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Background: The aim of this study was to gain information useful to improve traffic safety, concerning the following aspects for DUI (Driving Under the Influence): frequency, reasons, perceived risk, drivers' knowledge of the related penalties, perceived likelihood of being punished, drivers' perception of the harshness of punitive measures and drivers' perception of the probability of behavioral change after punishment for DUI. Methods: A sample of 1100 Spanish drivers, 678 men and 422 women aged from 14 to 65 years old, took part in a telephone survey using a questionnaire to gather sociodemographic and psychosocial information about drivers, as well as information on enforcement, clustered in five related categories: "Knowledge and perception of traffic norms"; "Opinions on sanctions"; "Opinions on policing"; "Opinions on laws" (in general and on traffic); and "Assessment of the effectiveness of various punitive measures". Results: Results showed around 60% of respondents believe that driving under the influence of alcohol is maximum risk behavior. Nevertheless, 90.2% of the sample said they never or almost never drove under the influence of alcohol. In this case, the main reasons were to avoid accidents (28.3%) as opposed to avoiding sanctions (10.4%). On the contrary, the remaining 9.7% acknowledged they had driven after consuming alcohol. It is noted that the main reasons for doing so were "not having another way to return home" (24.5%) and alcohol consumption being associated with meals (17.3%). Another important finding is that the risk perception of traffic accident as a result of DUI is influenced by variables such as sex and age. With regard to the type of sanctions, 90% think that DUI is punishable by a fine, 96.4% that it may result in temporary or permanent suspension of driving license, and 70% that it can be punished with imprisonment. Conclusions: Knowing how alcohol consumption impairs safe driving and skills, being aware of the associated risks, knowing the traffic regulations concerning DUI, and penalizing it strongly are not enough. Additional efforts are needed to better manage a problem with such important social and practical consequences.
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R E S E A R C H Open Access
Driving under the influence of alcohol: frequency,
reasons, perceived risk and punishment
Francisco Alonso
1*
, Juan C Pastor
1
, Luis Montoro
2
and Cristina Esteban
1
Abstract
Background: The aim of this study was to gain information useful to improve traffic safety, concerning the following
aspects for DUI (Driving Under the Influence): frequency, reasons, perceived risk, drivers' knowledge of the related
penalties, perceived likelihood of being punished, driversperception of the harshness of punitive measures and drivers
perception of the probability of behavioral change after punishment for DUI.
Methods: A sample of 1100 Spanish drivers, 678 men and 422 women aged from 14 to 65 years old, took part in a
telephone survey using a questionnaire to gather sociodemographic and psychosocial information about drivers, as
well as information on enforcement, clustered in five related categories: Knowledge and perception of traffic norms;
Opinions on sanctions;Opinions on policing;Opinions on laws(in general and on traffic); and Assessment of the
effectiveness of various punitive measures.
Results: Results showed around 60% of respondents believe that driving under the influence of alcohol is maximum
risk behavior. Nevertheless, 90.2% of the sample said they never or almost never drove under the influence of alcohol.
In this case, the main reasons were to avoid accidents (28.3%) as opposed to avoiding sanctions (10.4%). On the
contrary, the remaining 9.7% acknowledged they had driven after consuming alcohol. It is noted that the main reasons
for doing so were not having another way to return home(24.5%) and alcohol consumption being associated with
meals (17.3%).
Another important finding is that the risk perception of traffic accident as a result of DUI is influenced by variables such
as sex and age. With regard to the type of sanctions, 90% think that DUI is punishable by a fine, 96.4% that it may result
in temporary or permanent suspension of driving license, and 70% that it can be punished with imprisonment.
Conclusions: Knowing how alcohol consumption impairs safe driving and skills, being aware of the associated risks,
knowing the traffic regulations concerning DUI, and penalizing it strongly are not enough. Additional efforts are
needed to better manage a problem with such important social and practical consequences.
Keywords: Drivers, Road safety, Driving while intoxicated, Driving under the influence, Alcohol
Background
In Europe, traffic accidents are one of the main causes
of mortality in people between 15 and 29 years old, and
driving under the influence of alcohol (DUI) is a major
risk factor in most crashes [1,2].
In the year 2001 in Spain, 40,174 people were treated
in public hospitals for traffic injuries. Some 28% of these
injuries were serious or very serious and drinking was
involved in a high percentage of cases. According to the
Spanish Directorate General of Traffic (DGT), alcohol is
involved in 30-50% of fatal accidents and in 15 to 35% of
crashes causing serious injury, constituting a major risk
factor in traffic accidents. This problem is especially
important among young people and worsens on week-
end nights [3,4].
In more recent years, several studies have shown that
more than a third of adults and half of teenagers admit
they have driven drunk. We also know that most of
them were not detected. Generally, the rate of arrests
for driving under the influence is very low and even
those drivers who were arrested were mostly first-time
offenders [5].
* Correspondence: datspublications@gmail.com
1
DATS (Development and Advising in Traffic Safety) Research Group, INTRAS
(University Research Institute on Traffic and Road Safety), University of
Valencia, Serpis 29, 46022 Valencia, Spain
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
© 2015 Alonso et al.; licensee BioMed Central. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly credited. The Creative Commons Public Domain
Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article,
unless otherwise stated.
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11
DOI 10.1186/s13011-015-0007-4
Some studies show that many young people lack infor-
mation or knowledge about the legislation regulating
consumption of alcohol for drivers, as well as the effects
of this drug on the user [6-8].
There are also some widespread beliefs and miscon-
ceptions regarding the actions the driver can take in
order to neutralize the effects of alcohol before driving
(for instance drinking coffee, having a cold shower or
breathing fresh air). As suggested by Beckers model of
health beliefs [9,10], preventive behavior is unlikely to
occur unless the subject considers the action necessary,
hence the importance of providing adequate information
and disproving false beliefs.
