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Brazil’s Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Policies in Africa
Abstract
This article analyses the peacekeeping efforts of Brazil, an emerging power for which peacebuilding is a key element of its international presence, and which has been strongly critical of the dominant liberal paradigm. Peacebuilding is key to Brazil’s approach, as the country by tradition participates (with the contested exception of MINUSTAH) only in Chapter VI peace operations, abjuring the robust use of force. An activity such as peacebuilding which marries development and security concerns is an ideal setting for Brazil’s foreign policy aims; in order to gain a seat in global decisionmaking bodies, in the absence of hard power and the will to use it Brazil turns to peacebuilding to transform its domestic development successes into action in the security arena. The South American giant has also placed significant emphasis on Africa in part as a means to the end of underscoring – as a voice for the global South – its claim to greater international influence. This article will examine the motivations that underpin Brazil’s commitment to peacebuilding operations, as well as its commitment to that practice in Africa, which has taken place largely on a bilateral basis.
... Technical cooperation projects were reinitiated in 2014, following general elections in the country. Brazil's cooperation with Guinea-Bissau is a classic example of Brazil's state-to-state cooperation, motivated by the goal of strengthening the capacity of state institutions in performing their expected functions [Abdenur, Marcondes de Souza Neto 2013a, 2013b. A particular demand that Brazil has been able to support is related to security sector reform, which aims to contribute to the strengthening of civilian rule in the country. ...
Brazil occupies a unique position compared to other rising powers regarding the maintenance of peace and security on the African continent. Since the late 1990s, Brazil has not deployed any contingents to United Nations (UN) peace operations on the continent. Nevertheless, Brazil’s recurring presence as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and its contributions to UN debates on the development of the organization’s intervention capacity make it a relevant player in international peace and security. After an introduction on the broader aspects of Brazilian foreign policy, the article is structured in two sections, with a conclusion. The article was prepared using archival documents of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as research by leading Brazilian experts on Brazilian peacekeeping in Africa. The first section focuses on Brazil’s responses to UN requests for contributions to peace operations on the African continent, including MINUSMA, UNOCI, UNAMID, MINURCAT, UNMISS, and MINUSCA cases. The second section covers Brazil’s contributions to peace operations and peacebuilding in Africa, focusing on the country’s contribution to security sector reform in Guinea-Bissau and its approach to training for participation in UN missions in Africa, including the deployment of a training team in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The author concludes by highlighting key Brazil’s engagement in UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts on the African continent.
... Interest in the South Atlantic, present in civilian policy since at least the first years of democracy in the mid-1980s and long a centerpiece of Brazilian seaborne military efforts, was further bolstered by the foreign policy initiatives of Lula da Silva's Workers' Party, which sought to forge an identity for the country as a global power from the Global South, predicated on strong ties with other postcolonial states, particularly on the Probal K. Ghosh, Kai Michael Kenkel e Danilo Marcondes de Souza Neto African continent 14 . The result was a blossoming of economic and strategic ties with African littoral states (SEABRA, 2016a), couched in a foreign policy platform that emphasized South-South Cooperation and the implied drive to supplant Western states as major strategic partners for African states (KENKEL, 2013;SARAIVA, 2010). African states have in general been receptive to Brazilian discourses of alternative leadership, but have often returned to aligning with strategic and development partners capable of offering financial incentives for cooperation, such as China. ...
Emerging powers have often employed diverse strategies to gain influence in their regions. This article explores and compares the maritime regional influence-building processes spearheaded by Brazil and India. We identify geo-political variables that influence the permanence of dis-cursive region-building strategies that involve: sustained interaction with coastal states; the generation of sufficient maritime consciousness/awareness; strategic importance, either in geopolitical or in economic terms; and acceptance of the proposing state's claim to a leadership role backed by power projection capabilities. These concepts are explored in the contexts of the South Atlantic and Indian Oceans, revealing the limits imposed on influence-building by geopolitical factors.
