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Sculptures from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh
Abstract
A complete record, in two volumes, of all the known reliefs and drawings of the Southwest Palace built by Sennacherib (704-681 BC) at Nineveh. Vol. I consists of introductory chapters and a detailed catalogue; Vol. II contains numerous plans, a photographic record, drawings and water-colours. Most material has never been published before.
... The boat to the right -carrying warriors with cuffed prisoners -is being drawn to land. The relief continues for a considerable part to the right displaying dry land along a single stream without wetland vegetation (Barnett et al. 1998b). Battles in dry settings or along streams dominate numerous other reliefs, but mostly display single channels filled with fishes and floating corpses, but without wetland vegetation (see Barnett et al. 1998b). ...
... The relief continues for a considerable part to the right displaying dry land along a single stream without wetland vegetation (Barnett et al. 1998b). Battles in dry settings or along streams dominate numerous other reliefs, but mostly display single channels filled with fishes and floating corpses, but without wetland vegetation (see Barnett et al. 1998b). ...
In: Proceedings of the Greifswald Mire Centre 02/2022, 43 p.
A collection of essays on reedland texts and pictures from ancient cultures, including:
- Sumerian proverbs
- the ancient Egyptian "Tale of the herdsman"
- the ancient Egyptian "Teaching of Khety", aka the "Satire of the trades"
- Neo-Assyrian reliefs
- Hannibal crossing the Arno wetlands in the works of Polybius and Livy
- Varus hiding in the reeds in the works of Appian
... Veja também no palácio sudoeste de Nínive, da sala 21. Veja também realce muscular no tronco sala 31 do palácio sudoeste de Nínive, prancha 267 de Barnett, Bleibtreu e Turner (1998); sala B do palácio norte de Nínive (Assurbanipal II), prancha IV em Barnett (1976), BM 118917-18;sala K, desenhos de W. Boutcher Or. Dr. 25-26, prancha XXXI em Barnett (1976).; sala M, Lyon, Mus. de l'oeuvre pontificale (Barnett 1976, prancha XXXVII); sala S, prancha XLV em Barnett (1976) Barnett e Falkner (1962). ...
Neste texto, objetiva-se examinar a representação das figuras musculosas nos relevos parietais do palácio assírio do período de reinado de Assurnasirpal II (883-859 AEC) à luz das pesquisas recentes sobre o tema. Argumentamos que os traços musculares tendem a realçar, como representação, o aspecto masculino e guerreiro das figuras, assim como extrapola esse nível da visualidade para afetar, sensorialmente, os observadores. Então, os músculos funcionam como representação, mas o atributo formal da mensagem visual afeta para além da visualidade, inclusive corporalmente – ou, utilizando uma perspectiva da neurociência, é uma ressonância corporal de uma simulação incorporada.
... 25 This program is discussed by Russell (1987: 536). For the reliefs themselves, see the volume by Barnett, et al. (1998). 26 This same characteristic mane can be seen in a later wall panel, dated to the Sasanian period c. 6 th c. ...
Rm. 714, a first millennium b.c.e. tablet in the collections of the British Museum, is remarkable for the fine carving of a striding pig in high relief on its obverse. Purchased by Hormuzd Rassam in Baghdad in 1877, it lacks archaeological context and must be considered in light of other textual and artistic references to pigs, the closest parallel being a sow and her piglets seen in the reliefs of Court VI from Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh. Unlike depictions of pigs on later cylinder seals, where they are often shown as a dangerous quarry in hunting scenes, Rm. 714's pig appears in a more neutral, non-aggressive posture, similar to the sow in the Assyrian reliefs. Although Rm. 714's highly curved reverse would inhibit its use as a mounted or otherwise easily displayed object, the tablet may still have served as an apotropaic object or sculptor's model, among other potential functions.
This article presents a review of the archaeological evidence relating to those spaces identified as bathrooms in the main Neo-Assyrian palaces. An examination of the primary elements – fixed features, interior decoration, position within the palace and connectivity, use of water and possible protocol rules – serves to delve into aspects of hygiene, privacy, and protection, and supports concluding that bathrooms were the most ‘hygienic’ locations within a building. The results also aim at paving the way for a better understanding of the extent to which bathrooms contributed to the building of an Assyrian social identity and its preservation.
