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To fight or not to fight? 1
Various answers to the foreign political power 2
in the deuterocanonical literature 3
4
Michał Wojciechowski 5
6
7 The subject of my article is related to the relatively popular question of the 8
Bible and the state. However, the existing literature concentrates either on 9
the Hebrew Bible1 or on the New Tes tament.2 The same can be said about 10
studies on war in the Bible. It probably results from a general pattern of 11
treating the deuterocanonical literature as a secondary appendix to the 12
Hebrew Bible with not many new, interesting ideas (in s pite of a rich 13
secondary literature on these books, many lacunas still remain).3 In the case 14
of the political attitudes this opinion is certainly inadequate. In this respect, 15
the Greek books of the Old Testament do not have much in common with 16
the core of the Hebrew Bible, even if they continue some motifs of the later 17
Hebrew books. However, their relation to the politics received only a frag-18
mentary treatment in the existing literature.4 19
1 Cf. recently: M üller, Königtum; Houston, Justice; McConville, God; Oswald,
Staatstheorie; cf. also Davies / Halligan, Second Temple; Horsley, Shadow.
2 Leading studies: Cullmann, State; Schrage, Christen; Pilgrim, Neighbors;
Monera, Christian’s Relationship; Bryan, Caesar; Kim, Christ.
3 Cf. bibliographies: Lehnardt, Bibliographie; DiTommaso, Bibliograp hy; Reite-
rer, Bibliographie; electronic resources as BILDI (Innsbruck), BiBIL (Lau-
sanne), Index Theologicus (Tübingen), RAMBI (Israel).
4 Viz. in Italian: Gilbert, Sovranità; Rosso Ubigli, Religione; Troiani, Rapp resen-
tazione. It’s a pity that these articles are never quoted in the web outside the
publisher’s page. Therefore the table of contents of the whole issue of Ricerche
Storico Bibliche containing these articles (18[2006]1-2) seems worth quoting:
“Il potere politico: bisogno e rifiuto dell’autorità. Introduzione (E. M anicardi –
L. M azzinghi). L’inevitabile rapporto fra religioni e potere: prosp ettive socio-
antropologiche (M . Pesce). Il potere politico nel Vicino Oriente antico: bisogno
e rifiuto (M . Liverani). Giosuè figlio di Num nella storia della tradizione biblica
(A. Rofé). L'apologo di Iotam (Gdc 9,8-15a): critica o rifiuto della monarchia?
(J.-L. Ska). Il Salmo 72: autorità e dilatazione messianica (E. Cortese). La vostra
sovranità viene dal Signore” (Sap 6,3): ambivalenza del potere politico nella
tradizione sapienziale (M. Gilbert). Religione e potere politico nel medio giu-
daismo (L. Rosso Ubigli). La rappresentazione dell'autorità nella letteratura
ebraica di lingua greca (L. Troiani). La figura di Gesù di fronte al potere p oli-
tico, a partire dai testi evangelici (E. Lup ieri). La dimensione politica dell’ethos
The Bible is quite rich in political opinions, including the opinions on the 20
functions of the s tate. Even if we put as ide ordinary historical information 21
on the states , political events and rulers, we have enough material for a 22
large book. Accordingly, there is a substantial s econdary literature on the 23
Bible and the state, mentioned above. I will refer here to my book in Polish 24
about it.5 Other earlier studies I make use of in this paper include an article 25
on the ethics in the books of Maccabees 6 and my Budapest paper on the 26
ethics of the book of Judith.7 27
28
1. Old and new questions 29
30 What was new in the deuterocanonical books? In the Hebrew books, the 31
authors usually deal with the problem of their own state, Judah or Israel, 32
and of their own rulers. It seems that at the beginning there were 33
considerable hopes related to them. The king would as sure security and 34
justice (cf. 2Sam 5:1-3; 1Sam 8:19-20). Kings were characterized by justice 35
and wisdom (Prov 8:15-16; 28:2; 1Kgs 3; 5:9-14). The royal dynasty 36
benefited from the divine blessing (2Sam 7; Jes 7:14-16 etc.; messianic 37
psalms). This royal ideology found way into the biblical books. 38
Later, a disappointment came. Subsequently, the messianic hopes relate d 39
to the Davidic dynasty were projected into the future, into a political or even 40
cristiano secondo Rm 13,1-7 nel suo contesto (R. Penna). I cristiani di fronte al
pot ere politico al tempo del NT. L’esempio di 1Pt (G. M arconi). L’autorità
politica fra potere e promessa negli Atti degli apostoli (D. M arguerat). Un mutato
atteggiamento verso il potere politico nelle Pastorali? (1Tm 2,1s e Tt 3,1s) (Y.
