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Garant oder Gefahr Ein Medienwirkungsexperiment zur Instrumentalität des Value-Framing
... Moreover, the approach provides a consistent specification of media frames that can be replicated across time and topics ( Ball-Rockeach et al. 1990). The value-framing concept is compatible with Entman's (1993) definition of framing as the value may be considered as the centre of the frame, finding expression in specific problem definitions, causal interpretations, moral evaluations and consequences ( Scheufele et al. 2012). ...
... Value framing involves an evaluative component by associating a value and an issue in a certain direction (Shen & Edwards 2005). Our assumption on how value frames interact with news readers cognitions is based on Rosenberg's (1956) cognitive affective consistency theory, in which he relates cognitive struc- tures and attitudinal affects ( Scheufele et al. 2012). Rosenberg (1956) assumes that an individual will develop a relatively stable tendency to respond to a given object with positive or negative affects according to her or his belief of the object's potential for attaining or blocking the realization of valued states. ...
In this study, we examined the portrayal of privacy and data protection on social network sites (SNS) in German media. As a widely used social web application, SNS arouse a considerable amount of media attention. By means of a value-framing analysis, the present study investigated how German media frame privacy and data protection on SNS. In a first step, the three value frames informational self-determination, security and psychosocial need satisfaction were identified through a qualitative framing analysis of online media. In a second step, we conducted a standardized content analysis of four preselected German newspapers to quantify the previously identified frames. Results show that newspapers mainly frame SNS in matters of users’ informational self-determination and that they predominantly present SNS as a threat to this value.
... Ältere Studien, die sich mit der Tendenz der Darstellung von Migranten beschäftigt haben, zeigen nahezu einhellig, dass Migranten vor der "Flüchtlingskrise" 2015 in den deutschen Medien überwiegend negativ bewertet wurden (vgl. Hömberg und Schlemmer 1994;Ruhrmann und Sommer 2005;Hafez und Scheufele et al. 2012). Ein erster Frame kann bereits der Begriff sein, mit dem Menschen, die nach Deutschland kommen, um Asyl zu beantragen, in den Medien bezeichnet werden. ...
Zusammenfassung
Die Medienberichterstattung über Geflüchtete wird von einem großen Teil der deutschen Bevölkerung als einseitig wahrgenommen. Inhaltsanalysen zeigen allerdings sehr unterschiedliche Befunde: Während einige Studien eine einseitig positive Berichterstattung konstatieren, kommen andere zu dem Ergebnis, die Berichterstattung sei einseitig negativ. Dabei handelt es sich jedoch meist um Querschnittstudien im Zusammenhang mit besonders spektakulären Ereignissen von unterschiedlicher Valenz. Zudem werden oft nur wenige Medien und wenige Indikatoren für Einseitigkeit betrachtet. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht deshalb erstmals die Berichterstattung von sechs deutschen Leitmedien über Geflüchtete in einem Zeitraum von fast sechs Jahren (Mai 2015 bis Dezember 2020) anhand verschiedener Indikatoren für Einseitigkeit. Eine manuelle Inhaltsanalyse von 8185 Medienbeiträgen zeigt, dass insgesamt zwei konfligierende Narrative die Berichterstattung dominierten: Geflüchtete wurden als Menschen in Not charakterisiert, die aus humanitären Gründen aufgenommen werden müssen, und gleichzeitig als Sicherheitsrisiko für die deutsche Bevölkerung beschrieben. Im Zeitverlauf zeigten sich ereignisabhängig erhebliche Schwankungen in Menge und Tendenz der Berichterstattung. Zugleich war aber auch ein Trend zu weniger und negativerer Berichterstattung erkennbar. Ursachen und vermutliche Folgen dieser Berichterstattungsmuster werden im Beitrag diskutiert.
Dieser Beitrag setzt sich mit einem der bekanntesten Aufsätze zum Framing-Konzept auseinander, der vor fast 30 Jahren von dem Politikwissenschaftler Robert M. Entman verfasst wurde. Bekannt wurde Entmans Aufsatz vor allem für seine Unterscheidung von vier Frame-Elementen sowie zwei Definitionen; darüber entfaltete er beachtliche Reichweite. Zunächst werden die zentralen Inhalte des Aufsatzes vorgestellt und mit zeitgleich erschienenen oder früheren Arbeiten auch anderer Autor*innen in Verbindung gebracht. Danach wird Entmans Aufsatz in weitere Publikationen seines Gesamtwerks eingeordnet, in denen er sich ebenfalls mit Frames bzw. Framing oder mit verwandten Konstrukten beschäftigte. Abschließend geht es um die Wirkungsgeschichte des Aufsatzes, die man einerseits in konzeptionell-definitiorischer, andererseits in methodischer Hinsicht sehen kann. In beiden Fällen stellen sich auch kritische Fragen. Schließlich wird diskutiert, ob uns Entmans Aufsatz heute noch etwas zu sagen hat – etwa in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Beschäftigung mit aktuellen gesellschaftlichen Diskursen wie dem Klimawandel.
Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit Umfragen als datengenerierendes Erhebungsinstrument in der politischen Kommunikationsforschung. Dabei wird auf frei verfügbare repräsentative Sekundärdaten eingegangen, die für Studierende, Forschende und Lehrende gleichermaßen nutzbar sind. Anschließend werden verschiedene Variationen und Anwendungsgebiete von Umfragen in der aktuellen Forschung betrachtet, um Limitationen sowie neue Möglichkeiten aufzuzeigen. Abschließend wird die zukünftige Stellung der Umfrageforschung als Erhebungsmethode in der politischen Kommunikationsforschung diskutiert.
Social networking sites have become an online realm where users are exposed to news about current affairs. People mainly encounter news incidentally because they are re-distributed by users whom they befriended or follow on social media platforms. In my dissertation project, I draw on shared reality theory in order to examine the question of how the relationship to the news endorser, the person who shares news content, determines social influence on opinion formation about shared news. The shared reality theory posits that people strive to achieve socially shared beliefs about any object and topic because of the fundamental epistemic need to establish what is real. Social verification of beliefs in interpersonal communication renders uncertain and ambiguous individual perceptions as valid and objectively true. However, reliable social verification may be provided only by others who are regarded as epistemic authority, in other words as someone whose judgment one can trust. People assign epistemic authority particularly to socially close others, such as friends and family, or to members of their in-group. I inferred from this that people should be influenced by the view of a socially close news endorser when forming an opinion about shared news content but not by the view of a socially distant news endorser. In Study 1, a laboratory experiment (N = 226), I manipulated a female news endorsers social closeness by presenting her as an in-group or out-group member. Participants opinion and memory of a news article were not affected by the news endorsers opinion in either of the conditions. I concluded that the news article did not elicit motivation to strive for shared reality because participants were confident about their own judgment. Therefore, they did not rely on the news endorsers view when forming an opinion about the news topic. Moreover, the results revealed that participants had stronger trust in the news endorser when she expressed a positive (vs. negative) opinion about the news topic, while social closeness to the news endorser did not predict trust. On the one hand, this is in line with the social norm of sharing positive thoughts and experiences on social networking sites: adherence to the positivity norm results in more favorable social ratings. On the other hand, my findings indicate that participants generally had a positive opinion about the topic of the stimulus article and thus had more trust in news endorsers who expressed a similar opinion. In Study 2, an online experiment (N = 1, 116), I exposed participants to a news post by a relational close vs. relational distant news endorser by having them name a close or distant actual Facebook friend. There was a small influence of the news endorsers opinion on participants thought and opinion valence irrespective of whether the news endorser was a close or distant friend. The finding was surprising, particularly because participants reported stronger trust in the view of the close friend than in the view of a distant friend. I concluded that in light of an ambiguity eliciting news article, people may even rely on the views of less trustworthy news endorsers in order to establish a socially shared and, therefore, valid opinion about a news topic. Drawing on shared reality theory, I hypothesized that social influence on opinion formation is mediated by news endorser congruent responses to a news post. The results indicated a tendency for the proposed indirect relation however, the effect size was small and the sample in Study 2 was not large enough to provide the necessary statistical power to detect the mediation. In conclusion, the results of my empirical studies provide first insights regarding the conditions under which a single news endorser influences opinion formation about news shared on social networking sites. I found limited support for shared reality creation as underlying mechanism of such social influence. Thus, my work contributes to the understanding of social influence on news perception happening in social networking sites and proposes theoretical refinements to shared reality theory. I suggest that future research should focus on the role of social and affiliative motivation for social influences on opinion formation about news shared on social networking sites.
