Kocsis (2012) exam-
ined the susceptibility to behavioural addic-
tion in online and traditional poker players
using Griffiths (2005) components model of
addiction. A total of 96 online poker players
and 35 traditional players were surveyed.
The results showed that traditional poker
players scored higher than online poker
players on measures of conflict, mood modi-
fication, and relapse. No significant associa-
tions were found between the amount and
history of poker playing and the addiction
scores. Their findings suggested that most
traditional players are more prone to behav-
ioural addiction than online poker players.
The primary rationale for carrying out
the present study was because there is a
paucity of qualitative research into online
professional poker players. Only one
previous study (i.e. McCormack & Griffiths,
2012) has ever specifically studied this group.
The present qualitative study was designed to
explore how online poker professional
players thinks, feel, and act while on and off
the virtual baize. Using thematic analysis of
interview data, the study was designed to
explore these individuals’ motivations, the
extent to which they believe poker is a game
of skill, and whether they believe that online
poker professionals can also become
addicted. The study examined these issues in
a descriptive and exploratory manner.
Method
Participants: Four male online professional
poker players (two from the UK, and two
from the US) participated in an exploratory
interview study. The research team
contacted several online poker players via
their personal blogs. All four participants
considered themselves ‘professional’ online
poker players. Although the players played
offline poker too, this was mainly in the past
and their main current poker activity was
online. None of the players identified them-
selves as a problem gambler. All players were
young adults (below the age of 34 years) and
fitted the demographic of online gamblers
reported in the two British Gambling Preva-
lence Surveys (Griffiths et al., 2009; Wardle
et al., 2011) but their age was not specifically
asked for. Their professional poker-playing
career ranged between two and seven years
(SD=2.16 years).
Data collection: Data from all four participants
were collected via structured online e-inter-
views (Bampton & Cowton 2002). This
method was chosen as it was felt that these
particular participants would feel most
comfortable (and would be more willing to
answer honestly) using this form of data
collection (Wood & Griffiths, 2007). This
method was also chosen because online
poker professionals would be able to take
their own time in answering the questions at
their leisure (Meho, 2006), given the partici-
pants’ unconventional work patterns. Each
e-interview comprised questions regarding
topics such as: professionalism, skill versus
chance, limits played, and motivations to
play online poker. These topics were based
on both previous academic literature and
the authors’ expertise in online poker. Data
collection simply involved the research team
sending out questions to the participants via
email, and then allowing the participants to
respond asynchronously via email. Griffiths
(2010; Wood & Griffiths, 2007) has discussed
the pros and cons of collecting data from
online gamblers via an online source. He has
argued that online methods are cheaper,
quicker, easy to use, easy to administer, and
are more reliable. The internet has a disin-
hibiting effect on users (Griffiths, 2010) and
it may, therefore, be easier to ask sensitive
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 15
An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
questions producing higher levels of validity
and reliability amongst participants. The use
of the internet also gives researchers access
to hard-to-reach populations (such as online
professional poker players).
Data analysis: Thematic Analysis (TA) was
used to analyse the e-interviews. According
to Kelle (2006), TA ‘can be used to gain access
to local knowledge of the field in order to develop
theoretical concepts and explanations that cover
phenomena relevant for the research domain’
(p.309). This includes situations such as this
study where there are small numbers of
participants. Each interview was read and
re-read to gain clarity, understanding, and to
become close to the data (Braun & Clarke,
2006; Ryan & Bernard, 2003; Attride-Stirling,
2001). The analytical process focused on a
theoretical approach that used a latent way
of analysing the items. Braun and Clarke
(2006) describe the theoretical approach
‘to be driven by the researcher’s theoretical or
analytic interest in the area, and is thus more
explicitly analyst-driven’ (p.84). When dealing
with a latent approach, the researcher looks
deeper into the meanings and examines the
undertones of the data (Thomas, 2003).
There were six steps used in the TA in this
study. These were: (i) familiarisation with the
data; (ii) generalising initial codes; (iii)
searching for themes; (iv) reviewing themes,
(v) defining and naming themes; and (vi)
producing the report.
