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Greek-Turkish Relations in the Era of Globalization
... Subsequently, with Greece's consent, the EU heads of state at the Helsinki Summit of December 1999 unanimously accepted Turkey's application for candidate status for future EU membership. This marked an unprecedented development in that Greece, an EU member state, Cyprus, an EU acceding state, and Turkey an EU candidate state were brought within the EU framework and process (Anastasiou 2000;Gündüz 2001;Jenkins 2001;Kerides 2001). ...
... The decade long, marginal but exemplary interethnic citizen peace building initiatives in Cyprus, the rising rapprochement between Greece and Turkey at both the interstate and the intersocietal levels since 1999, the EU accession process of Cyprus, and Turkey's EU candidacy and Europeanizing orientation gradually gave rise to an unprecedented historical dynamic of a likely convergence of the interests of TCs, GCs, Turkey and Greece, and the association of these interests with peace in Cyprus and the region (Anastasiou 2000;Kerides 2001). It was precisely in the context of these new interrelationships of Cypriot, Greek, and Turkish politics within the anticipated common EU framework that the UN launched its historic proposal on November 11, 2002, entitled Basis for the Comprehensive Settlement of the Cyprus Problem. ...
Supported by the EU and the international community, the extraordinary effort of the UN to mediate a settlement of the Cyprus problem before the integration of Cyprus into the EU ended in failure. The two historical highlights that marked the failure of the peace process were the top level talks at The Hague in March 2003 and the Cyprus referendum in April 2004. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership played in derailing the peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem. The analysis focuses on the polarizing ethno-centric nationalism of the then Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders. But it does so by contrasting the respective nationalism of the leaders to the Europeanizing and peace-enhancing trends that were emerging in Cypriot civil society and Greco-Turkish relations during the crucial period leading to the Hague talks and the Cyprus referendum. From this perspective, the role of the Cypriot leaders during the negotiation process is assessed against the backdrop of Turkey's changed policy on Cyprus and the deepening interethnic rapprochement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, especially following the lifting of restriction to free movement across the green line in April 2003. The investigation attempts to explore how the stubborn sustenance and strategic reactivation of the legacy of adversarial nationalism, as well as the perpetuation of the mono-ethnic concept of statehood by the Cypriot leaders rendered them practically unwilling and ideologically incapable of recognizing and seizing the greatest historical opportunity for peace in Cyprus in half a century.
... At the on set of the rapprochement process the relevant literature flourished. Apart from the works already cited, one could note Keridis and Triantafyllou (2001), Aydin and Ifantis (2004), Çarkoğlu and Rubin (2005), Veremis (2007), and Anastasakis et al. (2009). In the Greeklanguage academic literature, one could resort to Syrigos (2015), while in the Turkishlanguage one could refer to Oran (2001a;. ...
This chapter examines the development of Greek-Turkish relations under the influence of the European Union and the limits of the rapprochement between the two countries. The 1999 lifting of the Greek veto on the improvement of EU-Turkey relations triggered an improvement in bilateral relations which has remained unprecedented since the 1950s. Bilateral relations underwent a paradigmatic shift which allowed for zero-sum game-based approaches to be challenged. Economic and civil society ties grew stronger; minor ity problems were mitigated while longstanding bilateral diplomatic disputes remained unresolved and far from international adjudication. Turkey's faltering EU membership ambitions weakened a crucial catalyst of Greek-Turkish rapprochement, yet there was no relapse to the pre-1999 problematic relations. Despite the severe economic and social crises that hit Greece and Turkey in the last decade, Greek-Turkish relations have not fallen victim to rampant populism. In both countries, the bilateral disputes and the Cyprus issue declined in importance compared to other foreign policy issues. This al lowed both sides to focus on urgent questions but removed a strong incentive to take risks for conflict resolution. The costs of avoiding a bitter compromise appear low, and this provides a strong incentive to political leaders to refrain from necessary political risks. This poses substantial risks for the future and prevents the development of even closer economic and social relations.
... Until today, the Greek-Turkish economic relations are mainly focused on the trade of goods and services. Other than that, there is a substantial volume in the tourist sector and a strategic cooperation in the energy sector (Keridis and Triantaphyllou, 2001;Ververidou, 2001). The trade balance between Greece and Turkey gives a good indication of the trends, prospects and possibilities which exist for development. ...