Dağlık Şırnak Yüzey Araştırması projesinin bir parçası olarak 2019 yılında Uludere İlçesinde çalışmalar yürütülmüştür. Uludere, Şırnak’ı idari ve topografik olarak ikiye ayıran Hezil Suyu’nun doğusundan başlar ve Türkiye-Kuzey Irak sınırının büyük bölümünü oluşturur. İlçe, Kel Mehmet ve Tanintanin gibi yüksek dağlarca kuşatılmıştır. Hezil’in sekilerinde yaklaşık 1000 m olan yükseklik doğuya doğru giderek artar ve 3200 metreyi bulur. Bu blok halinde uzanan dağların yüksek yaylalarında özellikle yaz aylarında kullanılan geçitler bulunur. Bu kuşaktan kaynaklan ve en sonunda Dicle ile birleşen nehirler içinde Hezil, Ortasu ve Küçük Habur, ilçenin en güçlü rezerve sahip sularıdır. Ortasu, sadece Uludere’de değil, tüm Dağlık Şırnak bölgesinde doğu-batı doğrultulu akan ender nehirlerdendir. Nehir vadileri, kar yağışının yoğun olduğu dönemlerde birincil yol ağlarıdır. Uludere’de gerçekleştirilen çalışmalar sırasında kırka yakın dirhe, beş yerleşim ve bir de kale tespit edilmiştir. İri, çoğunlukla işlenmemiş taşlardan yapılan, dörtgen biçimli ve en az iki katlı kule benzeri yapılara bölgede dirhe adı verilir. Uludere dirheleri, Altındağlar’ın güneybatı, Tanintanin’in güney ve Kel Mehmet’in de güneydoğu eteklerindeki nehir vadilerine konumlandırılmıştır. Bu yapıların, Kuzey Irak dağlığına doğru devam ettiği belgelenmiştir. Dirhelerin mimari özellikleri ve bulunan çanak-çömlekler Beytüşşebap yüzey araştırmasında tespit edilen örneklerle tamamen uyum içerisindedir.
The topic of deportation seems very timely and it carries considerable emotive potential, therefore I found it worthwhile to reflect on its past portrayals. This dissertation attempts to assess the presumed emotional impact of Neo-Assyrian representations of captives and deportees on the example of Sennacherib's and Ashurbanipal's wall reliefs from the Southwest Palace in Nineveh (8th-7th century BC). The sculptures were examined through the lens of image studies, Baxandall's "period eye", diverse Mesopotamian written sources and modern cross-cultural psychological inquiries. Inferring from the available information on Assyrian ethics and emotion system, the studied depictions were mostly intended to evoke joy, self-transcendent emotions, sadness and fear, although they are very diverse and often ambiguous. This thesis should serve as a reminder of the persuasive power of the images of "Otherness". Such depictions may reveal more about the attitudes of their creators rather than about the people they portray, which can be validated by further studies.
Examining the archaeological findings within the Mannaean kingdom, a significant association with Assyria emerges, highlighting these regions’ interconnectedness. The influence of both Urartian and Assyrian cultures on the Mannaean people becomes evident, indicating a shared cultural heritage or intimate exchanges among these cultures. Notably, the Kani Charmou graveyard in Mannaea serves as a compelling example, revealing a rich assortment of artifacts that parallel those discovered in Ziwiye, a renowned archaeological site in the region. These diverse grave goods unequivocally demonstrate the existence of a robust trade and exchange network between Mannaea and its neighbouring western counterpart, Assyria, and the profound impact of Assyrian culture on Mannaean society. This connection is also evident in religious practices, which show similarities. Through stylistic analysis and the identification of parallels in metal vessels, glazed jars, and a cylinder seal, the proposed dating of the Kani Charmou graveyard aligns with the Iron Age II period.
Yeni Assur Dönemi askerî kampları, pratiklik, seferin kapsamı, süresi, kamp inşasının ekonomik boyutu, düşmanın sayısı, gücü ve donanımı gibi faktörler ve de coğrafya göz önüne alınarak taktiksel bir şekilde dairesel, dikdörtgen ve kare planda inşa edilmiştir. Bu çalışmada Assur askerî kamplarının, savunma sistemleri, planları, coğrafya ile uyumu, dönemsel değişimleri, zayıflıkları ve donanımında düşmanın etkisi savunma mimarisi bağlamında incelenmiştir. Tasvirli sanat eserleri referansında irdelenen askerî kamplar, planları bakımından dairesel, kare ve dikdörtgen olarak üç grupta değerlendirilmiştir. Assur askerî kamplarının gerçek plan tipinin nasıl olması gerektiği konusuna ilişkin argümanlar bütün boyutlarıyla sunulmuştur. Çalışmanın en çarpıcı noktasını oluşturan farklı kamp planlarının tasvirli sanat eserlerinde işlenmesinde sanatçıların etkisi ve yetkinlikten uzak uygulamaları geniş bir perspektifte verilmiştir. Sanatçıların dairesel planda işlemesi gereken kampları, oval bir planda işlemesinin altında yatan sebeplere detaylıca yer verilmiştir. Farklı planlara sahip askerî kampların birbirine göre sağladığı avantaj ve dezavantajlara yer verilmiştir. Kampların yerlerinin saptanamaması ve yazıtlarda da konuyla ilgili yeterli bilgi bulunmaması nedeniyle sanatçıların işlediği askerî kamp tasvirleri, bu açıdan kayda değer birer başvuru kaynağıdır.