Available here: http://opus.uni-hohenheim.de/volltexte/2021/1897/
Zusammenfassung
Die Studie untersucht, inwieweit Medien bei der Debatte um die Flucht- und Asylmigration die zentralen Deutungsmuster der Parteien wiedergeben und ob dabei Diskursallianzen zwischen einzelnen Medienangeboten und Parteien zum Vorschein kommen. Unser Beitrag widmet sich damit der öffentlichkeitstheoretisch relevanten Frage, ob bzw. welche Medien als Organe partikularer Standpunkte fungieren und welche durch eine breite und ausgewogene Abbildung konkurrierender Problemdeutungen die Grundlagen für eine unabhängige Meinungsbildung schaffen. Darüber hinaus prüfen wir, inwiefern Medien den Parteien eine faire Chance geben, dass ihre Positionen für das Staatsbürgerpublikum wahrnehmbar werden. Wir ermitteln das Ausmaß des politischen Parallelismus anhand einer Inhaltsanalyse von 18 Medienangeboten und von Dokumenten der sieben Bundestagsparteien. Auf der Ebene problembezogener Aussagen erfassen wir wertebezogene Deutungsmuster. So können wir die inhaltliche Substanz der vermittelten Positionen präzise nachzeichnen und Ähnlichkeiten von Medien und Parteien hinsichtlich ihrer Deutung des Streitthemas identifizieren. Ferner erlaubt unser Verfahren eine Verortung von Medien und Parteien im Raum politischer Positionen, der von Grundkonflikten (Cleavages) aufgespannt wird. Über diesen Rückgriff auf ein Konzept der politischen Soziologie können wir Nähe und Distanz von Medien und Parteien verdichtend beschreiben.
Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit Umfragen als datengenerierendes Erhebungsinstrument in der politischen Kommunikationsforschung. Dabei wird auf frei
verfügbare repräsentative Sekundärdaten eingegangen, die für Studierende, Forschende und Lehrende gleichermaßen nutzbar sind. Anschließend werden verschiedene Variationen und Anwendungsgebiete von Umfragen in der aktuellen
Forschung betrachtet, um Limitationen sowie neue Möglichkeiten aufzuzeigen.
Abschließend wird die zukünftige Stellung der Umfrageforschung als Erhebungsmethode in der politischen Kommunikationsforschung diskutiert.
In seiner breit angelegten Aufarbeitung der frühen Literatur zum Framing-Ansatz stellt Bertram Scheufele viele einflussreiche Studien erstmals in deutscher Sprache in einen größeren Zusammenhang und entwickelt vielversprechende Ansätze für eine kohärente, schematheoretisch ausgerichtete Framing-Theorie. Ein wichtiger Aspekt sind dabei Scheufeles Überlegungen zu Framing-Effekten, deren kognitive Wirkungsmechanismen er präziser konzeptualisiert als es viele andere Autoren bis dahin getan hatten. Die in der Arbeit enthaltene empirische Studie befasst sich jedoch mit einem anderen Aspekt: Sie untersucht mittels Kombination von qualitativer und quantitativer Inhaltsanalyse die Auswirkungen der Medienframes in Orientierungsphasen auf die Medienframes in Routinephasen. Hauptbefunde sind: (1) Die Berichterstattung in Routinephasen orientiert sich eng an den Frames, die sich in der Orientierungsphase herausgebildet hatten. (2) Je besser ein Beitrag dem dominanten Frame aus der Orientierungsphase entspricht, desto besser wird seine Sichtbarkeit in der Medienberichterstattung. Scheufele leistet theoretisch wie empirisch an mehreren Fronten Pionierarbeit, was aber leider auch mit hoher Argumentdichte, hoher Komplexität und geringer Eingängigkeit einhergeht.
The rise of the protest movement against neoliberal globalization represents one of the most signi?cant illustrations of social con?ict and contentious political behavior of the past several decades. This paper contends that central to the movements rise and evolution has been the active mobilization of meanings or interpretations critical of neoliberal policies and institutions. In e?ect, the so-called anti-globalization movement has bene?ted particularly from a transnationally-shared diagnosis, which implicates neoliberalism for a host of global social ills. However, civil society activists, especially after the Seattle World Trade Organization protests in 1999, have had a dif?cult time generating agreed upon strategic responses to neoliberal policies. In particular, the political environment for frame dissemination has become a much more contested one in the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, as regional and tactical di?erences within the protest move-ment have become much more apparent. The di?cult experiences of civil society groups committed to sustaining protest against neo-liberal globalization are not unusual, but consistent with the history of other protest movements. These movements similarly matured and positioned themselves as genuine forces for substantial political and social change.