Validity, reliability and rigour: Some
researchers (e.g. Baxter & Eyles, 1997) argue
that studies need to be more explicit in how
they use qualitative methods including their
rationale. Fereday and Muir-Cochrane
(2006) suggest cross-referencing the themes
found in the ongoing study with those
already completed and published. Unfortu-
nately, this was not possible with the present
study as at the time of data collection, this
was the first research study to use online
poker professionals (as the sample), and use
TA (as the methodology).
Results
There were three superordinate themes
located consistently throughout each of the
four interviews, each with three subordinate
themes. These were Player Motivation
(Money/Income; Fun To Play; Lack of Jobs),
Enhanced Self-Esteem (Ego, Pride and Confi-
dence; Education and Learning; Playing
Ability), and Poker Gambling As A Skill (Bad
Players Have Problems; I’m Not Addicted;
Life Is A Gamble). The players are identified
as either Player A, B, C, or D. This was not
the order of when their interviews were
conducted, but merely a randomisation to
insure anonymity.
Player motivation
Motivation comes from all areas of life, and
is different for all professions. Some people
are motivated by money, because they enjoy
what they do, or because they are good at it.
Online poker professionals do not appear to
be much different. However, they did share
some common motivational factors. Below
are the three most commonly discussed
reasons to play online poker for a living.
Money/Income: It should be no surprise that
money is the main motivational factor when
it comes to gambling (Blaszczynski et al.,
2008; Blaszczynski & Nower, 2001) since
these individuals play online poker for a
living (or at least to supplement a portion of
their income).
‘I got into [online poker] because I wanted to
make money.’ (Player C)
The amount of money generated between
the four players ranged from 20 per cent to
100 per cent of their total income. Money is
the basic need of an online poker profes-
sional it allows them to pay their bills, and
live their life independently and on their
own terms. However, more importantly the
amount of money (or a ‘bankroll’) they have
directly correlates with what stakes they can
play in the game. With higher limits played,
the more money that can be won or lost (and
usually stronger competition will be faced).
When the professional loses money (as is
16 Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
inevitable on occasions) some will move
down in limits. This is known as bankroll
management, and is a process that ensures
that the player will not ‘go bust’ or broke. By
decreasing their limit, professional poker
players will be playing at lower stakes (and
hopefully weaker competition); they will be
able to play longer at these new limits (in
comparison to their bankroll).
‘Dropping down in stakes where your edge is
bigger and chance of winning can help
[increase your bankroll].’ (Player A)
Every professional adheres to their own stan-
dard of bankroll rules while some (like
Player B) ‘Don’t have any.’ Player D kept
‘40 to 60 buy ins online… although I’m willing to
take shots at high stakes with 20+ buy ins if I know
the opponent.’ Taking shots is where a player
will play at higher stakes tables than they
would normally. This goes against generic
bankroll management rules as players are
gambling more money than they can afford
too. This is essentially the ‘chasing losses’
criterion of the DSM-IV-TR pathological
gambling diagnostic criteria (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000). However, not
all professionals take shots. As one partici-
pant said:
‘I don’t take shots I think it’s kinda [sic]
throwing money away.’ (Player C)
Then there are some professionals’ view-
point of taking shots which falls somewhere
in the middle:
‘Yes but only when I can afford to lose and when
I’ve game selected.’ (Player A)
This player acknowledges that taking shots is
risky (and, therefore, not a safe bet) but only
chooses to do so when the timing is right.
However, some professionals decide to take
shots when they want to challenge them-
selves. Online poker professionals try to find
games with weak opponents (or soft spots)
already playing in the game. By playing in
such games, the professional player can still
maintain an edge (or perceived edge). The
motivation of winning money also appears to
facilitate a motivation for material objects:
‘As long as I have something I’m working
towards in life I’ll have the motivation to play
poker, whether that be investment opportunities,
a new car, anything that I can use as a
motivational object to work towards.’
(Player B)
With money comes financial independence:
‘In the last 18 months I’ve lived in three
different countries, been able to travel without
having to worry about how I’m going to make
money, and experienced more than I would if
I’d gone into any line of work that was open to
me at the time I finished my degree.’ (Player B)
In contrast, one professional viewed their
online poker playing as just another occupa-
tion:
‘I’m motivated to go to work just like anyone else
who needs money.’ (Player C)
One player spoke about the loss of money
affecting where he played online:
‘I was playing on ‘Poker Stars’ until about two
months ago, when I just kept losing there and
gave it up.’ (Player A)
Here, the player blames the online poker
site for his lack of winning. However, he later
went on to say there was more skill in poker
than chance. This statement appears to
more closely resemble a poker player who
believes more in chance. Objectively, the
online poker site has little to do with
winning or losing – this is player dependent.