Drivers are not usually aware of the risk they assume
when they drive under the influence of alcohol, as they
do not suffer a traffic accident every time they drink and
drive. Hence they tend to think there is no danger in
driving under the influence of alcohol, incurring the
same risk behavior once and again.
But the reality is quite different. Alcohol causes very
obvious alterations in behavior, as it affects almost all
the physical skills we need for safe driving. It can inter-
fere with attention, perceptual functioning and motor
skills, as well as in decision making while driving.
Drinking impairs the ability to drive and increases the
risk of causing an accident. The effects of alcohol con-
sumption on driving-related functions are modulated by
some factors, such as form of consumption (regular or
infrequent), expectations about their consumption,
expertise in driving and driversage.Theincreased
risk of accident starts at a lower blood alcohol level
when drivers are inexperienced or they are occasional
drinkers, and begins at a higher blood alcohol level
when these are more experienced drivers or regular
drinkers [11,12].
The BAC represents the volume of alcohol in the
blood and is measured in grams of alcohol per liter of
blood (g / l) or its equivalent in exhaled air.
Any amount of alcohol in blood, however small, can
impair driving, increasing the risk of accident. Therefore,
the trend internationally is to lower the maximum rates
allowed.
After drinking, the rate of alcohol in blood that a
driver is showing can vary widely due to numerous
modulating variables. Among them, some important
factors are the speed of drinking, the type of alcohol
(fermented drinks such as beer or wine, or distilled bev-
erages like rum or whisky) or the fact of having previ-
ously ingested some food, as well as the age, sex or body
weight. Ideally, if everyone drank alcohol responsibly
and never drove after drinking many deaths would be
avoided. Accurate information about how driving under
the influence effects traffic safety would be a positive
step towards this goal.
Study framework
Research on enforcement of traffic safety norms has a
long tradition. In 1979, a classic work [13] showed that
increasing enforcement and toughening sanctions can
reduce accidents as an initial effect, although the num-
ber of accidents tends to normalize later.
Justice in traffic is needed insofar as many innocent
people die on the roads unjustly. This is our starting
point and our central principle. In order to prevent traffic
accidents, a better understanding is needed of the drivers
knowledge, perceptions and actions concerning traffic reg-
ulations. Drivers have to be aware of how important rules
are for safety. The present study comes from a broader
body of research on traffic enforcement, designed to de-
velop a more efficient sanctions system [5,14].
Our research used a questionnaire to gain sociodemo-
graphic and psychosocial information about drivers, as
well as additional information on enforcement clustered
in five related categories: Knowledge and perception of
traffic norms;Opinions on sanctions;Opinions on
policing;Opinions on laws(general ones and traffic
laws in particular); and Assessment of the effectiveness
of various punitive measures.
A number of additional factors were also explored,
including: driving too fast or at an improper speed for
the traffic conditions, not keeping a safe distance while
driving, screaming or verbal abuse while driving, driving
under the influence, smoking while driving, driving with-
out a seat belt and driving without insurance. For a more
complete review, see the original study [14].
Objective
The aim of this study was to gain useful information to
improve traffic safety, concerning the following aspects:
Frequency of driving under the influence of alcohol
(DUI).
Reasons for either driving or not driving under the
influence (DUI).
Perceived risk of DUI.
Driversknowledge of DUI-related penalties.
The perceived likelihood of being punished for DUI.
Driversperception of the harshness of punitive
measures for DUI.
Driversknowledge of the penalties for DUI.
Driversperception concerning the probability of
behavior change after punishment for DUI.
Sociodemographic and psychosocial factors related
with alcohol consumption and driving.
Methods
Participants
The sample consisted of 1100 Spanish drivers: 678 men
(61.64%) and 422 women (38.36%), between 14 and
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 2 of 9
65 years of age. The initial sample size was proportional
by quota to segments of Spanish population by gender
and age. The number of participants represents a margin
of error for the general data of ± 3 with a confidence
interval of 95% in the worst case of p = q = 50%; with a
significance level of 0.05.
Drivers completed a telephone survey. 1100 drivers
answered interviews, and the response rate was 98.5%;
as it was a survey on social issues, most people con-
sented to collaborate.
Procedure and design
The survey was conducted by telephone. A telephone
sample using random digit dialing was selected. Every
phone call was screened to determine the number of
drivers (aged 14 or older) in the household. The selec-
tion criteria were possession of any type of driving li-
cense for vehicles other than motorcycles and driving
frequently. Interviewers systematically selected one valid
driver per home. The survey was carried out using com-
puter assisted telephone interview (CATI) in order to re-
duce interview length and minimize recording errors,
ensuring the anonymity of the participants at all times and
emphasizing the fact that the data would be used only for
statistical and research purposes. The importance of an-
swering all the questions truthfully was also stressed.
In this article, we present the data on driving under
the influence of alcohol. The first question raised was:
How often do you currently drive after drinking any
alcoholic beverage? Possible responses were: Almost
always, Often, Sometimes, Rarely or Never.
If they answered either Almost always, Often or
Sometimes, they were asked: What is the reason that
leads you to drive under the influence? If they answered
Rarely or Never, they were asked: What is the reason you
rarely or never drive under the influence? In both cases,
respondents had the option of an open answer.
Later they were asked to rate from 0 to 10 the risk that
driving under the influence of alcohol can cause a traffic
accident in their opinion (0 being the minimum risk and
10 the maximum risk of crash).
Then they were asked to rate from 0 to 10 the harsh-
ness with which they thought DUI sanctions should be
administered.
They were also asked: Is driving exceeding alcohol
limits punishable? In this case, participants had the
chance of answering Yes or No. We would then compare
the correct answers with the standard to determine the
knowledge.
Drivers who were unaware that DUI is punishable
were asked about the probability of being sanctioned for
this reason using the following question: When driving
exceeding the limits of alcohol, out of 10 times, how
many times is it usually sanctioned?