The stylized volute motif is attested throughout the Levant and in areas of Phoenician settlement or cultural influence. Much of the debate of this motif has focused on the volute’s appearance in Israelite monumental architecture (the so-called Proto-Aeolic capital). This article provides a fresh discussion of the motif’s depiction within Phoenician art and iconography through various media, including ivory and sculpture. The architectural versions in stone derive from a much larger repertoire in portable media and in wood, which included inlaying techniques and color patterns not easily transferable into stone. This essay stresses the symbolic meaning of the volute motif and its adaptability by other Mediterranean cultures, from Israel and Cyprus to Iberia. The volute, moreover, has the quality of an otherworldly hybrid entity, strongly associated with hybrid creatures and other stylized vegetal motifs invoking eternal regeneration, which explains the use of the motif in funerary and sacred contexts.
The fall of Babylon and the death of its king, Šamaš-šumu-ukīn, in late 648 BCE were significant events in the reign of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal (668–ca. 631 BCE). This is suggested by the number of extant written and visual sources recording some of the details of the failed rebellion of the Assyrian king’s older brother and its aftermath. BM ME 124945–6, a relief that once decorated one of the walls of Room M (the so-called ‘Throne Room’) of the North Palace at Nineveh, is the best-known visual source. It has a scene showing Ashurbanipal reviewing war spoils from the palace in Babylon carved in its lower register. In the middle row of that presentation scene, four notable foreigners are shown paying homage to the Assyrian king. The identities of these four important men remain a mystery to this day, since extant textual sources do not record their capture or submission to Ashurbanipal at the time when Babylon fell. Taking into account available evidence, the authors suggest that this particular event depicted on BM ME 124945–6 did not actually take place after the capture of Babylon in 648, as this relief seems to indicate, but rather is an idealized composite that has possibly incorporated details from several different incidents. Thus, unsurprisingly, this presentation scene is likely more concerned with royal ideology than it is with historical reality. Therefore, this paper aims to unravel the mystery of this idealized, otherwise unrecorded event by identifying the four foreigners who are depicted together at Babylon shortly after Ashurbanipal’s victory over his brother Šamaš-šumu-ukīn.
Architectural reuse was common in ancient Egypt. Modern interpretations of this practice, particularly in royal contexts, usually ascribe it either a practical or ideological function, only rarely considering it possible that different motivations were involved. This type of approach is particularly true for the reuse of Old Kingdom blocks by the Middle Kingdom king Amenemhat I in his pyramid at Lisht, a case often classified as solely utilitarian. However, an approach that prioritizes not only the ancient Egyptian worldview and royal ideology, but also how this case of reuse fits into cross-cultural considerations of monumentality, demonstrates the necessity to look at this practice more holistically. This study focuses in particular on the possibility that the transportation of reused materials by Amenemhat I was a spectacle of construction used to showcase the king's legitimacy and authority at the start of a new dynasty.
FLY WHISK IN THE NEO ASSYRIAN PERIOD
In this article, I examine the bas-reliefs of Sennacherib dealing with war, deportation, and siege. With a focus on the location of these reliefs, as well as on the subject matter, I attempt to reconstruct the emotional responses which these reliefs would have evoked. Most notably through an examination of their locations in regard to light sources and the gestures of subjects depicted on the reliefs, I argue that the reliefs to not just serve as a show of strength. Rather, they also serve as a form of magical protection for the Assyrian Empire, with Sennacherib depicting his complete control.
Cave 120 and three adjacent caves at Tel Lachish in southern Israel produced the largest concentration of human crania ever unearthed in the Near East. The conventional interpretation associates this deposit with primary burials of victims of the city’s destruction by King Sennacherib of Assyria in 701 BC. Taking into consideration attitudes to human skulls, site formation processes and taphonomic aspects, we indicate that these conclusions are incorrect. The caves contained mainly crania and almost completely lacked other skeletal material. The numerous morphological and morphometric studies carried out on the assemblage could not point to any standardized population. We conclude that large‐scale quarrying of stones, probably for the construction of the city wall in the seventh century BC, destroyed a large number of older burial caves. The crania from these caves, each symbolizing a deceased person, were carefully collected and reburied.