He could be losing for many reasons: poor
game selection, tougher competition, lack of
focus, taking too many shots, etc. Some of
the motivations for playing online poker
professionally reported here echo previous
studies – particularly the idea that poker
playing is a job (e.g. McCormack & Griffiths,
2012; Parke & Griffiths, 2011b).
Fun to Play: The second most discussed
reason why the professionals played poker
was for entertainment and fun. This was
always spoken of from the sense that they
would not be playing poker as their source of
income if it was boring:
‘If I ever stopped enjoying it I’d find another
way to make money.’ (Player B)
This shows that making money makes it
more fun than if no money was won. This
can be demonstrated from the last quote in
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 17
An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
the previous section where the professional
player completely stopped playing on a
particular online poker site because he was
not winning – thus not having any fun. Some
professionals are attracted to poker because
of past experiences:
‘It was something fun to do with friends…
I won more than I lost so I tried it online.’
(Player A)
These professionals at one time in their
poker career started off with small stakes
playing with friends. However, once they
were making money from their hobby, they
soon realised that playing online poker
could turn into a career.
Lack of Jobs: Three of the four players had
trouble finding ‘regular’ employment. Two
of the players graduated from their respec-
tive university and then continued their
poker playing.
‘I couldn’t get a real job, I had 10+ interviews
and no offers. I’d made a decent amount
playing poker recreationally in college and was
kind of forced into it professionally because of
lack of other options.’ (Player A)
Playing professionally was a fall back option
for this player, and not his first option. This
was a common thread that these players have
in common (and is something that has not
been identified in previously published liter-
ature). There was a sense of financial
freedom that these professionals had in
common and was part of their motivation.
Player B could not find a better paying job
and decided to stick with playing online
poker.
‘When I finished my degree I was making more
from poker than if I’d gone into a job related to
my degree.’ (Player B)
Player C and D both ‘fell into’ playing poker,
Player C because he just lost his job and
Player D because he had a strong interest in
learning a new craft to supplement his
income.
Enhanced Self-Esteem
There has been evidence to suggest that
high-level professionals have narcissistic
tendencies (Munro et al., 2005; Duchon &
Burns, 2008; Twenge & Campbell, 2008).
However, Weinstock and Petry (2009) found
that there was no significant difference
between professional poker players and
pathological poker players in regards to
narcissistic tendencies. This next section
examines area concerned with enhanced
self-esteem.
Ego, Pride and Confidence: Throughout the
interviews, a sense of pride and an ‘I’m better
than you’ type attitude was recorded. This can
be because these professionals know they are
successful, and they know that people in the
poker community respect them, and/or this
is because these respondents have high
egotistical tendencies. When asked if
Player A was aware of others’ addicted to
gambling he switched the conversation back
on himself and applied the question to his
own gambling tendencies:
‘The most I’ve ever lost betting on a sports game
or playing table games is like $100… I don’t
really like EV [negative expected value]
gambling.’ (Player A)
This statement was used to show how he was
not a gambling addict or a problem gambler.
He had everything under control, and he
did not even like to gamble where he did not
feel that he had a very good chance of
winning (i.e. positive expected value). This
time, the concept of making money was the
reason why he did not have a gambling
problem – those who did not care about
money were the ones who had problems with
gambling. It does not matter what game that
online poker professionals play as they
believe that they will be profitable, or they
would not be playing in that game:
‘I will play any game I think is or will
eventually become profitable for me.’ (Player A)
This player was confident in the way he
played poker, and knew that he could beat
anyone who sits down across from him (on
the virtual baize.) Since all of the respon-
dents appeared to have high self-esteem (as
they felt they were the ones to beat on any
given table), it suggests that online poker
18 Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
professionals need to approach the game
with this attitude to survive the emotional
ups and downs that come with playing poker.
It is one of the only professions where one
can go to work and lose money (and in some
cases a lot of money). ‘Psyching themselves
up’ before playing poker might ease these
monetary swings.