... Brasil nos señala que el país en ningún punto había propuesto un repudio a la doctrina precedente, sino que pretendía ubicar a la "RaP" como un corolario a la misma. Esta adición apuntó a delinear un conjunto de pautas que orienten al CDS y demás Estados a la hora de contemplar una intervención humanitaria sostenida desde la "RdP" (Kenkel, 2013;Serbin;Serbin Pont, 2015). En tal sentido, no debemos pensar la relación entre "RaP" y "RdP" en terminos de oposición, sino más bien desde una optica de complementación de la primera a la segunda y como un llamado a la moderación por parte de comunidad internacional. ...
El objetivo de este trabajo consta en argumentar que el recorrido del activismo internacional de la política exterior brasilera, en el siglo XXI, puede ser trazado por medio del estudio de las acciones relacionadas con la seguridad internacional (especialmente aquellas insertas dentro del marco de Naciones Unidas) llevadas adelante por Brasilia en el periodo abarcado por los gobiernos del Partido dos Trabalhadores. Dichas medidas se enmarcan en un proceso de activismo internacional de Brasil comenzado nítidamente durante la administración de Lula da Silva y discontinuado ante las diferentes dificultades domésticas y sistémicas que aquejaron a la administración de Dilma Rousseff.Palabras Clave: Política Exterior Brasileña; Seguridad Internacional; Responsabilidad al Proteger.ABSTRACTThe objective of this paper consists of arguing that the path of international activism of Brazilian foreign policy, in the XXI century, can be traced through the study of actions related to International Security (especially those inserted within the framework of the United Nations) carried out by Brasilia in the period covered by the governments of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. These actions are part of a process of international activism in Brazil that began clearly during the Lula da Silva administration and discontinued due to the different domestic and systemic difficulties that afflicted the Dilma Rousseff administration.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; International Security; Responsibility while Protecting. Recebido em: 18/03/2021 | Aceito em: 26/05/2021.
... COUTO, 2007. 19 HAMANN, 2016KENKEL, 2013. condições de legitimidade asseguradas pelo direito internacional e em consonância aos princípios dispostos na Carta da ONU. ...
... A more ambiguous case can be found in the multilateral approach to the security file. While Brazil did carve out an important space for itself in the Haitian stabilization process (Kenkel 2010) and achieved notable gains in the coordination of maritime peace and security in the South Atlantic (Abdenur and Marcondes 2012014;Abdenur and Seabra 2016), achievements in the big ticket area of Middle East peace and security (Amorim 2015) floundered over an unwillingness to devote the political capital necessary to concretely advance the concept of Responsibility While Protecting (Cunliffe and Kenkel 2016;Kenkel 2013). ...
This chapter argues that Brazil’s emergence has only been partial due to a lack of forward strategic thinking by the country’s foreign policy establishment. Tracing back to the 1993 foreign policy review Reflexões Sobre a Política Externa Brasileira, this chapter argues that despite Brazil’s surge onto the world scene, little has taken place in the way of revisiting and rethinking key concepts underlying its international interactions. Leadership, the chapter argues, requires the leader not only assume costs but also engage in activities potentially unpalatable to the led. For Brazil this is a challenge because there has not been a review of what traditional policies such as non-interventionism, autonomy, and a maximalist approach to sovereignty imply for a country that would be a leader.
... For more about different generations of peace operations, see for example(Kenkel, 2013a).21 For more regarding the Brazilian peace initiatives in Africa, see for instance(Kenkel 2013c). The Brazilian Engagement with Peace Operations: a Critical Analysis Rev. Bras. ...
It is clear that Brazil seeks to enhance its international standing through an increasing engagement with peace operations. This paper argues that the more Brazil seeks to increase its engagement in the manner in which it is currently pursuing it – essentially by deploying troops – the more Brazil actively constructs its own subalternity with regards to international peace. In order to develop this argument, this paper initially delineates the Brazilian historical engagement within peace missions. Then, it critically problematizes such engagement by analysing it in light of the particular role that peace operations play within international politics.