Redalié). Contestazione del pot ere nella prospettiva dell’Apocalisse (C. Doglio)”.
5 Wojciechowski, Biblia, Summary: “This book contains a detailed overview of
the biblical teaching on the state. It is presented under the following headings: I.
The history of Israel before Christ (including the question of the origin of the
nation and of the st ate). II. God and kings (power of God, roy al and messianic
ideology , tasks of t he king, principles of government). III. Criticism towards the
state in the Old Testament (bad kings, voice of prophets, Judg 9, 1 Sam 8-12).
IV. Pentateuch on the government (law above p olitics, Deut 17). V. Israel and
empires (initial conflict, submission to foreign rule, persecutions). VI. Critical
acceptation of the state in the New Testament (M ark 12 on taxation, distance
towards the Roman state and Jewish rulers, authority from God in Romans 13,
further texts). VII. Conflict and p ersecutions (life of Jesus and Paul, Rev 13-19
and the satanic side of the empire). The state has its authority , both instituted and
limited by God and his law. It has some justification, but also serious vices
(godlessness, violence, high taxes). However, the citizens should obey the state
which deals justly with them”.
6 In Polish: Wojciechowski, Ksiąg; in English: Teaching.
7 Wojciechowski, Teaching.
an eschatological future. The earthly kingship became subject to criticism, 41
clearly visible in the Deuteronomistic opinions on the kings (1 and 2 42
Kings). The main formulations of this criticism are artificially placed in 43
earlier times as vaticinia ex eventu pronounced by Gideon, Jotham and 44
Samuel (Judg 8:22-23; 9:8-21; 1Sam 8:7-18; 12), but they probably resulted 45
from bad experiences with later kings. 46
Another ques tion dealt with in the earlier period concerns the principles 47
of government. How the rulers should behave? We have a short ans wer in 48
Prov 29:4 (more justice, less taxes) and a longer one in Deut 17:15-20 49
(royal power is subjected to the divine Law; the authority shou ld be wielded 50
with moderation – these ideas could be related to the reign of Josiah). 51
Praises of the royal wisdom and justice function also as suggestions what 52
the kings should do. 53
With the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., a fundamental change took place. 54
No more own state and no more own king. Previously, the foreign political 55
powers were always external enemies, strongly condemned, even if occa -56
sionally treated as an ins trument of God (Isa 10:5-7; Jer 25:9; cf. Bar 4:15). 57
Only Jeremiah was far-sighted enough to instruct the exiled to live and 58
prosper in their new land (Jer 29:5-7). 59
Now the external enemy has become a permanent ruler. The political 60
question became how to behave face to the foreign political power. This 61
new situation brought contradictory ans wers. The people could either adapt 62
to the situation, or to suffer martyrdom, or to res ist and fight. We can find 63