Beyond the striking differences in the value priorities of groups is a surprisingly widespread consensus regarding the hierarchical order of values. Average value hierarchies of representative and near representative samples from 13 nations exhibit a similar pattern that replicates with school teachers in 56 nations and college students in 54 nations. Benevolence, self-direction, and universalism values are consistently most important; power, tradition, and stimulation values are least important; and security, conformity, achievement, and hedonism are in between. Value hierarchies of 83% of samples correlate at least .80 with this pan-cultural hierarchy. To explain the pan-cultural hierarchy, the authors discuss its adaptive functions in meeting the requirements of successful societal functioning. The authors demonstrate, with data from Singapore and the United States, that correctly interpreting the value hierarchies of groups requires comparison with the pan-cultural normative baseline.
This paper attempts to further theoretical and empirical understanding of adherent and constituent mobilization by proposing and analyzing frame alignment as a conceptual bridge linking social psychological and resource mobilization views on movement participation. Extension of Goffman's (1974) frame analytic perspective provides the conceptual/theoretical framework; field research on two religious movements, the peace movement, and several neighborhood movements provide the primary empirical base. Four frame alignment processes are identified and elaborated: frame bridging, frame amplification, frame extension, and frame transformation. The basic underlying premise is that frame alignment, of one variety or another, is a necessary condition for participation, whatever its nature or intensity, and that it is typically an interactional and ongoing accomplishment. The paper concludes with an elaboration of several sets of theoretical and research implications.
In this article, we report two experiments that examine a cue-diagnosticity explanation (Skowronski & Carlston, 1986) for the extremity and negativity biases that are commonly found in impression-formation research. The first experiment demonstrates that negative behaviors are generally perceived as more diagnostic than positive behaviors when the former are morality related (honesty-dishonesty) but that these perceptions are reversed when negative behaviors are ability related (intelligence-stupidity). Furthermore, as predicted, extreme behaviors relating to either morality or ability were perceived as more diagnostic than were moderate behaviors. As a consequence of these perceptions, it was predicted that the impression-formation task used in Experiment 2 would detect negativity and extremity biases for the morality judgment, but positivity and extremity biases for the ability judgment. The data confirmed these predictions, providing support for the cue-diagnosticity approach and posing problems for alternative approaches to judgment biases. Experiment 2 also found recall to be characterized by negativity biases for stimulus behaviors relating to both morality and ability. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
One of the most contested questions in the social sciences is whether people behave rationally. A large body of work assumes that individuals do in fact make rational economic, political, and social decisions. Yet hundreds of experiments suggest that this is not the case. Framing effects constitute one of the most stunning and influential demonstrations of irrationality. The effects not only challenge the foundational assumptions of much of the social sciences (e.g., the existence of coherent preferences or stable attitudes), but also lead many scholars to adopt alternative approaches (e.g., prospect theory). Surprisingly, virtually no work has sought to specify the political conditions under which framing effects occur. I fill this gap by offering a theory and experimental test. I show how contextual forces (e.g., elite competition, deliberation) and individual attributes (e.g., expertise) affect the success of framing. The results provide insight into when rationality assumptions apply and, also, have broad implications for political psychology and experimental methods.
Framing is the process by which a communication source constructs and defines a social or political issue for its audience. While many observers of political communication and the mass media have discussed framing, few have explicitly described how framing affects public opinion. In this paper we offer a theory of framing effects, with a specific focus on the psychological mechanisms by which framing influences political attitudes. We discuss important conceptual differences between framing and traditional theories of persuasion that focus on belief change. We outline a set of hypotheses about the interaction between framing and audience sophistication, and test these in an experiment. The results support our argument that framing is not merely persuasion, as it is traditionally conceived. We close by reflecting on the various routes by which political communications can influence attitudes.
Framing is the process by which a communication source, such as a news organization, defines and constructs a political issue or public controversy. Two experiments examined the effect of news frames on tolerance for the Ku Klux Klan. The first presented research participants with one of two local news stories about a Klan rally that varied by frame: One framed the rally as a free speech issue, and the other framed it as a disruption of public order. Participants who viewed the free speech story expressed more tolerance for the Klan than participants who watched the public order story. Additional data indicate that frames affect tolerance by altering the perceived importance of public order values. The relative accessibility of free speech and public order concepts did not respond to framing. A second experiment used a simulated electronic news service to present different frames and replicated these findings.
Presents a spreading-activation theory of human semantic processing,
which can be applied to a wide range of recent experimental results.