Another question dealt with the type of penalties. The
participants were asked if the penalties for DUI con-
sisted of economic fines, imprisonment or license sus-
pension, either temporary or permanent. The question
raised was: Have you ever received any penalty for
driving under the influence? Possible answers were Yes
or No. Those drivers who answered affirmatively were
then asked about the harshness of punishment: How do
you consider the punishment for DUI? The response op-
tions were Hard enough, Insufficient or Excessive. Fur-
thermore, they were asked whether or not they changed
their behavior after the punishment.
The questionnaire was used to ascribe drivers to dif-
ferent groups according to demographic and psycho-
social characteristics, as well as to identify driving habits
and risk factors.
Demographic variables
Gender: male or female.
Age: 14-17, 18-24, 25-29, 30-44, 45-65 and over
65 years old.
Educational level.
Type of driver: professional or non-professional.
Employment status: currently employed, retired,
unemployed, unemployed looking for the first job,
homemaker or student.
Driving habits
Frequency: the frequency with which the participant
drive, the possible choices being Every day, Nearly
every day, Just weekends, A few days a week, or A
few days per month.
Mileage: the total distance in number of kilometers
driven or travelled weekly, monthly or annually.
Route: type of road used regularly, including street,
road, highway or motorway, and tollway.
Car use: motives for car use, for instance, to work,
to go to work and return home from work or study
centre, personal, family, recreational, leisure and
others.
Experience/risk
Experience: number of years the participant has held
a driver license, grouping them as 2 years or less,
3-6, 7-10, 11-15, 16-20, 21-25, 26-30 and over
30 years.
Traffic offenses. Number of sanctions in the past
three years (none, one, two, three or more).
Accidents. Number of accidents as driver throughout
life (none, one or more than one), and their
consequences (casualties or deaths, or minor damages).
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 3 of 9
Once data were collected, a number of statistical ana-
lyses were performed, using the Statistical Package for
the Social Sciences (SPSS), in order to obtain relevant
information according to the aims of the study.
Results
74.7% of the sample said that they had never driven
under the influence. 15.5% of drivers said they did it
almost never, and only the remaining 9.7% (sometimes
9,1%, often 0,2% or always 0,5%) acknowledged that they
had driven after consuming alcohol (Figure 1).
Regarding the main reasons that led the drivers to
act this way, expressed among drivers who admitted
to having driven under the influence of alcoholic
beverages, 24.5% of them indicated that it was un-
avoidable, as Ihadtogohomeandcouldntdoany-
thing else, while 17.3% claimed that the act of
drink-driving was an unintentional consequence or
something associated with meals, and only 16.4%
admitted having done it intentionally. In addition,
12.7% considered that alcohol doesnt impair driving
anyway (Figure 2).
In any case, 60% of the interviewees perceived driving
under the influence of alcohol as the highest risk factor
for traffic accidents.
Among them, the perception of this risk (or dan-
gerousness of driving under the influence) is greater
in women [F (1, 1081) = 41.777 p <0.05], adults aged
between 18 and 44 [F (5, 1075) = 4.140 p <0.05],
drivers who have never been fined for this infraction
[F (2, 1080) = 29.650 p <0.05], drivers who had never
committed the offense [F (4, 1077) = 40.489 p <0.05],
and drivers who have never been involved in an accident
[F (1, 1081) = 12.296 p <0.05]. Table 1 shows the values for
this perception by gender and age.
There appears to be no significant relationship be-
tween the perceived risk attributed to DUI and other
variables such as educational level, type of driver, driving
frequency, vehicle use and years of experience.
The main reasons put forward for not drinking and
driving included not drinking in any circumstances
(50,5%), to avoid accidents (28,3%) as opposed to
avoiding sanctions (10,4%) - such as financial penal-
ties (8,4%), withdrawal of driving license (1,8%) or
Figure 1 Frequency of DUI.
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 4 of 9
jail (0,2%) - or other reasons related to attitudes to
road safety (16,6%).
On a scale of 0-10, participants rated the risk of eco-
nomic penalties when driving under the influence of the
alcohol with an average of 5.2, in other words they esti-
mate the probability of being fined as roughly half of the
times one drives drunk.
The perception of this risk (penalty or financial punish-
ment for driving under the influence) is also greater in
women [F (1, 1095) = 30,966 p <0.05], drivers who have
never been involved in an accident [F (1, 1095) = 8.479
p <0.05], and drivers who had never been fined for
this infraction [F (2 1094) = 12.515 p <0.05].
There appears to be no significant relationship be-
tween the perceived risk of financial penalty and other
variables such as educational level, employment, type
of driver, driving frequency, vehicle use and years of
experience.
Almost everyone (99.1%) thinks that DUI is punishable
and only 0.9% of drivers think it is not.
On a scale of 0-10, participants assigned an average of
9.1 to the need to punish this traffic breach severely.
The score is higher in women [F (1, 1086) = 29.474
p <0.05], adults aged 18 to 24 years [F (5, 1089) = 2.699
p <0.05], drivers who have never been involved in an
accident [F (1, 1095) = 8.479 p <0.05], and people who
had never been fined for this reason [F (2, 1085) = 26,745
p <0.05], which means that these groups are less tolerant
of this kind of behavior. By age, college students are the
least tolerant and retirees are the most tolerant.
There was no significant relationship between the per-
ceived need to punish this behavior harshly and variables
such as type of driver, driving frequency and vehicle use.
Figure 2 Reasons for DUI.
Table 1 Perception of risk of DUI-related traffic accident,
by driversgender and age
N Mean SD gl F Sig
Gender Women 416 9.45 1.120 1.0 41.78 0.000
Men 667 8.84 1.728
Age 18-25 12 9.08 0.900 5.0 4.14 0.001
26-35 111 9.22 1.516
36-45 136 9.21 1.388
46-65 361 8.94 1.683
>65 88 8.51 1.965
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 5 of 9
Regarding the type of sanctions, 89.5% of drivers think
that driving under the influence is subject to an
economic fine, almost 70% say it could even be punished
by imprisonment, while 96.4% believe it can lead to a
temporary or permanent suspension of the license
(Figure 3).