these answers already in the later parts of the Hebrew Bible. This situation 64
brought also a reduction of interest for the principles of government, 65
discussed before. 66
Deutero-Isaiah acclaimed Cyrus (Isa 41:1-4; 44:28-45:7). Nehemiah was 67
a Persian courtier; Ezra was nominated by the Persian king. Both obtained 68
royal favours for the city and people.8 Esther and Mardocheus raised to the 69
pos ition of respectively Persian queen and first minister. Joseph made a 70
similar career in Egypt (his story from Genesis stems from the same late 71
period). Qohelet said to keep the king’s commands (Qoh 8:2; cf. Qoh 8:3-7; 72
with some criticisms in Qoh 9:13-16; 10:5-7,16-19).9 Daniel and other 73
young Jews were also s uccessful at the royal court (Dan 1-6). It means an 74
acceptance for the external political domination and exclusion of any 75
thought of political or armed resistance. It is permitted to make careers and 76
8 Cf. Berquist, Resistance.
9 Cf. the paper of Schöpflin in the same volume: Power.
profits under the foreign rule. Favours of the foreign kings are hoped for.10 77
It s eems that Persian kings were clever enough not to interfere too much in 78
the life of their subjects and they were praised by them in exchange. 79
Ptolemies’ reign in the third century B.C. was also relatively tolerant. 80
However, in the later biblical books the loyalty to God of Israel goes 81
first and remains the key to the success. No involvement with idolatry is 82
allowed, ancestral laws should be kept, despite of the harshest punishments 83
impos ed by authorities (the same Dan 1-6). Even if such conflicts are not a 84
rule, we meet here the second possible answer: the passive resistance and 85
martyrdom. 86
It was a new answer, provoked by the second century crisis. Earlier the 87
loyalty and submission were possible and practiced. The armed resistance 88
was the third ans wer, dating from the Maccabean period as well, and 89
impos sible before. In the Hebrew Bible it is reflected in the later chapters of 90
Daniel (7-12), but only in the spiritualized and symbolic form. 91
This set of questions and answers continued in the deuterocanonical 92
books. We will deal in detail with the solutions they proposed. We should 93
also remember that the described situation continued in the New Testament 94
times. It contains sayings expressing loyalty to the foreign rulers (Mark 95
12:13-17; Rom 13:1-7: pay taxes!) and also sharp criticisms, implying mar-96
tyrdom and future victory over the empire (Rev 13-19). 97
If we considered only the dimension of the attitude towards the external, 98
political world, the Bible could be divided into two parts with a division line 99
after the Babylonian Exile. Later books have more in common with the 100
New Testament than with the earlier Hebrew tradition. (Perhaps it would 101
apply to their other elements as well; non-christological divisions of the 102
Bible s eem possible). I would also obs erve that both the deuterocanonical 103
books and the New Testament repeat the pattern of development found in 104
the Hebrew Bible. At the beginning, the state is s een with more optimism, 105
later conflicts come. 106
107
2. Career and loyalty 108
109
The book of Tobit,11 probably the earliest of the deuterocanonical books,12 110
concentrates on the family life and help from God. It is significant in itself. 111
10 Cf. Donaldson, Sympathizers (on a figure of a king or official who respects
Israel’s God). Further: Wills, Jew.
11 Recent commentaries: Moore, Tobit; Schüngel-Straumann, Tobit; Fitzmyer,
Tobit; Wojciechowski, Księga.
12 With roots in the northern Israel diaspora in Assy ria: Wojciechowski, Diaspora.
The Greek version could have been written in the third century B.C.