The further enlargement of the European Union (E.U.) evolves around the controversial accession of Turkey. The possibility of a future accession is expected to have a significant influence on the economic relations between Turkey and other countries of the E.U. For both Greece and Turkey, the possible accession of the second offers the ground for the intensification of their economic relations. One important parameter of these relations is the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The aim of this study is to determine the most important characteristics of the Greek investments that have been realised in Turkey. In this context, an empirical research was conducted. Results offer insightful information about a number of qualitative characteristics: the main incentives for investing in Turkey, the nature of the cooperation with Turkish companies, the influence of the possible accession of Turkey to the realisation of the investment, and finally the difficulties and the problems that the Greek companies are facing in their effort to penetrate Turkey’s domestic market.
... The use of the EU lever as a short-term instrument of pressure against Turkey remained attractive to the Greek elite because it was generally successful (Author Interview No. 1) and politically less risky and more rewarding than alternative policies (Veremis, 2001). The nature of the EU's relations with Turkey rendered this policy of negative conditionality not only possible, but also successful and legitimate. ...
Drawing on the trajectory of Greek-Turkish conflicts, this article demonstrates how the EU's bordering practices affect the conflict resolution capacity of the EU on its external borders. Close institutional relations and positive identification with outsider states diffuse the logic of the security community. On the other hand, hard EU borders incapacitate the EU from having a positive influence. Copyright (c) 2007 The Author(s); Journal compilation (c) 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
... The use of the EU lever as a short-term instrument of pressure against Turkey remained attractive to the Greek elite because it was generally successful (Author Interview No. 1) and politically less risky and more rewarding than alternative policies (Veremis, 2001). The nature of the EU's relations with Turkey rendered this policy of negative conditionality not only possible, but also successful and legitimate. ...
The EU's political conditionality during the 2004 enlargement process recorded significant progress but imperfect implementation. But what has happened since post-Communist countries joined the EU three years ago now that the leverage of Brussels has ceased? This article develops an analytical approach to answer this question and applies it to the two cases of Slovakia and Latvia during the first three years of membership, showing some further progress with conditionality matters but also a rather mixed picture. Altogether, there is no common pattern whereby conditionalty loses momention and becomes unscrambled even though the drive behind enlargement has been the crucial force driving conditionality policy. Copyright (c) 2008 The Author(s).
Citation:
Evaghorou, Ε. L., (2006). "The Economics of Defence of Greece and Turkey: A Contemporary Theoretical Approach for States Rivalry and Arms Race", in E. Nikolaidou (ed.), Proceedings of the 10th Annual International Conference on Economics & Security, Thessaloniki: South – East European Research Center, pp. 145-171.
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Abstract:
The correlation between economy and the states security policy stands as a conjunction between the wider discourses of Economy and International Relations. This conjunction influences the international phenomena with regard to the aforementioned academic fields. This paper deals with this mutual relation by examining the economics of defence of Greece and Turkey as a case study. By doing so, the paper explores specific general theoretical assumptions in regard to the mutual relation between economy and the security policy. We examine the following factors: interpretation of the economic power of the two states, presentation of their economic wealth and their level of growth, and finally, the political - economic structure in both societies. Thus, we test a hypothesis using a case study. The examination of the mentioned factors aims at proving two main general hypotheses: First, how the level of the arm race between the states defines the inter-state relations. Second, how the funds allocated for defence prescribe the state’s international strategy. The innovation and contribution of this essay is to import methodological instruments (from both the
academic fields of economics and strategy of international relations) in order to analyse the Greek-Turkish arms race. This effort concludes in providing a modern theoretical gaze on the inter-state relations and arms race. In parallel with the examination of the hypothesis, we add a new theoretical step in arm - race framework. The theoretical background for the analysis of the above elements will be the scientific fields of Political Economy and the Economics of Defence and theories of International Relations and state strategy. Political Economy and the Economics of Defence constitute scientific fields of sciences of Economics and International Politics.