‘[I] want to be at the very top level. I want to be
known as one of the best players in the world
and so I have to keep training, playing, [and]
working.’ (Player C)
Here, the player mixes both his desire to be
one of the best players in the world with his
understanding that in order to do so, there
are certain things that he needs to continue
to do. This is an admirable trait that can be
often seen in professional athletes who
continue to train in the offseason when
others are taking a break from their respec-
tive sport. One respondent declared how
profitable he was based on how well he
played the game:
‘I’ve only had two losing months in seven years.
You can’t find a stockbroker or a farmer who
can say that.’ (Player C)
From this player’s point of view, he believes
that playing poker online is more stable than
many other professions. This degree of
consistency comes from the amount of skill
involved with poker along with his ability to
win money.
Education and Learning: All of the players
talked about a continued sense of learning
in order to stay on top of their game and
echoes the findings of previous qualitative
studies (e.g. McCormack & Griffiths, 2012;
Parke & Griffiths, 2011b). This is common
with other professions where one is
competing against others to determine
financial success:
‘Everyone else is always improving so you need
to as well. If you don’t you’ll be left in the dust
and lose to everyone else who does improve.’
(Player A)
This process of learning and then trying out
new skills on the tables is one way in which the
professional player can stay motivated and
alleviate any boredom that may come from
playing online poker for many hours a day:
‘I feel like in a lot of jobs after six months you’ve
kind of learned everything there is to learn and
everything becomes monotonous where as with
poker there’s always new situations coming up
or new games or lines to learn.’ (Player A)
A ‘line’ is a particular way to approach an
opponent during a hand and utilise a certain
strategy in regards to calling, raising, or
folding. Usually the type of line that will be
used is decided before playing the hand
starts. A professional poker player is always
thinking ahead of their opponent (much
like a chess player plans several moves
ahead). The notion of practice, and main-
taining focus were strong points made by all
four respondents. It appeared that the more
time a player practices, the better one can
become. With practice comes focus, and the
ability to stay mentally sharp for hours at a
time. ‘Tilt’ is a problem that can stop a
player from making the correct decisions
and thus making money. Tilt is defined as
any emotional (be that positive or negative)
expression whilst playing online poker
(Hayano, 1982; Browne, 1989; Schwartz,
2006). This could happen after a player has
won a large pot – increasing the desire to
play the next hand, or after one loses a hand
after it was a ‘lock’. Most consider tilt as
negative (after losing a hand) and want to
get their money back causing poor decision-
making. However, both positive and negative
outcomes can be costly to a player’s (finan-
cial) bottom line:
‘The more times you’ve taken a bad beat
[creating tilt] the less it bothers you… staying
focused is important just like with any other
job.’ (Player C)
Professional players relate hard work and
dedication to advancing their skills and
knowledge about the game to profit:
‘I enjoy the fact that how much I make is directly
correlated to how hard I work and how well I
do my job’. (Player A)
Another player became motivated over the
process of becoming a better player, and
more successful:
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 19
An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
‘What motivated me to stay involved was just
winning, and wanting to win more, and
enjoying the game and wanting to constantly
learn more about it.’ (Player C)
Playing Ability: This subordinate theme is
closely associated with the previous theme
(ego, pride and confidence) for some of the
same reasons mentioned above. Once again,
the ability of the individual player comes
into question. What separates a professional
from an amateur is their ability to consis-
tently win money over a long period of time:
‘The is the second most important thing that
your success will depend on next to knowing
what lines to take and having a good betting
strategy.’ (Player A)
One player suggested that focus is a key
element to becoming successful at playing
poker:
‘I don’t think there’s anything that can have a
more detrimental effect on win-rate than losing
focus.’ (Player B)
This ability to stay focused is just as ‘impor-
tant just like any other job’. Parke, Griffiths
and Parke (2006) break down a successful
poker playing into many different areas
including having a particular strategy, identi-
fying big goals, being able to calculate risk,
and knowing when to quit or take a break.
All of these areas combined make a prof-
itable poker player, and all of these areas
were mentioned in the interviews.
Poker gambling as a skill
The third theme that the players took some
time discussing was whether or not
gambling, and (online) poker playing was
more of a skill activity than one determined
by chance. Additionally, the issue of whether
a professional be profitable (i.e. maintain an
income that a player can live from) and be
simultaneously addicted were highlighted.