Nevertheless this book contains some interesting suggestions concernin g the 112
political choices of Diaspora. Tobit, although exiled, made a career, supply-113
ing the royal court in Nineveh with imported goods and making a very 114
handsome income (Tob 1:13-14). His disgrace, as in the cas e of Daniel, 115
resulted from his fidelity to the ancestral law, which pushed him to act 116
agains t the will of the king; he buried condemned Israelites (Tob 1:16-20). 117
However, next month a new king named Ahikar his chancellor. Ahihar was 118
Tobit’s nephew and quickly obtained amnesty for him. The lesson is clear: 119
take advantage of the possibilities offered by the political situation, but 120
remain faithful to God. “To Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and to God 121
the things that are God’s” (Mark 12:17 parr.). 122
In the Book of Baruch13 some Jews exiled into Babylonia collected 123
money and send it to the Jerusalem Temple to make offerings for the Baby -124
lonian king (Bar 1:10). “Pray for the life of Nebuchadnezzar king of Baby -125
lon, and for the life of Belshazzar his s on, that their days on earth may be 126
like the days of heaven. And the Lord will give us strength, and he will give 127
light to our eyes, and we s hall live under the protection of Nebuchadnezzar 128
king of Babylon, and under the protection of Belshazzar his s on, and we 129
shall s erve them many days and find favor in their sight” (Bar 1:11-12).14 130
This is not a standard biblical reaction to the Exile! The actual perspective 131
of the author is later and probably reflects the sacrifices for the Persian 132
kings offered in the Temple (Ezra 6:10). 133
Serving foreign rulers is presented as the will of God (Bar 2:21-24): 134
“But if you will not obey the voice of the Lord and will not serve the king 135
of Babylon, I will make to ceas e from the cities of Judah and from the 136
region about Jerusalem the voice of mirth and the voice of gladness ” etc. 137
The submission to the foreign occupation becomes a religious duty! Further, 138
not the foreign invasions, but the sins of Israel are the source of all 139
calamities (Bar 2:12; 3:4; 6:1). 140
Daniel 13 on Daniel and Susan does not refer to any governing autho -141
rity, but the plot s uggests a local judicial autonomy of the Jewish commu -142
nities, which was apparently sufficient for them. Another deuteron canonical 143
addition, Daniel 14, ass ociates a polemic against the pagan religion with a 144
favorable portrait of the foreign king who sides with Daniel. The message is 145
similar to Dan 1-6 and Tobit: remaining faithful to their God, Jews may 146
adapt to the society they live in and seek royal favours. Azariah addition has 147
occasionally condemned the king (Dan 3:32). The Greek additions to Es ther 148
continue the motifs of the Hebrew book (career and loyalty). 149
13 Commentary: Moore, Daniel.
14 Biblical quotations are from Revised Standard Version.
The teachings of Ben Sirach 15 mention politics only in passing. Much 150
more is said on the household, friends and so on. There are some secondary 151
reminiscences of the Hebrew Bible opinions: the praise of good kings in Sir 152
47-49, more optimistic that their Deuteronomistic portrait, and the praise of 153
Elijah as the prophetic messenger to the kings (Sir 48:6-8). Older wisdom 154
traditions seem to be reflected in Sir 8:2 on gold (bribes?) perverting kings; 155
in Sir 10:1-3 on the leader’s behaviour setting standards for the others and 156
on bad or good effects of the way the city is governed (cf. Prov 8:15-16; 157
28:15; 29:2,4 etc.); in Sir 10:10 on a king dying tomorrow; in Sir 10:14 on 158
the Lord overturning the thrones (close to Lk 2:52); in Sir 11:5-6 on the 159
changes of fortune. 160
Ben Sirach was aware of the presence of different local governors, offi-161
cials, judges, elders, councils, perhaps also of voting.16 He gave his appro-162
val: “A wise magistrate will educate his people, and the rule of an under-163
standing man will be well ordered” (Sir 10:1). Parents, rulers, judges are 164
natural authorities (Sir 41:17-18). Although he apparently preferred the 165
authority of priests (Sir 50; cf. 10:24) and of the Mosaic law (cf. Sir 24:23; 166
32:17; 41:8; 42:2; 45:5,17; 46:14; 49:4) to the Hellenistic institutions, 167
penetrating into the country, he abstained from an open criticism of any 168
form of government. Acclaiming old ideals, he remains politically inactive. 169
Hence his advice (Sir 7:4-5): “Do not seek from the Lord the highest 170
office, nor the seat of honor from the king. Do not assert your righteousnes s 171
before the Lord, nor display your wisdom before the king. Both Lord God 172
and king are beyond our reach”. Cf. further Sir 4:27: “Do not subject 173
yourself to a foolish fellow, nor show partiality to a ruler”. Kings are named 174
by God: “The government of the earth is in the hand of the Lord, and over it 175
he will raise up the right leader for the time” (Sir 10:5; cf. Rom 13:1). “He 176
appointed a ruler for every nation” (Sir 17:17). 177
In the Book of Wisdom, written probably in Ptolemaic Egypt in the first 178
century B.C., an open polemics against the state is also absent. The con -179
demnation of the religion of Egypt remains in line with the general princip le 180
of the earlier books that the loyalty towards the foreign rule does not 181
include an approval for the idolatry. An explanation of its origin, given in 182
Wisdom 14, mentions rulers whose images provoked the idolatrous cult. 183
However, this criticism seems much milder than the story from Daniel 3 184
about the Nabuchodonozor and the golden image. 185
15 M ain commentaries: Skehan / Di Lella, Wisdom; Marböck, Jesus. Cf. Marböck,
Macht; Minissale, Ben Sira’s Selbstverständnis; Turkiel, Sirach’s Criticism.