... Considering its history, recourse to so power seems to make sense in view of Turkey's interests, goals and resources. 16 Prior to the rise of the AK Party, Turkey's foreign policy tradition, for the most part, stayed within the parameters of the Kemalist foreign policy approach, which can be summed up as a security oriented, status quo focused, and strategic alignment. A er their electoral victory in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, or AK Party) began cautiously revitalizing Turkey's role in the international sphere. ...
The current research has the purpose of analyzing Turkey’s approach toward Latin America and the Caribbean region through the prism of soft power theory, and through a specific case study, i.e. Turkey-Cuba rela-tions. The working assumption is that Turkey has been able to increase its presence and influence in the region, thanks to a particular soft power-oriented approach known as multi-dimensional policy, which reflects both new behavior and new agents. An analysis of Turkey-Cuba relations will not only help to improve the literature about Turkey’s foreign policy on a subject which has not yet been adequately examined, but will also under-line features and peculiarities of Turkey’s soft power, such as the emerging “Mosque Diplomacy.”
... conducting Brazilian foreign policy (BURGES, 2008;VIGEVANI, FAVARON, RAMANZINI and CORREIA, 2008). Soft power became even more important in the 1990s, when the country reengaged with a range of multilateral forums (BURGES, 2008;CERVO and BUENO, 2008, p. 463;SARAIVA, 2010) in an attempt both to intensify trade and political dialogue with South America and the Global South (KENKEL, 2013) and to gain leverage in dealings with the major powers. ...
Journalists and policy analysts have highlighted the emergence of Brazil as a regional power. However, little attention has been paid to its foreign policy strategies. Brazil's rise to prominence in world politics represents the historical culmination of a foreign policy featuring two main strategies – persuasion and consensus building – both of which emphasise the use of soft power. We analyse four current foreign policy initiatives: the campaign for a permanent seat on the UNSC; the development of a nuclear submarine; Brazil's leadership of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti; and government support for Brazilian multinationals. We suggest a growing tension between these initiatives and the two strategies identified above. These initiatives reflect the view current among some policymakers that if Brazil is to rise as a global power it must play by the rules of great power politics.
The term geolaw derives from the “law and geography” school of
legal thought emerging in the 1980s in the United Kingdom, United
States, and Canada. This approach studied the relationship between the
space (object) and the norms (actions) in it.3
In 2007 Goés called geo�law the positivist constitutionalization of geopolitics. In the present
globalized world, geolaw is highly influenced by the geopolitics from
the centers of global power, as some of them, such as the US, recognize
the importance of geoprocessing (a framework and set of tools for pro�cessing geographic and related data used to perform spatial analysis)4
to try to solve social conflicts in an interdisciplinary way.5
Furthermore, geoculture and geolaw may be considered soft
power mechanisms, able to function even without any conscious
intent. However, it is responsible to assume some possible level of
intention, especially when coming from the current, well�established, and sophisticated state powers. This is especially true in
the assumption of a postmodernist philosophical point-of-view
when concepts such as fifth-generation warfare and unrestricted
warfare are academically discussed.6
The end of the Cold War marked the birth of a new world order,
now called postmodern, which came into force with the collapse of
the Soviet empire and endures until today. As a philosophical move-
ment it began in the late twentieth century as a clash between two
main writings, namely Francis Fukuyama’s End of History and the
Last Man (1992)7
and Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations
(1993).
8
Postmodernism is broadly skeptical, suspicious about an ob�jective reality and the quality of human reason and logic.9
Some of
the postmodern world’s drastic transformations result from four
great moments of paradigmatic rupture in the history of mankind:
the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989), the 9/11 attacks on United States
soil (2001), the crisis in the liberal financial system (2008), and the
coronavirus pandemic (2019).
Este artigo explora o papel da Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul ("ZOPACAS") nas estratégias de política externa do novo governo de Lula da Silva para resgatar o protagonismo internacional que o Brasil historicamente busca. Ao contrário do que ocorreu nos últimos dois governos, o terceiro mandato de Lula da Silva tem sinalizado o interesse de inserir novamente o país nas principais agendas de relações interna-cionais, principalmente junto a países do Sul Global. Apontamos que a retomada da ZOPACAS poderia contribuir positivamente para esta ambição. A ZOPACAS constitui não apenas mais um bloco ou espaço político de cooperação entre países do Atlântico Sul. Ela constitui um espaço político permeado por aspectos simbólicos e pragmáticos que dialogam diretamente com os objetivos de longo prazo da política externa brasileira.