MÖ 934-612 yılları arasında siyasi, askeri, ekonomik ve idari anlamda güçlü bir imparatorluk kuran Asurlular, başarılarını emperyalist ideolojilerini gerçekleştirmek için kullandıkları uygulamalar ve araçlara borçluydular. Bu unsurların başında propaganda araçları gelmektedir. Yazılı ve görsel materyallerden oluşan bu araçlar hâkim ideolojiyi yönetilen halka aktarmada ve düşmanlara Asur’un gücünü göstermek için etkili bir şekilde kullanmaktaydılar. Bu çalışmada etkili birer propaganda araçları olan rölyefler ve anıtlar ele alınacaktır. Yeni Asur kralları Yakındoğu’da güçlü bir devlet vücuda getirdikten sonra imar faaliyetlerini artırmış ve inşa ettikleri saraylarda bir imparatorluk ikonografyası yaratmaya önem vermişlerdir. Ayrıca askeri sefer düzenlenen uzak bölgelere ve Asur sınırlarına anıtlar dikmişlerdir. Asur nüfusunun ve düşman toplulukların büyük bir bölümünün okuma yazma bilmediği düşünüldüğünde görme duyusuna dayalı bu propaganda araçlarının mesajın tüm hedef kitleye ulaşmasında önemli bir yerde olduğu anlaşılmaktadır.
The Bayazid Abad hypogeum has yielded a remarkable assemblage of artefacts, 120 of which were metal pins of various categories, dating from Middle Bronze Age II to Iron Age II. This collection shows a widespread typological affinities with other areas of the Near East. The pins (mostly so-called “toggle pins”) have a strong affinity with the forms which most commonly occur in the Levant and Mesopotamia, which suggests that the use of toggle pins starts in the Middle Bronze Age and persists until the end of the Late Bronze Age. Comparison of the pins dated to Iron I and II shows strong connections with examples from neighbouring sites, although all present uniquely localised forms and details of manufacture.
This volume – which stems from an international conference held at the University of Graz on March 2, 2020, just before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic – represents a small, but specifically targeted contribution to a field of research and discussion that has increasingly come to the fore in the last two decades, regarding the practice of covering or veiling womens’ heads or faces over different times and places. “Dress is never value free”, as anthropologists state, and veiling functions as an assertion/communication of relationship dynamics in terms of gender, social and cultural identity, phases and stages of life (puberty, marriage, death) or of religious beliefs – even reaching to a typical dichotomy of our times, the female condition between tradition and modernity.
This volume – which stems from an international conference held at the University of Graz on March 2, 2020, just before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic – represents a small, but specifically targeted contribution to a field of research and discussion that has increasingly come to the fore in the last two decades, regarding the practice of covering or veiling womens’ heads or faces over different times and places. “Dress is never value free”, as anthropologists state, and veiling functions as an assertion/communication of relationship dynamics in terms of gender, social and cultural identity, phases and stages of life (puberty, marriage, death) or of religious beliefs – even reaching to a typical dichotomy of our times, the female condition between tradition and modernity.
In Assur military history cavalry which was an unbound unit had been
formed the most important arm of the army. Cavalry appeared in Assur for the
first time in 1st Millennium BC, and they were depicted as a regular warrior unit
first time at Assurnasirpal ll (883-859 BC) period palace reliefs.
Cavalry units consisting of archers, shield bearers and spearmen were
able to combat in rough and hard terrains that chariots could not be used or
limitedly used in areas such as marsh areas, valleys, channels, mountainous and
rural hood areas and forests. Moreover, because of the armour and weapons such
as spear chariots couldn’t cope with rough terrains, thus having capacity of
making sudden assault against enemies that equipped with the heaviest weapons
is the main determinant that led cavalries took the place of chariots in such
circumstances.
Onwards 8th Century BC in Assur Army cavalry units that consisting of
archers and spearmen were called pithaillu or sa pethalli and they were mounted
units which were trained to employ in rough terrains. Cavalries, regardless of
their primary usage they could took part in other missions in accordance with the
needs of the army. In reliefs that dating back to Assurnasirpal II (883-859 BC)
Salmanesser III (858-824 BC) and Tiglat-Pileser III (745-727 BC) periods archer
and spearman had been combated as pairs and while archer were shooting the
spearmen were holding the horses’ reins. In this period horsemanship had not
been improved much yet. Cavalries were riding horse without saddle and stirrup
and they were sitting too back and it was making the control of the horse harder.
In addition to this the armour, the shield and heavy boots were restricting the
movements of cavalry to a large extent. In Sargon II (721-705 BC) reign cavalry
unit made a set of progress. Covering horse with armour had been appeared in
this period as an innovation. During Sargon II (721-705 BC) reign cavalries
were armed with a short bow or with a long spear. On the other hand, again in
this period in order to balance saddle and in order not to harm horses crupper
and breast band had been begun to be used. Later, Assyrian cavalry learned to
control horse with their feet and so that they learned to shoot while them were
mounted. During Senharip (704-681 BC) and Assurbanipal (668-627 BC)
period’s cavalries lined up as single line ensuing archers and spermen. This
strategy paved the way for cavalries to kill enemy soldiers injured by infantries.