16 Cf. Middendorp, Stellung.
It s ounds less as a political criticism and more as a scholarly explanation 186
of the origin of religion, inspired by the Euhemerus’ opinion that the 187
Olympic gods were divinized earthly rulers. Wisdom 14:17,20: “When men 188
could not honor monarchs in their presence, since they lived at a distance, 189
they imagined their appearance far away, and made a visible image of the 190
king whom they honored, so that by their zeal they might flat ter the abs ent 191
one as though present. […] And the multitude, attracted by the charm of his 192
work, now regarded as an object of worship the one whom shortly before 193
they had honored as a man”.17 194
The Book of Wisdom continues also a motif from the Hebrew Bible, 195
giving advice to the rulers. They should govern according to the law, wis -196
dom and holines s, because they received their authority from God (cf. Rom 197
13:1) and they will be judged by him. From Wisdom 6:1-11 (especially 198
v.3): 199
200 [1] “Listen therefore, O kings, and understand; learn, O judges of the 201
ends of the earth. 202
[2] Give ear, you that rule over multitudes, and boast of many nations . 203
[3] For your dominion was given you from the Lord, and your 204
sovereignty from the Most High, 205
who will search out your works and inquire into your plans. 206
[4] Because as servants of his kingdom you did not rule rightly, nor keep 207
the law, 208
nor walk according to the purpose of God, 209
[5] he will come upon you terribly and swiftly, becaus e severe judgment 210
falls on those in high places . 211
[6] For the lowliest man may be pardoned in mercy, but mighty men 212
will be mightily tes ted. […] 213
[9] To you then, O monarchs, my words are directed, that you may learn 214
wisdom and not transgress. 215
[10] For they will be made holy who observe holy things in holiness, 216
and those who have been taught them will find a defens e. 217
[11] Therefore s et your desire on my words; long for them, and you will 218
be instructed”. 219
220 A suspicious king could find s uch words arrogant, but perhaps in the 221
Ptolemaic Egypt such a general moral advice to the rulers put into the 222
mouth of the divine wisdom was socially acceptable. For comparison: 3 223
Maccabees offers much harsher criticism of the king, changeable in mind 224
and giving cruel orders, even if finally revoking them (despite the mortal 225
17 See my article on the Greek influence on the biblical criticism of idolatry: Woj-
ciechowski, Criticism.
danger, no resistance is considered). On the other hand, a more careful 226
wording can be found in the letter of Pseudo -Aristeas (187-190), advising 227
the king magnanimity, justice and the fear of God. In the opinion of the 228
Jews in Egypt, loyal subjects can expect s uch things from their ruler. 229
From the 1 and 2 Maccabees18 we know that the “old school” of the 230
loyalty to the foreign political power was prevailing till the uprising. This 231
attitude went too far, leading to apostas y. It seems that many Jews 232
considered God of Israel to be a local manifestation of one universal 233
religion and wished to adapt their piety to the Greek rites. Perceiving Greek 234
culture as superior, they were ashamed of their Jewish customs. They 235
wanted Greek school, culture, way of life and the position of Hellenes in the 236
kingdom.19 They gained support of Antiochus IV (175-164 B.C.) and the 237
control of the Temple. They wanted to break the opposition of the trade -238
tional monotheistic piety by force and so provoked a civil war. 239
However, the political loyalty did not imply apostas y. The high priest 240
Onias III, who lived before the Maccabean uprising as a pious and tra di-241
tional Jew, remained a loyal subject of the Seleucid monarchy, which 242
allowed the Jews to govern their matters according to the Law and respected 243
the Jerusalem Temple (2Macc 3:1-3; 4:1-6; 4:35-38). Earlier, under the 244
reign of Ptolemies, such an attitude was mos t probably current in the land of 245
Israel, even if it became hardly poss ible after the murder of Onias and 246