This article highlights the domestic effects of the ongoing changes in United Nations peacekeeping practice on troop contributing states from the Global South. It juxtaposes scholarship on stabilization, the specific motivations of Global South troop contributing countries, and in particular the effects on civilian control of armed forces of peacekeeping participation. It argues that the “diversionary peace” hypothesis—which posits beneficial effects on civilian control for peacekeeping—has not obtained, and that current developments in United Nations peace operations will negatively affect civil–military relations in postcolonial sending countries. The text suggests avenues for future inquiry. One is the notion that stabilization may lead to a net negative effect on civilian control in unconsolidated democracies. This is due to stabilization's increased militarization, and its turn towards objectives that mimic the counterinsurgency mandates associated with military rule in the Global South, rather than a focus on the socioeconomic well-being of local populations.
Peace operations, as well as humanitarian intervention and its attendant debates, constitute a key element of Brazil’s foreign policy project as an emerging power. This chapter situates Brazilian participation in peace operations, atrocity prevention and the surrounding normative debates, and highlights the key issues this activity has raised for Brazil as it navigates its shifting global role. The analysis lays out the patterns of Brazilian participation in intervention operations and debates has followed, as well the distinctiveness of their contribution and its changing weight in the way the country constructs its narrative of global participation. The role of status seeking as a determinant of that participation is a guiding focus throughout the chapter.
Humanitarian cooperation initiatives were central to Brazilian Foreign Policy in the two first decades of the 21st century. Based on national initiatives considered successful, these programs have been used as tools for the country’s projection to achieve an international leadership role. This article explores the role of humanitarian cooperation in Brazilian foreign policy in order to show that, although it was not the only policy developed, it evidenced Brazilian soft power and allowed the country to achieve prominence and place its interests on international agendas.
Humanitarian cooperation initiatives were central to Brazilian Foreign Policy in the two first decades of the 21st century. Based on national initiatives considered successful, these programs have been used as tools for the country’s projection to achieve an international leadership role. This article explores the role of humanitarian cooperation in Brazilian foreign policy in order to show that, although it was not the only policy developed, it evidenced Brazilian soft power and allowed the country to achieve prominence and place its interests on international agendas.
O tema da cooperação humanitária se mostrou central para as estratégias de política externa brasileira na virada para o século XXI. Ela foi utilizada como ferramenta para projeção do país, consoantes seus objetivos de longo prazo, para alcançar um papel de liderança internacional, a partir de iniciativas nacionais tidas como bem sucedidas. Este artigo explora o papel da cooperação humanitária na política externa brasileira para evidenciar que, ainda que não fosse a única política desenvolvida, evidenciou o soft power brasileiro e permitiu que o país alcançasse proeminência e colocasse seus interesses nas agendas internacionais.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil took advantage of its economically and politically privileged position to challenge global normative structures. In 2004, the concept of “non-indifference” was integrated into the Brazilian vocabulary of foreign policy, justifying and legitimating the country’s acceptance of the invitation to command the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). On the one hand, non-indifference can be read as a discursive maneuver that enabled Brazil to accommodate its non-interventionist agenda to an old geopolitical game, given the pressure imposed upon “global players” to respond effectively and assertively to threats to international peace and security. On the other hand, the “Brazilian way” could also be seen as an alternative to a highly masculinized geopolitical approach to international security. This paper explores possible limitations, tensions and/or opportunities that emerge from the encounter between a feminist diplomatic agenda and a masculinizing ordering of the international space. It does so by contrasting Brazil’s ambition for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the club of powerful states, with Brazil’s diplomatic and military performance during MINUSTAH, widely evaluated as a success due to characteristics such as solidarity, generosity, flexibility and the “warm conviviality” of Brazilian culture.