Especially in Senharip period’s (704-681 BC) palace reliefs, assault of
Assyrian cavalry to Elamite archers and defeating the Elamite archers who were
defending the slope, clearly reveals the importance of cavalry for warfare.
The extraction of raw clay for the manufacture of mudbricks, pottery, tablets and figurines is rarely described in the cuneiform record. Nevertheless, an examination of the sources reveals that the people of ancient Mesopotamia selected the raw material according to their needs from ‘clay pits’ (clay deposits) or other locations. Ritual texts in particular identify the origin of the clay used for the creation of magical figurines. When an exorcist was instructed to take clay from a clay pit, he first had to ritually appease and compensate the pit for its subsequent exploitation. The origin of clay for mudbricks and tablets is given in specific instances; that of potter’s clay can only be deduced from archaeological and anthropological observations.
İnsanoğlu, çadırı kolay kurulumu ve rahat taşınmasının yanı sıra dış etkenlerden korunabilmek için çok fazla tercih etmiştir. En ilkel haliyle mamut kemikleri, ahşap ve hayvan derileriyle yapılan çadırların erken örneklerine MÖ 44 binlerde rastlanılmıştır. Birçok farklı tasarımı olan çadırların aynı zamanda birden çok amaca hizmet ettiği de bilinmektedir. Söz konusu bu amaçlar içerisinde askeri seferler de bulunmaktadır. Orduların ihtiyaçlarına göre tasarlanan bu çadırlar, kendi içerisinde de farklılıklar göstermektedir. Seferlere katılan kral, rütbeli ve rütbesiz askerler için dizayn edilen çadırlar özellikleri açısından birbirinden ayrılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Asur Krallığı Dönemi öncesi de ele alınarak çadırın gelişimi hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Konumuzun ana temasını oluştura Yeni Asur Krallığı’nın askeri seferlerde kullanılan çadırlarından bahsedilmektedir. Yazılı metinler ve görsel sanat eserleri dikkate alınarak incelenen çadırların; iskelet yapısı, konforu, günlük ihtiyaçları karşılama ve işleve yönelik özellikleriyle “Basit Çadırlar” ve “Kral Çadırları” olarak iki başlıkta ele alındığı görülmektedir. Bu çadırlar, görsel sanat eserleri ışığında yeniden çizilerek anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Yukarıda belirtilen özellikler ışığında, çadırların kral ve askerlerin günlük yaşamlarını kolaylaştırmak ve mevsimin olumsuz etkilerini en aza indirmek için belli bir plan çerçevesinde yapıldığı düşünülmektedir. Çalışmamızda, Yeni Asur Krallığı dönemindeki çadırlar yeni bir bakış açısıyla ele alınacaktır.
Araplar, Asur yazılı belgelerinde ve sarayların duvarlarını süsleyen rölyeflerde kendilerine yer edinmişlerdir. Arapların Asur kaynaklarına konu olması, onların önemli ticaret güzergâhlarından birisinin kontrolünü ellerinde tutmaları, aramotikler ve deve açısından zengin kaynaklara sahip olmalarıyla ilgiliydi. Asur kralları Arabistan Yarımadası’ndaki çıkarlarını bazen askeri seferler ile bazen ise siyasi uzlaşma yoluyla korumaya çalışmıştır. Asur, gerçekleştirdiği askeri seferler ile Araplar üzerinde üstünlük kurmuş olmasına rağmen, bölgenin sahip olduğu coğrafi ve iklim şartları Asur’un bölgeye nüfuz etmesine engel olmuştur. Asur’un bölgeye gerçekleştirdiği seferler geniş çaplı yağma faaliyetlerinden öteye geçememiş, Asur ordusu geri çekilir çekilmez Arap kabileleri bağımsız bir şekilde davranmışlar ve ilk fırsatta Asur karşıtı hareketlerin içerisinde yer almışlardır. Asur kaynakları, Asur ve Arap krallıkları arasındaki askeri ve siyasi ilişkilerinin yanında, Arapların siyasi ekonomik ve sosyal hayatları hakkındaki önemli bilgileri barındırmaktadır. Asur yazılı belgeleri Arabistan tarihi hakkında bilgi veren ilk yazılı kaynak olma özelliği de taşımaktadır.