compulsory reforms from 167 B.C, which resulted in the profanation of the 247
Temple. 248
Alcimus, the high priest of noble descent (162/1-159 B.C.) tried, as it 249
seems, to continue the traditional worship and piety without abandoning his 250
loyalty towards the Greek kings. It involved him in the political colla-251
boration. The Books of Maccabees suspect him of Hellenistic s ympathies 252
and burden him with responsibility for repressions (1Macc 7:5-26; 9:1-3,23-253
27,54-57; 2Macc 14:3-26). He is condemned together with the apos tates, 254
although without good reasons. 255
Nevertheless, in spite of their strong opposition to the Hellenizing 256
attempts in the field of religion, the both Books of Maccabees follow Greek 257
literary patterns and sometimes express their ideas in Greek categories. The 258
both books also as sume that friendly relations with Greeks who are 259
sympathetic to the Jews and who make concessions to them remain possible 260
(e.g. 2Macc 10:12; 12:29-31). Among the allies of Israel we find pagan 261
18 When I refer to 1 and 2 M acc, I follow the main lines of my article mentioned
before (Wojciechowski, Teaching), sometimes quoting it, but more often shor-
tening, paraphrasing and sometimes developing its statements.
19 Put modern Europe instead of Greece and you will see a p ossibility of actua-
lization.
countries: Rome and Sparta (a panegyric in 1Macc 8; 1Macc 14:16-49). 262
Further, the independence gained, the Maccabean princes made deals with 263
the foreigners and accepted Seleucid dignities (1Macc 10-11; 13-15). 264
Accordingly, even these books do not exclude some forms of political loyal-265
ty to the foreign powers. 266
267
3. Fight and martyrdom 268
269
1 and 2 Maccabees refer to the dangers for the existence and identity of the 270
Jews in the land of Israel resulting from its occupation by the Hellenistic 271
kingdom of Syria, ruled by the Seleucid dynasty. Reactions of the Jews to 272
its “cultural imperialism” were differentiated. They were basically three: 273
collaboration and assimilation; next, on the opposite side, armed resistance 274
or martyrdom;20 finally, an attempt to continue the intermediate attitude we 275
talked about before: preserving the religious identity coupled with the 276
political submission to the foreign rule. 277
In 1 and 2 Macc apostasy and serving to the foreigners are strongly con -278
demned as equal to treason and participation in the persecutions (1Macc 279
1:11,15,34,52; 2:44,48; 3:5,8,15; 7:9-24; 9:2310:61; 11:21; 2Macc 4-5; 280
5:8,15). A retaliation against the traitors is considered lawful and inspired 281
by God (1Macc 2:67f; 7:24; 2Macc 8:33 cf. 13:7). It corroborates the con -282
viction that the res istance is the only solution; there is no place for compro-283
mise or tolerance. 284
The resistance to enemies had a political and religious form. The both 285
books fully justify such a resistance. 1Macc is largely an apology of the 286
armed struggle of the Maccabean party against the Syrian armies and 287
agains t the Jewish apos tates. The author believes that the violence s hould be 288
answered by violence. At the beginning of the book the two attitudes were 289
contrasted: the pass ive acceptance of the death by the Jews celebrating 290
Sabbath and the decision of Mattathias to fight on that day. Armed pious 291
Jews, Has ideans (hasidim), whose resistance to the pagan enemies was 292
motivated in strictly religious manner, accepted the reasons of the guerillas 293
and joined them (1Macc 1:29-43).21 The cases of martyrdom are noted, but 294
the book as a whole is a chronicle of the armed resistance, whether con-295
sciously undertaken, or forced upon the Jews by the situation. The fighters 296
are inspired by the fidelity to the Law, by the desire to defend the nation and 297
the Temple, by the eagernes s to uproot apostas y and foreign cults from 298
Israel (1Macc 1:27; 3:21,58 etc.). The justice of their cause gives them 299
20 Cf. Berthelot, Idéologie (1-2Macc 100-110.111-122 later developments). Tomes,
Heroism.