Among the drivers who had been fined for DUI, nearly
75% considered that the imposed punishment was
adequate, while the remaining 25% saw it as excessive
(Figure 4). Finally, 91.7% of this group found they had
changed their behavior after punishment (Figure 5).
Discussion
Alcohol is a major risk factor in traffic accidents. From
the objective standpoint, alcohol interferes with the skills
needed to drive safely, as evidenced by numerous studies
on driving under the influence of alcohol conducted to
date. From the subjective point of view, drivers also per-
ceive it as dangerous, as our study shows.
Around 60% of respondents believe that driving under
the influence of alcohol is maximum risk behavior.
A smaller percentage compared to those reported by
other studies in which the percentage of people that
saw drink-driving as a major threat to safety reached
81% [15].
First, we note a clear correlation between perceived
risk and avoidance behavior. In general the higher the
perceived risk, the lower the probability of committing
the offense, and vice versa: the lower the perceived risk,
the greater the likelihood of driving after consuming
alcohol.
Thus, drivers who do not commit this offense perceive
that the risk of accidents associated with DUI is very
high. When it comes to drivers who commit the offense
occasionally, the perceived risk is lower, and when it
comes to drivers who often drive under the influence of
the alcohol, the perception of risk is clearly inferior.
Thus, the frequency of DUI and risk perception seem to
be inversely related.
These results are related to the hypothesis of optimis-
tic bias, which states that drinkers are overly optimistic
about probabilities of adverse consequences from drink.
In a study [16] about overconfidence about conse-
quences of high levels of alcohol consumption, the
Figure 3 Type of sanction the driver think DUI is subject to.
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 6 of 9
authors established an alternative to the optimism bias
hypothesis that could explain our findings, affirming that
persons who drink frequently and consume large
amounts of alcohol daily could be more familiar with
the risks of such behaviors.
Another important finding is that the risk perception
of traffic accident as a result of DUI is influenced by var-
iables such as sex and age. In relation to gender, the per-
ception of risk seems to be higher in women than in
men. In relation to age, risk perception is higher in
adults between 18 and 44 years old.
The finding about the reason for not drinking and
driving supports the already evident need for an integra-
tive approach to developing sustainable interventions,
combining a range of measures that can be implemented
together. In this way, sustainable measures against alcohol
and impaired driving should continue to include a mix of
approaches, such as legislation, enforcement, risk reduction
and education, but focus efforts more closely on strategies
aimed at raising awareness and changing behavior and cul-
tural views on alcohol and impaired driving.
Almost all the drivers surveyed are well aware that
driving after drinking any alcoholic beverage is a
criminal offense. They also consider that this is a type of
infraction that should be punished harshly. In this respect,
they assign nine points on a scale of ten possible.
Finally, with regard to the type of sanctions, 90% of
drivers think that driving drunk is punishable by a fine.
96.4% consider that it may result in temporary or per-
manent suspension of driving license, and 70% believe
that it can be punished with imprisonment.
In any case, there are several limitations of this study.
This was a population-based study of Spanish drivers;
there is possibly a lack of generalizability of this popula-
tion to other settings.
Another possible limitation of this study is the use of
self-report questionnaires to derive information rather
than using structured interviews. Similarly, self-reported
instruments may be less accurate than objective mea-
sures of adherence as a result of social desirability bias.
Conclusions
In Spain, various traffic accident prevention programs
have been implemented in recent years. Some of them
were alcohol-focused, designed to prevent driving under
the influence and to inform the Spanish population
Figure 4 Perception of punishment harshness imposed for DUI.
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 7 of 9
about the dangers associated with this kind of risk
behavior.
As a result, many Spanish drivers seem to be sensi-
tized to the risk of driving drunk. As revealed in our
survey, many Spanish drivers never drive under the in-
fluence of alcohol, and many of them identify DUI as
maximum risk behavior. This shows that a high percent-
age of the Spanish population know and avoid the risks
of DUI.
In any case, the reality is far from ideal, and one out of
four drivers has committed this offense at least once.
When asked why they did it, the two major risk factors
of DUI we identified were the lack of an alternative
means of transport and the influence of meals on alco-
hol consumption. Both situations, especially the latter,
occur frequently, almost daily, while it is true that the
amount of alcohol consumed in the former is consider-
ably higher and therefore more dangerous.
In addition, most drivers are aware of the dangers of
driving under the influence, and they tend to avoid the
risk of accident or penalty for this reason. Some drivers
never drive under the influence, to avoid a possible acci-
dent. To a lesser extent, some do not drive under the
influence to avoid a possible fine. They usually think that
the possibility of sanction in the event of DUI is so high
that they will be fined every two times they risk driving
drunk.
Moreover, drivers know the legislation regulating DUI
and they believe that the current penalty for DUI is
strong enough. Nevertheless, even though almost all the
drivers that were fined for this reason say they changed
their behavior after the event, nine out of ten drivers
would penalize this kind of offense even more strongly.
Knowing how alcohol consumption impairs safety and
driving skills, being aware of the associated risks, know-
ing the traffic regulations concerning DUI and penaliz-
ing it strongly are not enough. Many drivers habitually
drive after consuming alcohol and this type of traffic in-
fraction is still far from being definitively eradicated.
Additional efforts are needed for better management
of a problem with such important social and practical
consequences. Efforts should be focused on measures
which are complementary to legislation and enforce-
ment, increasing their effectiveness, such as education,
awareness and community mobilization; Alcolock;
accessibility to alcohol or brief interventions.
Figure 5 Perception concerning behavior change after punishment for DUI.
Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 8 of 9
Abbreviation
DUI: Driving under the influence.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Authorscontributions
All authors contributed to the design of the study and also wrote and approved
the final manuscript. FA drew up the design of the study with the help of CE; the
rest of the authors also contributed. JCP and LM were in charge of the data
revision. JCP and CE also drafted the manuscript. FA performed the statistical
analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the Audi Corporate Social Responsibility program,
Attitudes, for sponsoring the basic research. Also thanks to Mayte Duce for
the revisions.
