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Avoiding community backlash in the fight against terrorism: Research report
Abstract
Cite as: Murphy, K. Cherney, A. and Barkworth, J. (2015) Avoiding community backlash in the fight against terrorism: Research report. Australian Research Council (Grant No. DP130100392) March 2015. University of Queensland, Griffith University.
Acknowledgements: this research would have not been possible without the assistance provided by a number people. We would like to thank the survey and focus group participants for finding the time to participate, the Muslim fieldwork managers and moderators Nada and Khadar, the research company Specialised Research and Strategy and in particular Rick Yamine, Associate Professor Mohamed Abdalla and also a number of other individuals who wish to remain anonymous.
Report updated on 10 June 2015
... These legislative measures, in conjunction with political and media discourses that conflate terrorism with Muslims and Islam (Aly, 2007;Cherney & Murphy, 2015;Ewart, Cherney, & Murphy, 2017;Schmuck, et al., 2017), may exacerbate negative public sentiment towards minority groups, especially Muslims. Thus, the first independent variable manipulated in the vignette was suspect identity. ...
... Muslims have experienced increased scrutiny and discrimination from members of the public who perceive them to be threatening (Sides & Gross, 2013). Recent research in Australia reveals that Muslims do believe they have experienced increased scrutiny by the public, media and authorities in recent years (Murphy, Cherney & Barkworth, 2015). ...
This technical report overviews the findings of a nationwide survey that examines Australians' attitudes towards crime control and counter-terrorism policies. This document presents the survey instrument and outlines the survey methodology and key findings. The survey benchmarked public attitudes towards counter-terrorism measures and forms of punishment in the traditional crime context. The survey also measured participants’ sense of national identity, their tolerance to diversity and their perceptions of threat from minority groups.
... The current study draws on survey data collected in July 2020 from a sample of 504 Arab-Muslim participants residing in Sydney, Australia. Sydney was the chosen site to conduct this study for two reasons: (1) the majority of Muslims in Australia live in Sydney (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2016); and (2) previous research has found that police-Muslim relations are more strained in Sydney when compared to other major Australian cities, with Muslims from Arab-league nations having the most strained relations (Murphy et al., 2015;Murphy, in press). ...
Objectives
This study examines how stigma moderates the effect of procedurally just and unjust treatment on Muslims’ trust in police.
Methods
Survey participants were randomly assigned to receive one of two vignettes describing a traffic stop where officer treatment was manipulated (procedurally just/unjust). Muslims’ feelings of stigma were measured prior to the vignette, while trust was measured after the vignette.
Results
We found that the procedural justice vignette enhanced trust in police, and perceived stigma was associated with lower trust. For Muslims who felt highly stigmatized, however, experiencing police procedural justice had a weaker positive effect on trust when compared to those who felt low levels of stigmatization.
Conclusions
The results suggest that feelings of stigma can moderate how individuals view police-citizen interactions. Specifically, for those who observe or experience encounters with police believing that they or their cultural group are stigmatized, procedural justice will be less effective in promoting trust.
... To do this, a list of 525 Arabic and Muslim surnames (e.g. Ahmed, Mohammad) was compiled (for a full list of names, see Murphy, Cherney, & Barkworth, 2015). A list of 9,500 individuals with these surnames (3,500 participant records in Sydney and Melbourne, and 2,500 for Brisbane) was created and interviewers then used RDD to contact potential participants. ...
Believing that terrorist grievances are valid can strengthen the legitimacy of a terrorist organisation. As countering terrorism is high on political agendas worldwide, understanding the antecedents of such beliefs may spotlight how some terrorist ideals come to be validated. Using survey data from 800 Muslims living in Australia, this study discerns how social-psychological processes may shape beliefs that Islamic terrorist grievances are valid. Specifically, we examine how stigmatisation and social identity are associated with Muslims' perceptions that Islamic terrorists have valid grievances. We find that social identity can moderate the effect of feeling stigmatised on the belief that terrorist grievances are valid. Theoretical and policy implications of this research are discussed. ARTICLE HISTORY
... Research in Australia appears to mirror these sentiments. One study (Murphy et al. 2015) using focus groups and a survey of 800 Muslim Australians found that while Muslim Australians generally had a relatively high level of trust in the police in Australia, 'their trust of police regarding counter-terrorism was much lower than their general trust in police' (41). The respondents shared a common normative paradigm with other Australians in the sense of rejecting terrorism and were 'generally agreed that counter-terrorism laws aligned with what they felt was right' (Murphy et al.,43). ...
The Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation (ADI) was commissioned by the Countering Violent Extremism Sub-Committee (CVESC) of the Attorney General’s office and subsequently the Department of Home Affairs in 2017 to conduct a study in partnership with the AFP and Victoria police and the Australian Multicultural Foundation (AFP) on the role of community support for the reintegration of the children and/or families of foreign fighters who may wish to return to Australia from conflict zones. The objective of the study was to develop a model, which could be used by communities and government to assist them to support the families of returning foreign fighters. The study found strong support among community and government stakeholders for a community based model of support for reintegration.
... At one end, let's call it the "alt-right", we find extremism confronting extremism, a largely poorly informed and/or fearfully inspired tendency to blame all of Islam and all Muslims whenever there is a perpetration of terrorism and that the only solution is for the country that has been terrorized to "ban", "send home" and/or somehow suppress the entire tradition and all its followers. Western countries have been beset by this form of extremism, especially since 9/11, and it has become a ready and often effective theme for populist media and politicians, gaining significant traction in the wider community (Murphy et al. 2015). Arguably, this points in part to poor education about Islam and, if so, to an educational issue that could fairly easily be addressed with enhanced prioritizing of courses in religion and theology, especially public theology as defined herein, at school and post-school formal levels and through media and community-based, informal education. ...
The article mounts an argument for public theology as an appropriate if not vital adjunct to contemporary education’s addressing of security issues in light of current world events with indisputable religious and arguably quasi-theological foundations. It will briefly expound on the history of thought that has marginalized theology as a public discipline and then move to justify the counter view that the discipline, at least in the form of public theology, has potential to address matters of such public concern in a unique and helpful way. The article will culminate with an exploration of Global Jihadism as a case study that illustrates the usefulness of public theology in understanding it better and so allowing for a response with potential to be more informed and security-assured than is commonly effected.
... At one end, let's call it the "alt-right", we find extremism confronting extremism, a largely poorly informed and/or fearfully inspired tendency to blame all of Islam and all Muslims whenever there is a perpetration of terrorism and that the only solution is for the country that has been terrorized to "ban", "send home" and/or somehow suppress the entire tradition and all its followers. Western countries have been beset by this form of extremism, especially since 9/11, and it has become a ready and often effective theme for populist media and politicians, gaining significant traction in the wider community (Murphy et al. 2015). Arguably, this points in part to poor education about Islam and, if so, to an educational issue that could fairly easily be addressed with enhanced prioritizing of courses in religion and theology, especially public theology as defined herein, at school and post-school formal levels and through media and community-based, informal education. ...
The article mounts an argument for public theology as an appropriate if not vital adjunct to contemporary education’s addressing of security issues in light of current world events with indisputable religious and arguably quasi-theological foundations. It will briefly expound on the history of thought that has marginalized theology as a public discipline and then move to justify the counter view that the discipline, at least in the form of public theology, has potential to address matters of such public concern in a unique and helpful way. The article will culminate with an exploration of Global Jihadism as a case study that illustrates the usefulness of public theology in understanding it better and so allowing for a response with potential to be more informed and security-assured than is commonly effected.
... At one end, let's call it the "alt-right", we find extremism confronting extremism, a largely poorly informed and/or fearfully inspired tendency to blame all of Islam and all Muslims whenever there is a perpetration of terrorism and that the only solution is for the country that has been terrorized to "ban", "send home" and/or somehow suppress the entire tradition and all its followers. Western countries have been beset by this form of extremism, especially since 9/11, and it has become a ready and often effective theme for populist media and politicians, gaining significant traction in the wider community (Murphy et al. 2015). Arguably, this points in part to poor education about Islam and, if so, to an educational issue that could fairly easily be addressed with enhanced prioritizing of courses in religion and theology, especially public theology as defined herein, at school and post-school formal levels and through media and community-based, informal education. ...