21 Cf. Nikiprowetzky , Sabbat.
victory (1Macc 2:61; 3:18), which permits to cleanse the Temple and to live 300
according to the Law. 301
Therefore, the only correct attitude is the resistance, aimed at the 302
defense of both the nation and the religion. However, the two Books of 303
Maccabees understand this resistance in a different way, or at least they put 304
accents differently. 1Macc stresses the armed struggle, whose purpose is 305
both political and religious. Only the victory and the independence gained 306
through it allow to live in the accordance with the Law of God and to pre-307
serve the holiness of the Temple. 308
The views of 2Macc are not the same.22 The destiny of the nation and of 309
the Temple depends on God. He helps promptly his faithful who pray for 310
salvation. The persecutions constitute a punishment for sins (2Macc 6:12-311
16; 7:32f; cf. 1Macc 1:64), and the heroic death of martyrs has the value of 312
atonement (2Macc 7:38).23 It is necessary to obey the law, even at the p rice 313
of death. The fighters carefully abide by the precepts of the Law, and their 314
hope for victory is founded upon God to whom they pray. The faithfulness 315
to the Law gives them victory. Regaining the Temple and keeping it is the 316
peak of the Maccabean histo ry (2Macc 10:1-8; 15:37). 317
As we see, 2 Macc begins from religion. The faithfulnes s to God is both 318
the starting point and the means of the future victory. Because of the 319
martyrs’ faithfulness God forgives his people and saves them. The victories 320
are fruits of the piety of the soldiers. The army is an instrument in the hand 321
of God. 322
The key moral question of both Books of Maccabees is how to ans wer 323
the violence consisting in the foreign occupation and religious persecution. 324
According to the Bible, a purely political loyalty to the foreign power is 325
admissible, but not always: only if this power respects the religion and the 326
law of the subjects. In the Maccabean period it was not the case. Therefore 327
the both Books of Maccabees condemn concessions to the enemy who 328
wants to deprive the country of its independence, culture and religion – of 329
all its identity. They condemn those who pass on the s ide of the s tronger 330
and become his accomplices, whether because they admire the Greek world, 331
or because of their cowardice, o pportunism, or delusive hope that through 332
collaboration they will s ave something. 333
As we have seen, 1Macc puts stress on fight, and 2Macc – on martyr-334
dom. Both are necess ary, although the authors of the books occas ionally 335
seem to contradict one another. 2Macc still sees some possibility of recon-336
ciling the true piety and the loyalty towards a foreign power, if only the 337
22 Cf. Berthelot, Idéologie.
23 Cf. van Henten, Martyrs.
foreigners do not intervene in the religious matters. For the 1Macc political 338
independence appears to be an element and a condition of the re ligious 339
independence. It is more conscious ly nationalistic.24 Accordingly, 1Macc 340
appeals more clearly to the fight against the foreign occupation. 341
Even if the cruel and terrorist methods of the Maccabean guerillas are 342
obviously contrary to the commandment o f love and the modern Western 343
law, other moral dimensions of their uprising have not lost its value: 344
courage and dedication, faithfulness to God up to the sacrifice of own life 345
(in battle or through martyrdom), clear “no” to the arrogant invaders. This 346
part of the message of the both Books of Maccabees finds its place in the 347
biblical ethics as a whole. 348
The mess age of the Book of Judith is similar, but more restricted.25 It 349
could result from the same historical s ituation or an experience of later 350
dangers from abroad.26 The dilemma s tayed the same: to fight or to submit? 351
For the Book of Judith the submission is excluded, because it would imply 352
the loss of the Temple. The enemy wants to be god himself. He has crossed 353
the line implied by the earlier books, condoning the career under a foreign 354
rule on the condition to remain loyal to the only God. Even by these 355
traditional s tandards the resistance is neces sary. Moreover, the enemies 356
want to demolish the country in revenge. 357
Therefore, in the wake of 1Macc, the martyrdom is not a good solution. 358
Israel needs victory. God will give it, but through human hands. Jews are to 359
weak to gain the upper hand in an open battle and face total destruction. 360
Judith says: “For if we are captured, then all Judea will be exposed, and our 361
sanctuary will be looted” (Judith 8:21). It justifies the exceptional means, 362
even evil, as deceit and terrorism. Judith, by means of lies and s eduction, 363
managed to murder the enemy leader, Holofernes . For the author, salvation 364
of the nation and of the Temple was more important than prohibitions 365
agains t these sins. 366
367
4. Conclusions 368
369 The earlier books of the Old Tes tament did not face the problem of living 370
under a foreign rule. It surfaced after the Exile and is variously answered in 371
later Hebrew books, in the Greek books of the Old Testament and in the 372
24 Contrary t o some modern opinions, ancient times knew not only an ethnic
identity, but also the national consciousness, and Israel furnishes an excellent
example. Cf. Goodblatt, Elements. Also Brett, Nationalism.