Cet ouvrage propose de s'interroger sur l'appréhension et la qualification des espaces au sein du site archéologique. Les intervenants ont ainsi partagé leur réflexion sur les marqueurs matériels – artefact ou écofact – servant à l’identification des espaces au sein du site. Il est organisé autour des trois thèmes majeurs qui ressortirent alors : l’identification et la dévolution des bâtiments ; les espaces funéraires et enfin la spatialisation des activités. Nous espérons que le lecteur trouvera tant dans la grande diversité des périodes et aires chrono-culturelles représentées, que dans le vaste panel des sources et méthodes mobilisées, inspiration et sujet de réflexion.
چکیده
در این مقاله به بررسی معماری کاخ های سلطنتی آشور متاخر می پردازیم. استدالل ما از کاخهای سلطنتی گروهی
از فضاهایی است که به هم می پیوند داشته وبا یکدیگر در ارتباط بودهاند. انواع مختلف سوئیت ها در این مجموعه
ها )کاخها( به طور چشمگیری در طول دوره آشور متاخر از طریق مختلف با هم ترکیب شده و خوب سازمان دهی
شده بودند. معماری هر کاخ متفاوت بود، اما از محدودیت های خاصی مانند عدم حضور و پیروی نکردن از دیگر
سبك معماری در آنها قابل مالحظه است که در ادامه، به سه مورد از کاخ های حفظ شده و باقی مانده با جزئیات
بیشتر بحث خواهیم کرد. این کاخهای آشور متاخر عبارت اند از کاخ شمال غربی در کالح، )نمرود(، کاخ سلطنتی
دور-شاروکن )خرس آباد( و کاخ جنوب غربی در )نینوا(.
کلید واژه ها: معماری، دوره آشور متاخر، کالح )نمرود(، دور شاروکن )خرس آباد(، نینوا.
This paper explores the meaning behind the two methods of sword carry depicted in the iconography of Ashurnasirpal II. While the sword is regarded as a prestigious weapon tied to the owner's identity, the implications of how such an understanding of the sword in the Neo-Assyrian Empire might further delineate the underlying messages of the palace reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II remain unaddressed in secondary literature. As a result, through a combination of a cognitive analysis in regards to the significance of the sword's appearance in Neo-Assyrian texts and iconography as well as an analysis of visual formulas in the palace reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II as identified by Mehmet-Ali Ataç, this paper argues that the visual representation of the sword is intended to communicate not only the wielder's power and wealth but also the wielder's exercise or restraint of divine authority based on the carry method displayed.
in: Das Wissenschaftliche Bibellexikon im Internet (www.wibilex.de) (http://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/29296/)
The story of Alexander’s flight is preserved in early Byzantine versions of the Alexander Romance (codex L, recensions λ and γ) but is already mentioned by Rabbi Jonah of Tiberias (4th century AD) in the Jerusalem Talmud. The narrative must have been created between the late Hellenistic period and the early Imperial age. Although there are differences in details, the main storyline is common in all versions. Alexander fabricates a basket or large bag, which hangs from a yoke and is lifted into the air by birds of prey; Alexander guides the birds upwards by baiting them with a piece of meat fixed on a long spear. The same story-pattern is found in oriental tales about the Iranian king Kai Kāūs and the Babylonian Nimrod. Kai Kāūs’ adventure was included in the Zoroastrian Avesta and must have been current in the Iranian mythical tradition during the first millennium BCE. It is then transmitted by Medieval Islamic authors (Ṭabarī, Bal‘amī, Firdausī, Tha‘ālibī, Dīnawarī), who ultimately depend on Sasanian historical compilations, in which the early mythology of Iran had been collected. The story of Kai Kāūs’ ascension is earlier than Pseudo-Callisthenes’ narrative and contains a clear indication of morphological priority: in some versions the Persian king flies while seated on his throne, which reflects a very ancient and widespread image of royal iconography in Iran and Assyria. Probably Alexander’s aerial journey was derived from an old oriental tradition of tales about flying kings, to which the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod also belonged. The throne had to be eliminated from Alexander’s story, because the episode was set during Alexander’s wanderings at the extremities of the world. The Macedonian king had therefore to fabricate his flying vehicle from readily available materials. Later, after the diffusion of Pseudo-Callisthenes’ romance in the Orient, the tale of Alexander’s ascension might have exercised secondary influence on some versions of the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod, regarding specific details such as the use of the bait.
Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions are always narrated in the first-person voice of the king. Within this framing narrative, the device that we would call ‘direct speech’ is used only rarely, and judiciously. The texts that make the greatest use of this literary device both come from a period of particular innovation and experimentation in royal text forms: Esarhaddon’s Nineveh A and Ashurbanipal’s narratives about his campaign against Elamite king Teumman. In these examples, and in other texts of the time including Esarhaddon’s Succession Treaty, the words of enemies stand out as particularly threatening – and yet also particularly useful, as a literary device employed to further Assyrian agendas. Royal narratives use enemy speech for one of two purposes: either to document criminality, or to show enemies, in defeat and despair, testifying to the might and rightness of their Assyrian conquerors. Looking at all examples of speech – from enemies, gods, and the Assyrian king – I distinguish between ‘direct speech’ (as a literary device) and ‘quotation’ (as a practice). Most, though not all, direct speech in the sources considered here is also quotation, in that it seeks to document and preserve speech made in some other prior form (a verbal statement, a letter, an omen on an animal’s liver). Quotations demonstrate royal legitimacy and enemy culpability, while literary invention allows enemy voices to be turned to new purposes, as forced testament to Assyrian supremacy.
A chariot drawn by two people, on which the Neo-Assyrian ruler is represented as either sitting on a throne or standing in a “chariot-box”, is attested from Assurnaṣirpal until Assurbanipal. It is deployed on the one hand for short journeys in the immediate environment of the palace or in areas which the king can reach neither by chariot nor on horseback. A similar vehicle is used on seals that contain ritual scenes. Although some details of these seal-scenes showing various reed constructions can be explained through reference to texts, carriages are not mentioned in the ritual texts.
Representations of foreigners in their strange attire have a long tradition in the Ancient Near East. While the Assyrian Empire was expanding during the early first millennium BC, the Assyrian kings ‒ with the help of skilled and even inspired craftsmen – attached a growing importance to the differentiation of their near neighbours and people further away. The palace reliefs of Assurnaṣirpal were of excellent craftsmanship, the garments, the hair-styles, the beards and the surrounding landscape were carefully rendered, quite often in every minute detail. Through these details the meaning of the ‘images’ became fully understandable to the well informed Assyrian viewer. Foreign people were not merely enemies, they were people in their own right.
İlk başlarda yük ve savaş alanına asker taşıyan arabalar, zamanla düşman ordu düzenini bozan savaş makinelerine dönüşmüştür. Yapılan arkeolojik çalışmalar savaş arabalarının atalarının kızaklı ve üzerlerinin kapalı olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. Mezopotamya’da Sümerler tarafından tekerlek icat edildikten sonra, bu kızaklı arabalar tekerlekli araçlarla yer değiştirmiş olmalıdır. İlk başlarda tekerleklerin ve aracı meydana getiren diğer elamanların som ağaçtan yapılmış olması ve bu araçların mil sistemine sahip olmamaları, araçların hızını yavaşlatmış ve manevra kabiliyetini zayıflatmıştır. Yeni Asur dönemindeki relieflerde ve arkeolojik materyaller üzerinde görülen savaş arabalarının ve bu savaş arabalarını çeken atların koşum takımlarının, zamanla değişip geliştiğini görmek mümkündür. Özellikle taşınan yük ve araçların ebatlarının büyümesi ilk olarak ispit sayısı, tekerlek çemberi ve boyutuna yansımıştır.
The Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign reliefs. Studies of the textual sources have done much to draw out the complex cultural and political relationship between Assyria and Babylonia in the eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries B.C., revealing tensions between an identification with the cities of the south and their venerable temples on the one hand, and the undeniable political and strategic problems posed by Babylonian rebellions against Assyrian rule on the other. It is argued that the campaign reliefs attempt to resolve this tension by presenting conquest and pacification as accomplished facts, and Babylonia’s abundance as an Assyrian imperial possession. It is also suggested that one function of the reliefs was to process historical victories into a larger, ahistorical image of Assyrian imperial success.