The South Atlantic most compelling maritime insecurities are the transnational criminal networks and the incapacity of the region’s states to steward their maritime and border domains. The chapter advances a regional perspective of the problem of transnational organized criminal networks around the South Atlantic, as well as addressing the efforts to face them. It follows an interdisciplinary approach, merging maritime security studies, political science, criminology, and strategic studies concepts with empirical research to contribute to current and future capacity-building initiatives in the security sector reforms. It brings new data on maritime criminal activities among South American and West African shores, as well as an assessment of diplomatic communication to address the matter.
This edited volume focuses on the South Atlantic regional and national issues with maritime implications: naval policy, security, transnational organized crime, and Europe's legacy and current influence. The work analyzes the positions in favor and against NATO’s extended role in the South Atlantic, the historical and current issues related to the Falklands War, the African national deficits, and initiatives to attend the regional maritime problems. Including contributions from Angolan, Brazilian, Senegalese, and US collaborators, the volume offers eclectic conceptual frameworks, rich historical backgrounds, updated data, original analysis models, and policy recommendations.
Érico Duarte is Professor at Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.
Manuel Correia de Barros is Founder and Deputy Chairman at the Center for Strategic Studies of Angola, Angola.
This chapter outlines the public international law framework of the Antarctic Treaty to analyse the current position of three Antarctic territorialist countries—Argentina, Chile, and the UK—and whether and how their claims have interfered each other and in the Brazilian regional strategic assessment.
Esta tese provê um método e modelos de análise geral para o conceito de inserção internacional formulado por Amado Cervo, que têm como objetivo explicar a variação de comportamento e posicionamento dos Estados nas hierarquias globais, a partir das mudanças nas configurações das políticas econômica, externa e de defesa. O objetivo desta tese é explicar quais são os caminhos escolhidos pelos governos de Brasil México para o posicionamento de seus países nas hierarquias globais e quais foram os resultados obtidos no início do século XXI. Três perguntas estabelecem o nexo causal da investigação, i) quais posições querem os Estados e como/o que fazem para atingi-las?; ii) qual é a realidade dos fatos quando da tomada das decisões e de sua implementação (de modo mais simplista: o que está acontecendo nos países e no mundo?); e, iii) quais são os resultados obtidos? Olhamos para três pontos distintos, mas complementares: i) os tipos ideais do que podem fazer os Estados (modelos de inserção), para enquadrar o que fazem; ii) as estratégias de inserção, para entender como fazem e o que fazem; e, iii) os resultados em termos de posição relativa na hierarquia. A investigação se funda numa análise histórica comparada dos determinantes dos modelos de inserção internacional dos países da América Latina a partir do final da Guerra Fria até o fim da primeira metade da segunda década do século XXI (1990-2014), e se utiliza desta base para apoiar generalizações acerca das variações no comportamento dos Estados ao longo das últimas duas décadas e meia. O trabalho contribuiu à extensa tradição de pesquisa cujo objetivo é interpretar as interações entre os Estados, observando-os desde o ambiente em que se inserem e também sob o ponto de vista doméstico. Ademais, nos dirigimos às visões das relações internacionais nascidas na América Latina, levando em conta seus valores, preferências e contingências próprios.