Author details
1
DATS (Development and Advising in Traffic Safety) Research Group, INTRAS
(University Research Institute on Traffic and Road Safety), University of
Valencia, Serpis 29, 46022 Valencia, Spain.
2
FACTHUM.lab (Human Factor and
Road Safety), INTRAS (University Research Institute on Traffic and Road
Safety), University of Valencia, Serpis 29, 46022 Valencia, Spain.
Received: 7 November 2014 Accepted: 2 March 2015
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Alonso et al. Substance Abuse Treatment, Prevention, and Policy (2015) 10:11 Page 9 of 9
... through processes of production for human consumption. Alcohol consumption is shown to cause very obvious alterations in behavior (Alonso et al, 2015). Alcohol is the world's third largest risk factor for premature mortality, disability and loss of health. ...
... It also causes harm far beyond the physical and psychological health of the drinker as it harms the people around the drinker; the harmful impact is deep into society (Oriodota et al., 2013). While most people drink responsibly, some groups of people are particularly at a higher risk of hazardous alcohol use (Bello et al., 2011) and driving is one area of human activity where alcohol consumption has a very huge impact (Yadav, 2019;Alonso et al., 2015;Zhao et al, 2014). The World Health Organization (WHO) predicts that road traffic injuries will rise to become the fifth leading cause of death by 2030 (WHO, 2004). ...
... Studies have been conducted on the effect of alcohol on driving (Perez-Mana, Mateus, Diaz-Pellicer, & de la Torre, 2022;Dijken,Veldstra, van de Loo, Verster, & de Ward, 2020;Alonso et al., 2015;Oriji, 2015;Bello et al., 2011). These studies revealed a relationship between alcohol consumption and increasing rates of fatal road traffic accidents. ...
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This study examined public perception on the effect of alcohol consumption among commercial drivers in Nsukka Urban, Enugu State. Using a sound methodology, numerous findings were made. The socio-demographics of the respondents indicated that both sexes were well represented in the study (male, 45.6% and female, 54.4%). Majority of the respondents (51.1%) were between the ages of 18-27, and majority were also single (76.7%). Data also indicated that majority of the respondents (71.7%) had tertiary education and 56.7% are students. Lastly, all the respondents were Christians. On the substantive issues of the study, the study revealed that the rate of alcohol consumption among commercial drivers in Nsukka Urban is high. It was also found that commercial drivers take alcohol on the wrong notion that makes them energetic and increases their level of concentration while driving. It was observed that even new drivers are socialized into this notion, such that alcohol consumption has become a convention among commercial drivers. The study equally found that poor awareness on the consequences of drunk driving, and easy accessibility to alcoholic drinks are the other factors that promote alcohol consumption among commercial drivers. It was equally reveled in this study that alcohol consumption by commercial drivers reduces driving skills, causes accidents by making drivers to sleep while driving or loose concentration, and had health effects on the drivers.
... In fact, studies have shown that improvements in PBF initiatives, like most changes, occur gradually, presumably to allow time for providers to internalize the consequences of under-performance [24,31]. In addition, research in the area of drinking and driving prevention has shown that sanctions, the perceived likelihood of being sanctioned, and drivers' perception of the severity of punitive measures are associated with behavioral change related to driving under the influence [32]. ...
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Background Promoting the use of insecticide-treated mosquito nets (ITNs) is one of the main strategies for reducing malaria-related morbidity. An innovative activity-based contracting (ABC) approach has been implemented in Kwilu Province, Democratic Republic of Congo to optimize ITN mass distribution campaigns, with payments based on contractually defined programmatic outcomes for key campaign activities following independent verification of results. Methods This internal evaluation was carried out using a mixed methods approach combining qualitative and quantitative document and content analysis from a series of three workshops: validation workshops for campaign results at provincial level for the 2021 and 2022 campaigns; internal evaluation workshop for the Kwilu campaign as part of the ABC approach organized by “Santé pour tous en milieu rural” (SANRU) with its sub-contractors; and national campaign evaluation workshop organized by the National Malaria Control Program. Results The pilot campaign with the ABC approach in Kwilu has demonstrated better results than campaigns conducted using the standard, non-ABC, approach: better household coverage (99.9% vs. 97.3%) and improved compliance with ITN allocation to households based on the household size (98. 9% vs. 84.7%); lower loss of ITNs (0.3% vs. 0.5%) with immediate penalties for lost ITNs in the province under the ABC approach; shorter campaign lead times (14 vs. 28 weeks from the start of training to the launch of distribution). This last point is crucial, as it is likely to generate efficiencies and contribute to ensuring timely ITN replacement campaigns. Conclusion The challenges encountered and the lessons learned in the implementation of the pilot ABC approach in Kwilu could guide future distribution campaigns in the DRC and other African countries that would like to engage in distribution campaigns based on performance-based incentive contracts.
... The present study revealed that 53.2% of the respondents knew the risk associated with driving under the influence of alcohol. This finding is similar to the finding of Alonso et al. (2015), who reported that around 60% of their respondents believed that driving under the influence of alcohol was the maximum risk. The present study showed that the majority of respondents claimed that drinking alcohol interferes with their daily responsibilities and obligations. ...
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Introduction: Understanding the factors that contribute to an individual's intention to use alcohol is crucial in developing effective prevention and intervention strategies. Hence, this study investigated the various factors that influence the intention to use alcohol among in-school adolescents. Methodology: A multistage probability sampling method was adopted to select the schools in Ado-Odo/Ota Local Government Area. Result: More than half, 227 (53.7%) of the respondents had a high level of knowledge regarding alcohol consumption; majority, 255 (60.3%) of the respondents had a negative attitude towards alcohol consumption. Majority, 309 (73.0%) of the respondents had a negative subjective norm; majority, 308 (72.8%) of the respondents had poor intentions towards alcohol consumption. Conclusion: The result showed that respondents’ families, friends, media, and environment contributed immensely to respondents’ intention to use alcohol. Insufficient knowledge, attitude, and subjective norms (such as family, friends, media, and environment) all played a role in respondents’ intention to consume alcohol in the future.