The theory is based on M. R. Quillian's (1967) theory of semantic
memory search and semantic preparation, or priming. In conjunction
with this, several misconceptions concerning Quillian's theory are
discussed. A number of additional assumptions are proposed for his
theory to apply it to recent experiments. The present paper shows
how the extended theory can account for results of several production
experiments by E. F. Loftus, J. F. Juola and R. C. Atkinson's (1971)
multiple-category experiment, C. Conrad's (1972) sentence-verification
experiments, and several categorization experiments on the effect
of semantic relatedness and typicality by K. J. Holyoak and A. L.
Glass (1975), L. J. Rips et al (1973), and E. Rosch (1973). The paper
also provides a critique of the Rips et al model for categorization
judgments.
3 hypotheses concerning the relationships between attitude toward an object and beliefs about that object were tested. 117 Ss were given a questionnaire designed to elicit attitudes towards allowing members of the Communist party to address the public. Several weeks later each S took a card sorting test designed to elicit the importance of certain values as a source of satisfaction and whether the values tend to be blocked by the attitude object. The hypotheses were confirmed, and "some of the data were interpreted as suggesting that "value importance' and "perceived instrumentality' are separate and possibly manipulable dimensions of attitude-related cognitive structures."
Accentuate the positive or accentuate the negative? The literature has been mixed as to how the alternative framing of information in positive or negative terms affects judgments and decisions. We argue that this is because different studies have employed different operational definitions of framing and thus have tapped different underlying processes. We develop a typology to distinguish between three different kinds of valence framing effects. First we discuss the standard risky choice framing effect introduced by Tversky and Kahneman (1981) to illustrate how valence affects willingness to take a risk. Then we discuss attribute framing, which affects the evaluation of object or event characteristics, and goal framing, which affects the persuasiveness of a communication. We describe the distinctions, provide a number of examples of each type, and discuss likely theoretical mechanisms underlying each type of framing effect. Our typology helps explain and resolve apparent confusions in the literature, ties together studies with common underlying mechanisms, and serves as a guide to future research and theory development. We conclude that a broader perspective, focused on the cognitive and motivational consequences of valence-based encoding, opens the door to a deeper understanding of the causes and consequences of framing effects.
Bei der Darstellung der Wurzeln des Integrationsbegriffs in Wissenschaftsbereichen der Soziologie, Rechtswissenschaft, Politikwissenschaft oder Psychologie blieb die Rolle der Massenmedien bislang weitgehend unbeleuchtet. Dies war insofern ohne größere Auslassungen möglich, da die Rolle der Massenmedien im Kern der bezeichneten Forschungsfelder selten explizit thematisiert wird. Allerdings lassen sich in modernen Gesellschaften viele Fragestellungen nicht mehr ohne einen Bezug auf die Massenmedien beantworten; so ist etwa die Untersuchung der Legitimation demokratischer Herrschaftsformen ohne den Blick auf die massenmedial vermittelte, politische Öffentlichkeit kaum denkbar. Es finden sich interdisziplinäre Überschneidungen, die für die Konzeption einer integrierenden Funktion der Massenmedien von Bedeutung sind, und die im Rahmen dieses Kapitels zusammengeführt werden sollen. Im Folgenden wird zunächst die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Diskussion über die Integrationsfunktion nachgezeichnet. Daran schließt sich eine Darstellung der einschlägigen ideengeschichtlichen Tradi tionen (Medienwirkungsforschung, Publikumsforschung, systemtheoretische Analysen) sowie eine Synopse der heterogenen Ansätze zu fünf ‚traditionellen‘Modellen der Integration durch Massenmedien an.
The objectives of this paper are to review the acceptance of loss theory (Dembo, Leviton, & Wright, 1956/1975; Wright, 1960, 1983), and to propose new directions for its study. Previous research on the theoretical dimensions and measurement of acceptance of loss is summarized and critically evaluated. Several suggestions are made for clarifying the process of value change and for improving assessment of acceptance of loss following disability.
Introduction: what the brain's-eye view tells the mind's-eye view. Part 1 The mind's-eye view: classical cognitivism situation and substance folk psychology, thought, and context biological constraints. Part 2 The brain's-eye view: parallel distributed processing informational holism the multiplicity of mind - a limited defence of classical cognitivism structured through reassembling the jigsaw. Epilogue: The parable of the high-level architect. Appendix: Beyond eliminativism.
Media discourse and public opinion are treated as two parallel systems of constructing meaning. This paper explores their relationship by analyzing the discourse on nuclear power in four general audience media: television news coverage, newsmagazine accounts, editorial cartoons, and syndicated opinion columns. The analysis traces the careers of different interpretive packages on nuclear power from 1945 to the present. This media discourse, it is argued, is an essential context for understanding the formation of public opinion on nuclear power. More specifically, it helps to account for such survey results as the decline in support for nuclear power before Three Mile Island, a rebound after a burst of media publicity has died out, the gap between general support for nuclear power and support for a plant in one's own community, and the changed relationship of age to support for nuclear power from 1950 to the present.