Bad Players Have Problems
‘I always try to treat people with respect,
especially the bad players who most likely have
gambling problems.’ (Player A)
This is a powerful statement that highlights
that if someone is bad at playing poker then
they most likely have a gambling problem.
This implies that those who lose money are
addicts, and those who win money do not
have problems. This appeared to be a widely
held view by the players in this study and has
not been reported in the literature before.
However, there were some contradictions
when relating to their own poker playing.
Because the players in this study deemed
themselves to be successful, they believed
they did not have a gambling problem. This
led to the question of whether a player can
be addicted to gambling and still be prof-
itable while playing poker. All players
thought this was possible:
‘I would say so. I mean, is this such a terrible
thing though? People can get addicted to their
work or TV or playing Solitaire. If I had to be
addicted to something I’d like it to be something
I thought benefited my life in some way like
I believe online poker does.’ (Player A)
‘Possibly, but it would depend on your
definition of an addiction. I think you can
definitely play compulsively and be profitable.’
(Player B)
‘Yes I’m sure that happens. I know many of the
bigger named professionals are gambling
addicts. I wouldn’t say it’s a majority but it’s
certainly a significant percentage.’ Player C)
‘Very simply, yes.’ (Player D)
Each of the players believed that a player
could be profitable while compulsively
and/or addictively playing poker. Player C
mentioned that he knew several professional
players openly claiming that they were
addicted to gambling. This is an issue that
should be addressed in further research to
develop a measure for online poker profes-
sionals and addiction (or level of addiction),
particularly because previous research (i.e.
Wood, Griffiths & Parke, 2007; Gr iffiths et
al., 2010) claimed to have identified a ‘new
breed’ of problem gambler among poker
players one that does not lose money but
who loses lots of time. Player B also addresses
an important point. Depending on the defi-
nition of the term ‘addiction’, the question
20 Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
of whether professional players can be simul-
taneously addicted could lead to many
different responses. The key point is that
problem gambling (to some varying degree
or another) appears to be a reality for some
professional poker players. Bad players and
those addicted to gambling are professional
poker players’ revenue stream. If one of
these professionals does not take their
money someone else will:
‘Also, it’s not like anyone else ever feels bad for
taking my money so it’s very much a kill or be
killed environment.’ (Player A)
The professionals in this study feel at ease
taking money from those who are addicted,
this activity does not bother them and feel it
is necessary to survive:
‘When people have gambling problems they are
going to lose all of their money, and it doesn’t
matter whether I’m at the table taking it or not.’
(Player C)
This may be a cultural difference as a
qualitative focus group study carried out by
Wood and Griffiths (2008) among Swedish
poker players highlighted that Swedish
poker players did not like to win money off
known problem gamblers. In this study,
every player had a different perspective on
how they understood (and what they
thought about) gambling addiction:
‘If they have an addiction they’re going to end
up losing it all at some point. I don’t envision
too many gambling addicts seeking help until
they’ve gone broke. It doesn’t feel great to take
money of someone who has a problem.’
(Player B)
This player intellectualised the action of
taking (what could be someone’s last bit of
money) at the virtual baize and turned it into
something that must be done in order to
survive at a personal level. Others players
said they could not identify gambling addicts
due to the anonymous nature of the Internet
and online poker. Since a player cannot
know the situation or the circumstances of
another player online (in comparison to
playing face-to-face offline), it is easier not
think about the opponent’s financial situa-
tion and solely focus on what needs to be
done in order to make money whilst playing
poker at a professional level.
I’m Not Addicted: Players wanted to make it
clear that they were not addicted by placing
blame on other players, or by not saying
things that could link them to an addiction.
For instance
‘It’s pretty rare that I will blow off hanging out
with friends or doing something exciting to play
online poker.’ (Player D)
This player understands that cancelling of
social ties is one of the criteria that deter-
mine addiction (i.e. missing work, missing
social functions, etc.). One thing to further
examine is the amount of time that a player
is playing poker when ‘not on the clock’.