... Furthermore, alcohol consumption is an important danger regarding road safety [5]. In Europe and North America, many jurisdictions have adopted a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit of 0.5 g/L, above which driving is prohibited [6]. ...
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Alcohol consumption is a major social and forensic issue. It is often the cause of road accidents, industrial accidents, suicides and other crimes. On account of this, it is of fundamental importance in forensic toxicology to correctly quantify blood alcohol concentration (BAC). In this work, a straightforward method for the quantification of ethanol from blood samples by means of headspace gas chromatography with flame ionization detection is presented and validated. For method validation linearity, limit of detection (LOD), lower limit of quantification (LLOQ), accuracy, precision (% CV) and interference studies were carried out. All the validation conditions were satisfied according to the acceptance criteria. Proof of applicability was performed on 50 real blood samples, showing that the method was effective.
... This discrepancy can be attributed to societal norms and gender roles that encourage or even glorify risk-taking behaviors among young men. Moreover, the tendency of men to consume alcohol in larger quantities further exacerbates the likelihood of driving under the influence (DUI) [25,32,72]. Socioeconomic status (SES) also influences drinking and driving behaviors among college students. ...
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College students are a primary population for risky alcohol use behaviors, with one of every eleven students grappling with severe alcohol-related issues. The objective of this scoping review was to synthesize the existing literature to identify factors influencing the prevalence of drinking and driving (DAD) behaviors among college students. A scoping review was conducted using Medline (PubMed), ERIC, The American Journal on Addictions, and the NCHA databases. Criteria for article selection included being published in English and focused on DAD behaviors among college students. Articles excluded from the review were systematic reviews and discussion pieces without empirical findings related to college DAD. Of the included studies (n = 23), most identified a range of factors as being influential in college students’ DAD behavior including a family history of alcohol misuse, the use of other substances such as marijuana, age of initial alcohol consumption, place of residence, propensity for sensation seeking, affiliation with sorority/fraternity groups, and the perception of associated risks. Effective strategies may include education on the risks of combined alcohol and substance use, screening and brief interventions tailored to at-risk students, and the implementation of campus policies that promote responsible alcohol consumption and deter DAD.
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Nonostante la guida in stato di ebbrezza sia stata oggetto, a partire dagli anni Novanta, di numerose campagne nazionali e locali e di programmi e interventi di prevenzione e promozione della salute, il problema non può considerarsi risolto. Se possiamo ritenere che vi sia una maggiore informazione rispetto al passato, cos'è che spinge a mettersi alla guida dopo avere bevuto nonostante la consapevolezza dei rischi? Questa è stata la domanda che ha dato origine a uno studio condotto nell'ambito del Master EMDAS (European Masters in Drugs and Alcohol Studies) su cui si basa questo articolo. Lo studio ha coinvolto 170 giovani tra i 18 e i 30 anni residenti in provincia di Bergamo attraverso una indagine anonima online finalizzata a rilevare in particolare il rapporto tra consapevolezza dei rischi e comportamenti agiti. I risultati sono confrontati e discussi alla luce delle evidenze che emergono dalla letteratura a livello europeo e internazionale. Lo studio fornisce informazioni interessanti sulle motivazioni che spingono i giovani a guidare dopo aver consumato alcolici e forniscono elementi utili alla progettazione di interventi preventivi mirati e di strumenti di valutazione dell'efficacia degli stessi.
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The purpose of this study was to improve commuter safety in South Africa’s minibus taxi industry. It is a vital component of the nation’s transportation network that is plagued by road safety concerns due to driver behaviour. A quantitative research approach involving 150 respondents selected through probability sampling was utilised. Data were collected via self-administered questionnaires at Bosman Taxi Rank in Pretoria, Gauteng province, and analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The study’s findings revealed severe safety issues faced by public transport passengers, including fatalities and injuries resulting from unsafe practices by minibus taxi drivers. It also highlighted systemic shortcomings in traffic law enforcement, particularly during weekends, which are exacerbated by drivers operating under the influence of alcohol. Recommendations include professionalising the minibus taxi sector, enhancing collaboration between traffic law enforcement agencies and the taxi industry, revising remuneration structures for National Traffic Police officers, establishing passenger-centric organisations, centralising traffic law enforcement mechanisms, improving driver employment conditions, and conducting public road safety awareness workshops. This study contributes to scholarship by providing empirical evidence on the safety challenges within the minibus taxi industry and proposing comprehensive measures to address these issues, ultimately striving for a safer transportation environment for all commuters in South Africa. Keywords: Commuter Safety, Minibus Taxi Sector, Public Transportation, Road Safety, South Africa
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La norma existe sea cual sea su manifestación, porque es producto y necesidad de la interacción entre las personas. Pero no tiene sentido si nadie controla que ésta se cumpla. Necesitamos a alguien que administre finalmente las sanciones cuando no se cumpla la norma. Necesitamos algo/alguien que administre la veracidad de que los comportamientos realmente se han producido, de la intención de los mismos, que evalúe la gravedad, que los ponga en relación con lo que las normas dicen, sus excepciones… Necesitamos juzgar antes de sancionar. Es necesario aplicar la justicia. Cada uno de nosotros en algún momento asumimos alguno o todos estos roles a la vez. En efecto, en muchas de nuestras actuaciones diarias, ya sean laborales, familiares…, dictamos normas, controlamos que éstas se cumplan y si se nos permite decirlo, dictamos sentencias para los individuos sobre los que tenemos influencias. En el tema del tráfico, de los accidentes e incidentes, como en toda conducta que se lleva a cabo en un sistema interactivo, hay víctimas y culpables/responsables. En nuestro país existe una tendencia abrumadora en los últimos tiempos, de “intensificar temporalmente los controles”, a intentar establecer nuevas fórmulas sancionadoras e incluso aumentar la calificación de gravedad de la infracción, así como su cuantía. Una de las preguntas que surgen a colación de esto sería ¿se justifica este empeño en detrimento de otras medidas?, ¿se