45 política externa brasileira e multilateralismo: o que esperar do novo governo MArcelO M. VAlençA intrODuçãO ■ Desde o início do século XXI o Brasil se mostra ativo em se tratando de polí-tica internacional. Primeiro no governo FHC e, depois, durante os mandatos de Lula, as estratégias de inserção internacional brasileiras privilegiaram uma intensa participação internacional e a busca por um protagonismo poucas vezes vista an-tes na história da Política Externa Brasileira (" PEB "). Esse protagonismo perdeu fôlego nos seis anos de governo de Dilma Roussef, enquanto a política externa assumia papel marginal em seus mandatos. Ainda as-sim, a participação brasileira em organismos internacionais se manteve forte, re-forçando a história do país na promoção e envolvimento em ações multilaterais. Michel Temer assume a presidência em setembro de 2016 com um discurso de recuperação. Prometendo superar o cenário de crise política e econômica dei-xado por sua antecessora, Temer ainda não deu sinais claros de como conduzirá sua política externa. Por ora, suas ações envolveram majoritariamente decisões relativas à política doméstica e a manutenção da agenda mais imediata de sua antecessora. 1 Apesar da dificuldade em precisar com exatidão como esse governo se com-portará no plano internacional, é possível apontar algumas tendências em relação 1 É importante lembrar que o Ministério das Relações Exteriores (" MRE ") emitiu notas se posicionado contrário a alguns países que repudiam a forma como o impeachment foi condu-zido. Contudo, e apesar de isso indicar mudanças ideológicas, não há elementos substantivos que associem tais manifestações com o objeto de estudo deste artigo. KA 2016 Cadernos4.indd 45 07/12/16 09:41
Rising powers gain economic and political clout and challenge the post-Cold War world order. Located in a relatively peaceful region away from global conflict zones, Brazil has fought no war with its neighbours in 150 years, and with limited military capabilities, Brazil differs from its BRICS peers as a non-militarised emerging power. Based on Nye’s soft power concept, this article examines Brazil’s soft power characteristics (preference for diplomacy, peaceful conflict resolution, use of force as a last resort; actions as agenda-setter, bridge-builder, Southern interests’ supporter, pro-multilateralism, etc.). This paper compares Brazil’s role conception to its role performance to conclude that Brazil projects itself as a soft power broker.
Rising powers gain economic and political clout and challenge the post-Cold War world order. Located in a relatively peaceful region away from global conflict zones, Brazil has fought no war with its neighbours in 150 years, and with limited military capabilities, Brazil differs from its BRICS peers as a non-militarised emerging power. Based on Nye’s soft power concept, this article examines Brazil’s soft power characteristics (preference for diplomacy, peaceful conflict resolution, use of force as a last resort; actions as agenda-setter, bridge-builder, Southern interests’ supporter, pro-multilateralism, etc.). This paper compares Brazil’s role conception to its role performance to conclude that Brazil projects itself as a soft power broker.
Over the course of the last decade, countries commonly designated as ‘emerging powers’ have taken on an increasing role, not only in contributing materially to international efforts at keeping, building and enforcing peace, but — more primordially — in giving conceptual contours to what vision of peace underpins these efforts. The IBSA countries — India, Brazil and South Africa — combine political and material factors (such as democracy, participation in peace operations and an openly revisionist diplomatic agenda) to provide the most cogent example of rising powers’ behaviour in this area. As each state is grounded in its own national and regional traditions, the present analysis focuses on those common factors in their approach to peace that derive from their condition as emerging powers. When placed in this context, therefore, their interaction with the concept of peace will here be primarily viewed through the lens of their relative position in the international system.
The rise of new powers and attendant shifts in the global balance of power have led to calls for UN Security Council reform. Established powers have often responded by linking increased influence in the international system with the assumption of more international responsibility by aspirant powers. Based on ethical and philosophical approaches from the individual and state levels, and a case study of Brazil, this article analyses the way in which the notion of responsibility is discursively constructed, demonstrating the manner in which it has been used as an ever-shifting goalpost to deny emerging powers participation at the highest levels of global strategic decision-making. Most often, this is done by equating “responsibility” with the ability and willingness to use robust military force.
In spite of the current preoccupations, in the United States and in the United Nations, with the wars on terrorism and the occupation in Iraq, humanitarian intervention remains an important policy option. Future debates and action are framed by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, whose report entitled The Responsibility To Protect and an accompanying research volume were published in December 2001. Future humanitarian crises will arise in conjunction with the need for military force to protect human beings, and so four shortcomings of the report are evident. First, the report is not as forward-looking as the commissioners thought or as many opponents feared. Second, the concerns of the most vehement critics, especially developing countries, are misplaced because the problem is too little humanitarian intervention, not too much. Third, the purported danger that the concept of the responsibility to protect might become a Trojan Horse to be used by the great powers to intervene is fundamentally incorrect; rather, intervention by the USA in its pre-emptive or preventive war mode is the pressing concern. Fourth, the notion of reforming the UN Security Council is an illusion; the real challenge is to identify those humanitarian crises where Washington’s tactical multilateralism kicks in.