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Keywords:
Economics of defense, arms race, Greek-Turkish relations, economic power, defense
spending.
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This paper explores the survival strategies of Turkish Cypriot families during the war conditions of 1963/4-74. On the basis of a Key Informant Survey it attempts to empirically document the forms of social capital utilized in wartime. There is a large volume of literature on social capital, but the particular type of social capital of relevance in the Turkish Cypriot case reported below is non-formal type in conditions of war and ethnic conflict.
The pivotal role played by Computer-Mediated Communications (CMCs) as mobilization tools for social movements as diverse as the ‘Arab Spring’, the Iranian ‘Green Revolution’, and the 2008 Greek ‘December Riots’, has rekindled academic interest in the internet as a field of sociological research. Drawing on new media and nationalism studies, this article approaches a particular type of CMC as a ‘virtual community’. By examining the context of post-1999 Greek-Turkish reconciliation, it is argued that these virtual communities have offered significant breathing space for individuals who are ready to revisit, discuss, and negotiate the constitutive boundaries of modernity's ‘imagined communities’, and are therefore conducive to the Greek-Turkish rapprochement.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
The correlation between economy and the states secu rity policy stands as a conjunction between the wider discourses of Economy and International Relations . This conjunction influences the international phenomena with regard to the aforementioned academic fields. This paper deals with this mutual relation by examining the economics of defence of Greece and Turkey as a case study. By do ing so, the paper explores specific general theoretical assumptions in regard to the mutual relation between economy and the security policy. We examine the following factors: interpretation of the economic power of the two states, presentati on of their economic wealth and their level of growth, and finally, the politic al - economic structure in both societies. Thus, we test a hypothesis using a case study. The examination of the mentioned factors aims at proving two main general hypotheses: First, how the level of the arm race between the states defines the inter-s tate relations. Second, how the funds allocated for defence prescribe the state's interna tional strategy. The innovation and contribution of this essay is to import methodologi cal instruments (from both the academic fields of economics and strategy of intern ational relations) in order to analyse the Greek-Turkish arms race. This effort concludes in providing a modern theoretical gaze on the inter-state relations and arms race. In parallel with the examination of the hypothesis, we add a new theoretical step in arm - race framework. The theoretical background for the analysis of the above elements w ill be the scientific fields of Political Economy and the Economics of Defence and theories of International Relations and state strategy. Political Economy and the Economics of Defence constitute scientific fields of sciences of Economics and International Politics.
Since the late 1990s, Greek–Turkish relations have undergone significant transformation. Both countries have reengineered their relations towards one another, and Turkey's candidature for EU membership has been an important factor in this transformation. The aim of this article is to examine the shift that has taken place in Greek–Turkish relations through the prism of the Kantian democratic peace theory. A conceptual discussion of the democratic peace theory is followed by a comparative analysis of the political, economic and institutional variables in the case of Greece and Turkey, and a presentation of the progress that has been achieved in many aspects of the bilateral relationship. Given the nature of the unresolved issues that continue to render Greek–Turkish relations vulnerable, the authors conclude that ‘issue management’ will most likely characterize bilateral relations in the short to medium term, hoping that the trends of economic and social exchange, cooperation and interdependence will continue on their current upward path.
Following the failure of the 2004 UN-led referendum, the entry of a divided Cyprus into the European Union has introduced an unprecedented anomaly within the Union's system. This paper argues that this anomaly entails a complex pattern of contradictions between EU law and the European Union's political perspective on Cyprus that has weakened both EU law and the European Union's conflict-resolution capacity in regard to inter-ethnic relations in Cyprus, Cyprus–Turkish relations and EU–Turkish relations. The enquiry concludes with an exploration of EU strategies for addressing the Cyprus anomaly in a manner that realigns EU law and the European Union's peace-building capacity for the Eastern Mediterranean.
This article examines the institutional challenges that Greek security policy is facing and offers some suggestions regarding the mechanisms that are needed for a more effective security and crisis management policy. The inefficiency of Greek security policy derives among other things from the fact that the existing institutional structures are inadequate and poorly organized. The prospect of introducing a new institutional body, the National Security Council, will also be examined in order to demonstrate that such an institution
although helpful should not be treated as a panacea.
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