atiende a las variables que, al menos teóricamente aumentarán la eficacia de estas medidas? Hemos constatado que realizando un estudio poblacional facilitamos los posicionamientos de las personas e incrementamos la riqueza en las discusiones a través de todas las variables que hemos podido tratar. Conocer los pensamientos de la población española nos va a permitir, sin lugar a dudas, analizar el problema con mayor rigor, así como proponer soluciones (medidas y contramedidas) más ajustadas a la realidad social sobre la que se va a aplicar. Con ello, pretendemos convertir este libro en manual de consulta para aquellos que intervienen en el marco de la seguridad vial tanto a nivel general como a nivel de los que participan más activamente en el tema más especifico que aquí trabajamos. El libro se ha estructurado en tres grandes partes: En la primera de ellas, para permitir una composición mejor acerca de las circunstancias de las que se han extraído los datos del estudio, se describe la metodología del mismo. En una segunda parte presentamos los más relevantes y significativos resultados del estudio, capítulo que está dividido en diferentes bloques: Normativa, Supervisión Policial, Sanciones, Justicia, Modelos de Respuesta y Medidas. Los cuatro primeros bloques aunque son independientes, puesto que tratan aspectos distintos de un proceso que tiene una cronología relativamente clara, tienen un cierto grado de relación que indudablemente va a quedar reflejado en un análisis que cruza algunas de estas variables con el quinto bloque. Además, este quinto bloque que aborda una serie de conductas, de las cuales algunas son sancionables y otras no lo son, tiene un análisis autónomo que trata de reflejar las relaciones que tiene el continuo con las conductas, las creencias, los conocimientos, las actitudes, etc. En el sexto bloque se analizan, también desde el doble enfoque: de forma autónoma y en relación con los otros, las medidas que se llevan o se pueden llevar a cabo y que tienen relación con la temática que estamos trabajando. En realidad, “medidas” son todos los puntos tratados, pero en este bloque analizamos algunas características diferenciales de las mismas tal y como existen y tal y como podrían ser que, nos parece, tienen una implicación diferencial En una tercera parte, realizamos un recorrido sobre algunos de los resultados que, siendo significativos, puedan ofrecer un panorama general de los conocimientos obtenidos mediante esta investigación. Y lo hacemos desde la óptica, que nunca debemos perder, de las implicaciones que los mismos pueden tener desde un punto de vista aplicado. Recogemos en este libro “análisis complementarios” y conclusiones que nos ayuden a encontrar respuestas en la búsqueda de la máxima eficacia y eficiencia del sistema, considerando sus posibles alternativas.
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La norma y todo lo que de ella se deriva es fundamental en el ámbito del tráfico para regular los comportamientos de los conductores, porque de lo que se trata en última instancia y por encima de otros objetivos es de preservar el derecho fundamental a nuestra vida y la de los demás. Es obvio que en el ámbito del tráfico, el riesgo que asumamos con nuestras conductas imprudentes, no sólo repercute sobre uno mismo, sino que pone en riesgo a las personas (conductores y peatones) con los que interactuamos. A lo largo de los diferentes apartados que conforman este libro, damos algunas pinceladas a cada uno de los elementos que hemos considerado conforman el “mecanismo cíclico de las medidas legislativas en el tráfico y la seguridad vial”, es decir, las medidas que regulan, supervisan, sancionan, juzgan el comportamiento vial de los usuarios de la vía. La composición, interacción, generalidades, particularidades…, de cada uno de estos elementos. La legislación, la normativa, las ordenanzas, regulaciones, como veremos, se establecen con el fin de que sean cumplidas, y con ello garantizar la seguridad vial. No obstante, en la realidad, en la vida cotidiana, no siempre ocurre así, por lo que se hace necesario establecer un mecanismo de control que sea capaz de advertir qué usuarios no cumplen con la normativa. Dependiendo del grado de cumplimiento y de sus consecuencias, será necesario establecer un sistema sancionador con el objetivo de persuadir a los infractores a cumplir la ley (bajo los principios del aprendizaje y del castigo). Debido a la heterogeneidad en los subgrupos de usuarios de la vía, nuevas tecnologías, regulaciones, densidad, etc. “siempre habrá infractores”, por lo que también periódicamente habrá que revisar, modificar las leyes, y en ocasiones, introducir otras nuevas leyes. Volviendo entonces al principio del proceso. Casi de forma cronológica iremos, en cada uno de los componentes, haciendo referencia a su descripción, generalidades, particularidades, objetivos y eficacia. Nos centraremos fundamentalmente en nuestro país, aunque siempre haremos referencia a nuestros vecinos europeos. Esta referencia consideramos que es obligatoria, en primer lugar por la riqueza que puede suponer una comparativa y/o crítica constructiva, y sobre todo por la tendencia a la convergencia europea que domina en esta área, la del tráfico, el transporte y la seguridad, convergencia en ocasiones ya oficial Hablamos de leyes, legisladores, de derecho, de fuerzas de seguridad del estado, de estructuras, jerarquización, organización, hablamos de la judicatura, jueces, potestad administrativa, del ius pudiendi, pero sobre todo hablamos de usuarios de la vía que son sometidos a leyes, que han de ser persuadidos para su cumplimiento, controlados y supervisados por su comportamiento, sancionados, juzgados, con un único objetivo “prevenir, evitar los accidentes garantizando la seguridad vial”. Desde una visión integral, sin tecnicismos innecesarios, desde una terminología lo más lega y profana posible abordaremos diferentes temáticas: En primer lugar nos hemos referido a la legislación, a las leyes de seguridad vial, al código de circulación, con relación a las principales conductas de riesgo que, por ende, son objeto máximo de regulación y control legal. No tanto a la descripción de las leyes sino a las necesidades y requisitos de su eficacia, así como a los fenómenos que son inherentes a su potencial acatamiento o quebrantamiento. En segundo lugar, hemos abordado el control y la supervisión de la legislación, sus objetivos y eficacia, como preámbulo de la ejecución del sistema de sanciones. Por último, la sanción, su por qué, su fundamentación, su eficacia, su tendencia, las cuestiones que deriva. La sanción, desde el punto de vista administrativo y penal, está marcando una tendencia clara, endurecer las leyes, endurecer las sanciones. Socialmente se reclama la penalización de los delitos. Es lógico, hablamos de muertos, de lesionados, de víctimas inocentes. Se busca castigar al que mata, con una pistola, con un vehículo… Al fin y al cabo para los familiares de aquel que ha sido asesinado por un conductor ebrio, que conduce a una velocidad excediendo los límites permitidos, al que la mayoría de usuarios circula o debería circular de acuerdo con la ley, es un asesino. Y los asesinos, los homicidas, deben ser juzgados por los tribunales de lo penal. No somos juristas, no somos magistrados, no somos expertos policiales, todos somos usuarios de la vía que vamos a reflexionar.