The article mounts an argument for public theology as an appropriate if not vital adjunct to contemporary education’s addressing of security issues in light of current world events with indisputable religious and arguably quasi-theological foundations. It will briefly expound on the history of thought that has marginalized theology as a public discipline and then move to justify the counter view that the discipline, at least in the form of public theology, has potential to address matters of such public concern in a unique and helpful way. The article will culminate with an exploration of Global Jihadism as a case study that illustrates the usefulness of public theology in understanding it better and so allowing for a response with potential to be more informed and security-assured than is commonly effected.
Minority groups can be highly distrustful of police. This is problematic because it can lead to a reluctance to seek help from police when needed. As a stigmatized minority group, Muslims pose unique challenges for police engagement. This paper explores the importance of both police effectiveness and procedural justice for promoting Muslims’ trust in police. Drawing on survey data collected from 398 Muslims living in Sydney, Australia, this paper tests whether these relationships are person- and context-specific. That is, it examines whether procedural justice or police effectiveness concerns matter most in police- or citizen-initiated contacts with police, and whether individual differences in stigmatization moderate the relationship between procedural justice/police effectiveness on trust. We confirm that Muslims who feel more stigmatized are less likely to trust police, and those who perceive police as more procedurally just and more effective are more likely to trust police. However, results also indicate that the police effectiveness/procedural justice effects are moderated by type of police contact and stigmatization. Procedural justice is more important in police-initiated contacts, while police effectiveness is more important in citizen-initiated contacts. Procedural justice and police effectiveness also more strongly affect trust for those who feel less stigmatized. Together, the results reaffirm the general value of procedural justice and police effectiveness for fostering trust in police but also emphasize that these effects are person- and context-specific.
Police rely on citizens to report crime and victimization. Yet for many people low levels of trust in police and concerns about unjust police treatment impact their willingness to engage proactively with police. For some, defying police authority is common. This can be particularly so for ethnic, racial, and religious minority groups. The personal and vicarious experiences these groups have with police play an important role in the legal socialization process, shaping how they perceive and behave toward police. As a religious minority group Muslims have experienced intense scrutiny from police. As such, the current study examines how and why Muslims defy police authority. Using survey data from 398 Australian Muslims, this study tests whether Muslims’ concerns about procedural justice and bounded‐authority violations (i.e., the belief that police overstep the boundaries of acceptable authority) have differential effects on two types of defiance: resistance and disengagement. Findings show that Muslims’ concerns about procedural justice are most important for understanding resistance, while disengagement is dominated by concerns about perceived boundary violations. Further, procedural justice moderates the association between bounded‐authority concerns and resistance, but not disengagement. The implications of these findings for the legal socialization process, theory, and police practice are discussed.
This national Australian study qualitatively sampled 537 participants for their views and perceptions on: the meanings of and relationship between radicalisation and extremism; underlying drivers for radicalisation and extremism; impact of radicalisation and extremism on community harmony and social cohesion; and effective community-based solutions for eliminating or reducing the threat of violent extremism in Australia. The study's findings highlighted that community leaders, community members and government stakeholders remain reasonably confident that Australia is in a good position to meet and address some of the continuing challenges presented by the threats of radicalisation and extremism. However, a range of concerns, strategies and solutions were identified that helps focus attention on what work still needs to be done, how this can best be pursued, and what strategies need to be developed to stay abreast of a social and political environment that is dynamic, fluid, occasionally volatile and still working toward broad-scale resilience and social cohesion in local, national and trans-national contexts.