Excerpts available on Google Books (see link below). For more information, go to publisher's website : http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780805822335/
This study examines the effects of framing on how citizens use value language to explain their views on political issues. An experiment simulated exposure to framing in media coverage of gay rights. The results show that participants who received an "equality" frame were particularly likely to explain their views on gay rights in terms of equality and that participants who received a "morality" frame were particularly likely to cast their opinions in the language of morality. A closer examination, however, showed that exposure to the frames encouraged participants to use value language not only in ways suggested by the frames but also in ways that challenged the frames. Moreover, the results indicated that exposure to the "morality" frame interfered with the impact of the "equality" frame, suggesting that the presence of alternative frames can dampen framing effects.
Issue frames in policy discourse and news reporting regularly influence citizens' political opinions. Yet, we only have a limited understanding of how and among whom these framing effects occur. I propose a dual-process model of issue framing effects arguing that we must understand mediators of framing (the how question) in connection with individual-level moderators of framing (the whom question). Experimental results show that issue framing affects opinion through different psychological processes depending on who the receiver of the frame is. Among the moderately politically aware or those having weak political values, framing effects were mediated through processes of changing importance of considerations as well as changing content of considerations. Among the highly aware, only the importance change process mediated framing effects, while there were no framing effects among those least aware or those having strong values.
This paper examines the persuasability of rhetorical value framing within a presidential nominating campaign, in an effort
to understand how values and value-laden language may provide useful signals in electoral contexts where partisan cues are
absent. Relying on a survey-experiment conducted during the 2000 Republican nomination campaign, I evaluate the relative persuasiveness
of arguments framed in either individualistic or egalitarian terms. Drawing upon an “active-receiver” model of framing effects,
I posit that Republican primary voters respond more readily to candidates when they use individualistic frames than when they
use egalitarian frames, because individualism is a more “chronically accessible” value construct for Republicans. Furthermore,
I hypothesize that this dynamic is particularly pronounced among more educated respondents, who have been trained to recognize
abstract value cues and automatically apply them to applied political contexts. The experimental findings support these hypotheses.
This special issue of Journal of Communication is devoted to theoretical explanations of news framing, agenda setting, and priming effects. It examines if and how the three models are related and what potential relationships between them tell theorists and researchers about the effects of mass media. As an introduction to this effort, this essay provides a very brief review of the three effects and their roots in media-effects research. Based on this overview, we highlight a few key dimensions along which one can compare, framing, agenda setting, and priming. We conclude with a description of the contexts within which the three models operate, and the broader implications that these conceptual distinctions have for the growth of our discipline.
The article deals with research on framing effects. First, I will start with classifying different approaches on framing. Subsequently, I will provide a definition of the concepts of frame, schema and framing, expand on framing research conducted so far - both theoretically and operationally. Having this equipment at hand, I will initiate a discussion on studies of framing-effects in terms of theory, methods and empirical results. This discussion leads to the conclusion that studies on framing effects are insufficiently concerned with the more recent psychological constructs and theories. In merely focusing on the activation of schemata, most studies ignore the more elaborate types of framing-effects. Therefore, several empirical questions remain unanswered and some methodical chances seem to be wasted.
Students of public opinion have increasingly recognized issue framing as an important influence on political attitudes, but the precise means by which frames affect attitudes is not well understood. We argue that one distinctive way in which frames affect attitudes is by influencing the importance individuals attach to issue-relevant beliefs. We contrast this mechanism with the more familiar means of persuasion via change in belief content. Data come from two laboratory experiments. In each, a controversial issue was framed in one of two ways. We measured framing's influence on belief content, belief importance, and issue opinion. In both experiments, framing significantly affected issue opinion. Causal analysis shows that framing independently affected belief content and belief importance, and that each contributed to issue opinion.
The Nature of Values
- Milton Rokeach
Rokeach, Milton (1973). The Nature of Values. New York: The Free Press.
Bistro-Besitzerin) berichtet von ihren Erfahrungen
- Lesen Sie Weiter Ingrid Wegmann
LESEN SIE WEITER
Ingrid Wegmann (42, Bistro-Besitzerin) berichtet von ihren Erfahrungen. [Fiktiver Button]
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