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Objective: This analysis is an update of a Traffic Tech published by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) in March 1992. Drivers with prior driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) convictions are overrepresented in fatal crashes and the relative risk of fatal crash involvement is greater for these repeat DWI offenders. Methods: Although it is estimated that 2.1 percent of licensed drivers had a prior arrest for DWI within the past 3 years in 2010, 8.0 percent of intoxicated drivers (blood alcohol concentration [BAC] ≥ 0.08 g/dL) involved in fatal crashes had at least one prior DWI conviction in the past 3 years during that same year. Results: Drivers with prior DWI convictions are overrepresented in fatal crashes by a factor of 1.62 or are 62 percent more likely to be in a fatal crash. Similarly, drivers with prior DWI convictions are also overrepresented as drinking drivers in fatal crashes: those with low BACs (0.01-0.07) by a factor of 2.38 and those with high BACs (0.08+) by a factor of 3.81. Conclusion: Though repeat DWI offenders are at a substantially higher risk of fatal crash involvement, the vast majority of intoxicated drivers in fatal crashes do not have a DWI conviction in the past 3 years (11 out of 12) according to the Fatality Analysis Reporting System records for the year 2010.
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We test whether heavy or binge drinkers are overly optimistic about probabilities of adverse consequences from these activities or are relatively accurate about these probabilities. Using data from a survey in eight cities, we evaluate the relationship between subjective beliefs and drinking. We assess accuracy of beliefs about several outcomes of heavy/binge drinking: reduced longevity, liver disease onset, link between alcohol consumption and Driving While Intoxicated (DWI), probability of an accident after drinking, accuracy of beliefs about encountering intoxicated drivers on the road, and legal consequences of DWI-ranging from being stopped to receiving fines and jail terms. Overall, there is no empirical support for the optimism bias hypothesis. We do find that persons consuming a lot of alcohol tend to be more overconfident about their driving abilities and ability to handle alcohol. However, such overconfidence does not translate into over-optimism about consequences of high levels of alcohol consumption.
Article
The present research examined factors that could be used to improve campaigns geared toward having adolescents prevent their friends from driving while intoxicated. Three areas were examined: (1) adolescents' ability to make accurate judgments of their friends' drunkenness using information about the number of drinks consumed and the time to consume, (2) their perceptions of the consequences that could ensue if they were to attempt to prevent their friends from driving while intoxicated, and (3) their knowledge of viable strategies if they were to attempt such interventions with their friends. The results show that adolescents have perceptual biases when using information about number of drinks and time to consume when making judgments of drunkenness, and that intervention attempts with friends are likely to result in confrontations. The implications of these findings for the timing and content of educational efforts is discussed.
Chapter
riving a motor vehicle is a complex task requiring a reasonable level of physical fitness, accurate perception, and appropriate judgment. All these factors can be affected by drugs and alcohol, greatly increasing the risk of accidents. Many medical conditions (and their treatments) may impair fitness to drive and are considered first.
Article
Roads traffic injuries in the WHO European Region represent a major public health problem. About 127 thousand people are killed and about 2,4 million injured every year. The publication builds on and complements the World Report on Road Traffic Injury Prevention , analysing in depth the burden of disease from road traffic injury in the European Region , framing the issue in the context of sustainable mobility, presenting a comprehensive systems approach to road safety based on successful experiences developed by some Members States in the Region and highlighting opportunities for the health sector to play a broader role. The publication calls for a multisectoral and evidence based approach to preventing road traffic injuries, with public health playing an important role, emphasizes the importance of a strong political commitment at all levels of government and makes recommendations for action
Article
Over the past two decades, hundreds of articles, editorials, and commentaries have been published describing the considerable disruptive effects on quality of care of individuals noncompliance with health and medical advice. While much research has been directed at determining factors responsible for poor compliance, past studies have tended to focus upon easily measured characteristics of the patients, regimen, or illness which, unfortunately, are usually neither predictive nor alterable. This paper systematically reviews the literature on patient acceptance of recommended health behaviors, attempting to find social-psychological and related variables which have proven to be consistent predictors of compliance. The review suggests that certain health beliefs (especailly personal estimates of vulnerability to, and seriousness of, the disease, and faith in the efficacy of care), health-related motivations, perceptions of psychological and other costs of the recommended action, various aspects of the doctor-patient relationship, and social influence are the most productive dimensions for present intervention and further exploration. Building upon an earlier formulation, an hypothesized model is presented which combines these elements for explaining and predicting compliance behavior. Further research should, with standardized questionnaires and analysis techniques, employ prospective, experimental designs for a variety of population groups, settings, and regimens, to evaluate the ability of practical attempts to modify the model variables and thus enhance compliance.