The suspect community thesis has been used to explain how and why Muslims have become a stigmatised minority, subject to increased state surveillance and public discourse that constructs Muslims as a potential terrorist threat. Breen-Smyth (2014) argues that a suspect community is generated through national or state security policies and reproduced and reinforced by societal responses and social practices. This influences how Muslims perceive themselves as a suspect community and influences their support for counter-terrorism efforts. This paper will explore the ‘experiential consequences’ of Muslims being stigmatised and labelled as a suspect community and the perceptions this has generated among Muslims living in Australia. We examine how Muslims have reacted to being defined as a terrorist threat and the coping mechanisms they adopt to defend their religious beliefs given Islam is seen by authorities, the media and the public as justifying violence. This paper will explore these issues by reporting results from focus group data collected from Muslims living in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne (N = 104 participants in total). Results illustrate how being defined as a suspect community influences the appraisals Muslims have of themselves, their faith, their community and Australian authorities. Implications for counter-terrorism policies are also identified.
Alex Haslam has thoroughly revised and updated his ground-breaking original text with this new edition. While still retaining the highly readable and engaging style of the best-selling First Edition, the author presents extensive reviews and critiques of major topics in organizational psychology - including leadership, motivation, communication, decision making, negotiation, power, productivity and collective action - in this thoroughly revised edition. New to the Second Edition: An entirely new chapter on organizational stress which deals with highly topical issues of stress appraisal, social support, coping and burnout.; New, wider textbook format and design making the entire book much more accessible for students.; A wide range of pedagogical features are included - suggestions for further reading at the end of each chapter and comprehensive glossaries of social identity, social psychological and organizational terms
'[Valerie] Braithwaite merges her considerable knowledge of a wide range of disciplines to produce an exemplar of interdisciplinary research. The use of the taxation system as the basis for analysis of how people manage their relationship with authority is effective and produces a much-needed addition to the behavioural literature. While the book is primarily about defiance in taxation, many instances of non-taxation related defiance are included, which provides excellent support and extension of the tax-based arguments. Braithwaite has produced an excellent example of a book that is grounded in the extant literature, while expanding our understanding of the importance of understanding the behaviours that drive defiance. The aim of the book is to "show how authorities can live symbiotically with defiance" and she achieves this superbly, illustrating how improved satisfaction with "the process" can minimise defiance.'
Terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, European cities like London and Madrid, and the subsequent declaration of the 'war on terror', are marks of a changed national and global environment in which the threat of terrorist attack and the need for effective counter-terrorism policies have become issues of immediate political and social concern. Police organisations have a key role in the formation and implementation of government counter-terrorism strategies. Accordingly, as part of national counter-terrorism responses, police services are increasingly required to blend law enforcement with responsibilities for national defence. Incorporating law enforcement in national defence changes the nature of police work as traditionally conceptualised. The changed expectations in relation to law enforcement give rise to a number of opportunities and challenges particularly in relation to the community policing ideal that most police services adhere to and the sustainable and positive engagement with culturally diverse communities. This book charts these opportunities and challenges through unprecedented access to the police and diverse communities in Australian regional and metropolitan contexts. It locates these developments in an international comparison with like jurisdictions in the US, UK, and Canada and in light of former conflicts in Northern Ireland and South Africa. It examines the nature and impact of counter-terrorism on policing, diverse communities, legislation and policy and on the media. The book concludes by posing questions for the future of counter-terrorism policing in liberal democracies. © 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC. All rights reserved.
This article examines some of the detrimental consequences of post-9/11 counterterrorism and security policies on Muslim minority groups in the United Kingdom. Drawing on empirical data from a qualitative study conducted in the north-west of England involving young British Pakistanis, it is argued that both political discourses and specific security policies have unjustly targeted Muslims and fuelled a wider public climate of suspicion and hostility. Three focal issues raised by participants in the study are prioritised. First, we discuss the process of collective attribution through which Muslims are generically treated as a suspect community. Second, a series of experiential ‘safety gaps’ – resulting in part from the pre-emptive turn in counterterrorism regulation – are considered. Third, critical ‘speech gaps’, which have important ramifications for future policy-making, are elucidated.