This article examines whether state participation in UN peace-keeping results from a state's idealistic commitment to the global community and international peace or whether participation is tied to the state's national interest. With the high profile of UN peace-keeping in this post-Cold War era, the answer to this inquiry may suggest to us whether the emerging international system will be organized on the principles of community or self. This inquiry is conducted through an examination of the eighteen UN peace-keeping operations fielded from 1948 until 1990. Specifically, this article examines the incidence of state participation and the types of contributions states have made both to observer missions and peace-keeping forces at the aggregate level. This article also explores the perception of peace-keeping successes and failures and the perceptions of the dominant peace-keepers to determine whether an idealist or a realist perspective better accounts for state participation in peace-keeping. The findings provide support for the realist account. Further, the findings suggest that those states whose interests were better served by the continuation of the international status quo - that is, the states of the advanced industrialized West and non-Western states who have enjoyed some prestige in the international status quo - have dominated UN peace-keeping.
This article examines the increasing engagement between the 'emerging powers' and African countries, and the implications for international governance. The global power dynamic is undergoing a cumulative reordering process, where countries including China, India, Brazil and Russia are occupying increasingly prominent roles in the international system. In their approach to Africa, the 'BRIC' countries have employed a mix of soft power, public diplomacy, direct investment and private sector partnerships to deepen relations. This article suggests that strict macro-economic explanations do not allow for the myriad political, strategic and social matters that are arising in this engagement. The analytical complexities of these emerging modes of South-South cooperation are examined at state and societal levels from a political economy perspective. Despite their differing intentions, Africa and the emerging powers appear to share common goals of advancing their respective national economies and enhancing their diplomatic status. These shifts are further giving rise to a new 'global middle'. The emergence of this multi-layered international order challenges scholars to stretch conceptions of world order, multipolarity and interdependence. The article concludes by surveying the relevance of BRIC interests in Africa for various subfields in international relations and points to areas for further research.
In the practice of international relations, states can pursue different combinations of foreign policy strategies at different systemic levels. The positions of Southern regional powers such as Brazil, on the one hand, between the centre and periphery of the current world system and, on the other hand, at the nexus of international and regional politics, demand particularly complex foreign policy strategies. Strategic approaches have to consider at least three contextual factors: firstly, the continuing superiority of established (the United States) and emerging (China) global actors in terms of material power; secondly, the fact that regional and global affairs are increasingly interrelated; and thirdly, the fact that foreign policy strategies are mapped out against the background of an international system moving from a unipolar to a multipolar order. I argue that Southern regions and their leaders will play a pivotal part in the course of that global transformation as well as in the future world order. The purpose of this paper is to discuss Brazil's strategic foreign policy options after unipolarity. To approach this task, a top-down approach starting at the global level seems most promising. First, I will discuss the potential transformation of the international system and the middle-power role of Brazil in the course of that process, especially with regard to its role in the G3, or India, Brazil and South Africa. Second, I will locate Brazil in its region, analyse its relations with secondary power Venezuela, and ask for strategic options at the regional level. Third, the conclusion will stress the increasing interrelatedness of global and regional affairs, pointing out strategies applied by Brazil in order to become a decision maker in a future multipolar world.
This article assesses the utility of the notion of emerging powers in analysing key characteristics of Brazil's past and present policy towards peace operations. After decoupling emerging powers analytically from traditional middle powers, it addresses a series of political and behavioural factors specific to South America. Finally, the analysis identifies those elements derived from Brazil's emerging power status and South American identity that are of relevance in shaping the country's attitudes towards peace operations generally, and more specifically its participation in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). It reaches the conclusion that Brazil has acted as a model emerging power – in typically South American Fashion.
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