25 Here I also follow a section of my article (Wojciechowski, Teaching), but very
briefly. A bibliographical supplement: Eckhardt, Tradition.
26 Boccaccin, Tigranes.
New Testament. There are two main contradictory answers. One possibility 373
is submission (Nehemiah, Ezra, Baruch). It can be variously modified and 374
expanded: by avoiding politics (Sirach), by moderate critical opinions 375
(Wisdom) and also by approving careers at foreign courts (Esther, Tobit , 376
first part of Daniel). However, the faithfulnes s to God of Israel remains a 377
necess ary condition. 378
On the other s ide we meet an oppos ition, including a military action (1 379
Maccabees, Judith) and condemnation of the foreign empire (visions of 380
Daniel). It can be modified by the religious factor: in 2 Maccabees passive 381
resistance and martyrdom seem morally better and finally assure divine 382
forgiveness and a victory in the field. 383
This variety of answers exclude a definite solution of the problem how 384
to reconcile the faithfulness to God in heaven and loyalty to the political 385
ruler on earth and whether it is possible at all. The answer has to be related 386
to the situation. Seeing things more widely, in many cases the Bible cannot 387
give us definite political solutions . However, if the rulers impose idolatry, 388
the faithful should certainly say: non possumus. 389
390
391 Summary 392
393 Earlier books of the Old Testament do not face the problem of living under a foreign 394
government. This question surfaced since the Exile. There are two main contra-395
dictory answers. One possibility is a submission; it can mean avoiding politics 396
(Sirach, Wisdom) or careers at a foreign court (Esther, Tobit, Daniel 1-6). The 397
faithfulness to God remains a necessary condition. On the other side we meet an 398
opp osition, even a military action (1 M accabees, Judith) and condemnation of the 399
foreign empire (Daniel 7-12). It can be modified by the religious factor: in 2 Macca-400
bees martyrdom is morally better and finally assures a victory . 401
402
403 Zusammenfassung 404
405 Ältere Bücher des Alten Testaments kennen das Problem des Lebens unter einer 406
fremden Herrschaft nicht. Diese Frage tritt erst seit dem Exil auf. Es gibt darauf 407
zwei widersprüchliche Antworten. Eine Möglichkeit ist sich unterzuordnen. Das 408
kann die Vermeidung der Politik (Sirach, Weisheit) oder das Machen einer Karriere 409
am fremden Hof (Esther, Tobit, Daniel 1-6) bedeuten, vorausgesetzt man bewahrt 410
die Treue zu Got t. Eine andere M öglichkeit ist der Widerstand, ja, sogar der Krieg (1 411
Makkabäer, Judith) und die Verdammung den fremden Mächte (Daniel 7-12). Das 412
kann durch religiöse Motive modifiziert werden: im 2. Makkabäerbuch steht das 413
Blutzeugnis moralisch höher und verschafft am Ende den Sieg. 414
415
416
417
418
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515
516
Michał Wojciechowski 517
Liliowa 49 518
11-041 Olsztyn 519
Polen 520
E-Mail: m.wojciechowski@uwm.edu.pl 521