‘A lot of times I’ll find myself bored with nothing
to do so I’ll start playing.’ (Player A)
This could become a problematic exercise
for this particular player. The more often he
becomes bored and then decides to play
poker for the sake of relieving boredom
could turn his job into a compulsive need.
One player undermined online poker when
compared to other more prominent forms
of gambling.
‘It’s just that poker to me is a much smaller
thing to worry about in terms of online
gambling then a lot of other gambling things
are.’ (Player C)
Here the player is trying to justify that what
he is doing is far less risky then another type
of gambling activity. Another player was not
worried about his own gambling being any
problem:
‘It’s not something I give very much
consideration to.’ (Player B)
Life Is A Gamble: There was no consensus
among the players when asked about
whether poker was a form of gambling,
as two players said ‘yes’ and two said ‘no.’
‘Yes absolutely. So is investing in the stock
market or even going to college.’ (Player A)
Here is an example of a professional ratio-
nalising his decision to become a profes-
sional poker player. As life itself is a gamble,
a person might as well gamble for a living.
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 21
An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
Another example of if poker is gambling is
more complex:
‘Yes but not in the traditional way most people
would use the term. It’s gambling in the short-
term but if you are aware of bankroll
management techniques and are a winning
player then you should never go broke.’
(Player B)
This player conveys that there is a difference
between short-term success and long-term
success. In order to be a professional,
a player needs to have long-term success, and
utilise bankroll management techniques.
Finally, a player needs to already be a
winning player. He does not say that one can
be a losing player and then become a profes-
sional. There seems to be a poker-learning
curve associated with the professionals inter-
viewed in this study. When asked whether or
not the player thought that online poker
involved more skill or chance each profes-
sional responded with skill. This consensus
of the belief that there is more skill than
chance could possibly come from the fact
that all players are making money from
online poker over a period of time, and
confirms previous research (e.g. Alon, 2004;
Tur ne r, 200 8) .
Discussion
Although only based on four interviews, the
present study revealed many things that have
not before been identified in the gambling
literature. The most salient finding is that
online poker professionals believed that
some individuals could be simultaneously a
professional player and be addicted. Another
key finding was the emphasis that the profes-
sional players put on the continual learning
process of poker, and confirms a similar
finding reported by McCormack and
Griffiths (2012). The professional players
had a sense of accomplishment and pride in
themselves and their ability to win consis-
tently.
All the professional poker players inter-
viewed believed that poker involved more
skill than chance, similar to the findings of
other authors (e.g. Dedonno & Detterman,
2008; Hayano, 1977, 1984; Turner, 2008),
but the professionals were divided on
whether or not poker was gambling. Themes
that emerged were motivations to play poker
for a living, and enhanced self-esteem. The
players here agreed that money was a main
factor in playing for a living giving them
financial freedom. However, all the profes-
sionals agreed that because of the skill
element involved with poker they were able
to consistently win. This belief translated
into an ‘I am better than you’ mentality. Conse-
quently, all of the players in this study
appeared to have enhanced self-esteem.
Most interestingly, the majority of the
respondents believed that professional
poker players could be both profitable and
addicted. In most cases, a player that believes
that they might have a gambling problem
would have to lose all of their money first
before seeking help. An online professional
poker player would never admit this, as they
would account their loss of money as due to
variance – thus, not their fault just part of the
natural ebb and flow of poker. Therefore,
there needs to be a better problem gambling
measure for professional poker players, one
that is not based on the consequences of
losing money, but one that is based on the
consequences of losing large amounts of
time (Griffiths & Whitty, 2010). This issue is
particularly salient when talking about
online poker where the player is masked in
anonymity, and many negative (problem-
atic) behaviours may never be identified
(without the player answering specific ques-
tions). Therefore, more research needs to be
conducted in order to classify online poker
addiction especially those who are profitable
and making their living from playing in
virtual gambling environments.
There are, of course, many limitations to
the present study. The major limitation is the
low number of participants. However, given
the relatively low numbers of people who
would define themselves as a professional
poker player, this was to be expected. Addi-
tionally, even with the low number of profes-
sionals interviewed, their answers revealed
22 Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
great similarity. Clearly, confirmation of
these findings are required with a larger
sample size and using alternative method-
ologies. Another limitation is the generalis-
ability of the study’s findings. Whilst using
the e-interview method there is always the
possibility of a lack of complete under-
standing the participant (when compared to
face-to-face interviews) through emotion,
intonation, the absence of non-verbal, and
other social cues. Finally, there is also the
possibility that the participants may have lost
some interest and/or motivation during the
e-interview process (although there is
nothing to suggest they did in these partic-
ular interviews).
In future studies (if this method is used),
there should perhaps be a team of
researchers, panel of experts, and/or the
participants themselves to code, check, and
re-check all aspects of the thematic analytic
process (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006).
Furthermore, computer-aided qualitative
data analytic software could have been used
which may have increased the validity, relia-
bility and rigour of the themes selected and
method (Rambaree, 2007).
Correspondence
Jay H. Recher & Mark D. Griffiths
International Gaming Research Unit,
Psychology Division,
Nottingham Trent University,
Burton Street,
Nottingham, NG1 4BU.
Social Psychological Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, Winter, 2012 23
An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
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An exploratory qualitative study of online poker professional players
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Background and aims Gambling activity evolves along a continuum from recreational to Gambling Disorder (GD) and a particular challenge is to identify whether there are some neurophysiological particularities already present in gamblers at an early stage. Our main goal was to determine whether, in the gamblers' population, neural responses generated during uncertain decisions were different depending on problematic gambling risk defined by the Canadian Problem Gambling Index (CPGI). We tested the following hypothesis, that the Problem Gambling group would show a different brain activity related to outcomes processing than people with low risk. Methods For this purpose, we established a relatively homogeneous population of Online Poker Players divided into two groups according to the CPGI (Low Risk and Problem Gambling). By means of high-density EEG, we compared the spatio-temporal dynamics generated during the completion of the Iowa Gambling Task. Results One specific topographic map was observed between 150–175 ms after a negative outcome for both groups, whereas it was displayed in the win condition only for the Problem Gambling group. We found that the Global Field Power of this map was negatively correlated with participants' adherence to a strategy. Source localization identified Anterior Cingulate Cortex and Temporal regions as generators of this map. Discussion and conclusions Reward hypersensitivity EEG responses identified in the early outcome process could constitute a potential biomarker of problematic gambling.
... There are both similarities and differences between Hayano's (1977Hayano's ( , 1982 description of the poker world and the descriptions of more recent authors (Bjerg 2010(Bjerg , 2011Bouju, Grall-Bronnec, Quistrebert-Davanne, Hardouin, & Venisse, 2013;Laakasuo, Palomäki, & Salmela, 2016;McCormack & Griffiths, 2012;Palomäki et al., 2013b;Radburn & Horsley, 2011;Recher & Griffiths, 2012;Vines & Linders, 2016;). Hayano's informants preferred Five-Card Draw California style, a game of significantly less open information and skill than the most common poker variants played today. ...
... Players typically tilt after situations in which they lost the hand even though they were the statistical favourite (known as a bad beat) or if they were offended by other players (Moreau et al., 2016;Palomäki et al., 2014). Another significant difference between Hayano's and more recent findings is that the poker population is younger in the more recent studies and they emphasize continual learning to a much higher degree (Bouju et al., 2013;McCormack & Griffiths, 2012;Recher & Griffiths, 2012). Poker has become more of a teamwork endeavour in which players cooperate to increase their skills and understanding to have an edge against other players (O'Leary & Carroll, 2013). ...
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... Compared to professional gamblers, problem gamblers show poorer psychosocial functioning [25], as well as less discipline, skill, and knowledge in their playing style [27]. Furthermore, problematic behavior and psychiatric distress can appear among all types of intensive gambling including professionals [26,28,29]. ...
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... Germain and Tenenbaum 2011;Linnet et al. 2012;, self-report scales (Laakasuo et al. 2014;, or via matchups against AI poker agents (MacKay et al. 2014;Morav c ık et al. 2017;Brown and Sandholm 2018;;Newall 2018;Brown and Sandholm 2019). Other research has explored poker expertise using both qualitative (Bjerg 2011;Jouhki 2011;Radburn and Horsley 2011;McCormack and Griffiths 2012;Recher and Griffiths 2012;Zaman et al. 2014;Talberg 2018;2019), and quantitative methods (Weinstock et al. 2013;Hopley et al. 2014;Biolcati et al. 2015). ...
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