p>O cerco de Senaqueribe a Jerusalém em 701 AEC é um dos eventos históricos do Antigo Oriente mais discutidos. Os impactos da Campanha assíria sobre o território de Judá sob o reinado de Ezequias são, no entanto, ainda tema de disputas entre os especialistas. Este artigo apresenta alguns aspectos dessa discussão, com ênfase nas modificações pelas quais Judá passou durante o domínio assírio. Para a discussão sobre a ameaça de Senaqueribe à Jerusalém e as manobras de centralização do culto religioso por Ezequias, o texto apresenta a tradução de trecho de um documento assírio inédito em português sobre o episódio. A chamada inscrição do Touro nº 6 foi recuperada durante as primeiras escavações arqueológicas no Palácio Sudoeste de Senaqueribe, em Nínive, no século XIX. Ela era uma inscrição pública, localizada entre as pernas de uma escultura de um touro alado, que guardava uma das entradas da Sala do Trono do palácio. A inscrição foi retirada de seu local original e atualmente faz parte do acerco do Museu Britânico em Londres.</p
Yeni Assur Krallığı, M.Ö. 1000-612 tarihlerinde tüm Aşağı ve Yukarı
Mezopotamya, Batı İran, Suriye, Doğu Akdeniz ve hatta Anadolu’ya, Çukurova ve
Toroslar’a değin egemen olmuş güçlü bir imparatorluktur. Yeni Assur Devleti’nde
önemli bir yeri olduğunu düşündüğümüz iki tekerlekli yük taşıtları ile ilgili
bilgilerimiz çoğunlukla dönemin kabartmaları ve fildişi eserleri ile nadiren de
olsa yazılı metinlerine dayanmaktadır. Nitekim bu çalışmada, görsel sanatlar ve
yazılı metinler ışığında Yeni Assur Krallığı’nda iki tekerlekli yük taşıtları
incelenmiştir. Arkeolojik verilerden iki tekerlekli yük taşıtlarının Yeni Assur
toplumunun krali, askeri ve sivil yaşamlarında çeşitli amaçlar için
kullanıldığı anlaşılmaktadır. Krali yaşamlarında kralın bir yerden başka yere
taşınmasında bu taşıtlar kullanılmıştır. Askeri yaşamlarında esir kadın ve
çocuklar ile ganimetlerin sevkiyatında iki tekerlekli yük taşıtlarından
faydalanılmıştır. Sivil yaşamlarında ise kereste, kazan gibi materyallerin
taşınmasında bu taşıtlardan istifade edilmiştir. Bu taşıtlarda çekici olarak
çoğunlukla öküzler ve nadiren de olsa haremağaları ile köleler kullanılmıştır.
Haremağaları krali amaçlı kullanılan taşıtlarda çekici olarak kullanılmıştır.
Öküzler askeri amaçlı taşıtlara koşulmuştur. Kölelerden ise gündelik hayatta kullanılan
iki tekerlekli yük taşıtlarında çekici olarak faydalanılmıştır. Keza bu
taşıtların tek bir zanaatçı ürünü olmadığı marangozcu, derici ve metal
ustalarının ortak ürünü olduğu da söylenebilir.
Claudius Rich's work and his collection of objects, a collection that ended up in the British Museum, came to play a major role for the pioneers who initiated Assyria's archaeological exploration. Jules Mohl managed to persuade the authorities to create the position of a French consul in Mosul, and a young man called Paul Émile Botta was appointed in 1841. Part of his task was to start excavations at Nineveh, in particular on the huge mound known as Kuyunjik, and Mohl had secured funds specifically for this purpose. Austen Henry Layard first turned his attention to Kuyunjik, where, having better luck than Botta, he had made some significant discoveries during his earlier expedition; most importantly, he had found there a vast palace built by Sennacherib around 700 BCE. One of Layard's most important achievements at Kuyunjik was the discovery of a large room filled with mostly fragmentary clay tablets covered with cuneiform writing.
This chapter focuses on sculpture, painting, and portable arts made primarily for Assyrian patrons and used in centers of Assyrian culture. This is restricted to the city of Ashur in the third millennium, with the addition of Kanis, Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, and Nineveh in the second millennium, plus Kalhu, Dur-Sarrukin, and provincial cities in the first. In the Assyrian King List six kings precede the Old Assyrian king Erisum I, the first king whose regnal dates are known. The last three of these kings Puzur-Assur I, Salim-ahum, and Ilusuma are also attested in Old Assyrian royal genealogies. The only surviving art securely dated to the 14th century is imagery on cylinder seals, mostly known from their impressions on clay tablets and labels from Ashur. While palace reliefs represent a new medium in the Neo-Assyrian period, the cylinder seals draw on over two millennia of artistic tradition that was readily accessible through old seals passed down or unearthed.
During his excavations “in the south-east corner of the mound” at Nimrud, ancient Kalhu, A. H. Layard discovered some fragments of painted bricks (1853b: 164–7; 1867: 52–7). These can be dated to Esarhaddon on the basis of both iconographic style and subject matter. Thanks to the name “Tell of Athur” reported in Layard's accounts, we can plausibly identify the location as the site of Fort Shalmaneser; unfortunately, Layard does not give a more precise location. Although we can assert that the fragments belong to Fort Shalmaneser at the time of its renovation by Esarhaddon in the seventh century BC, we are not able to define exactly the rooms or outer façade that these fragments originally decorated.
Some hypotheses have been suggested as to the original location of the glazed bricks, either in the south-east corner of the inner south-east courtyard (Oates 1959: 111, fn. 20; Nunn 1988: 183) or in Courtyard T (Postgate and Reade 1976–80: 317; Oates and Oates 2001: 183–4) (Fig. 1), where they seem to have adorned an outer façade, either the façade of Throne Room T1 or that of Courtyard T, where Shalmaneser's glazed-brick panel was found lying in front of the doorway of ante-chamber T3 (Reade 1963: 38–47; Dayton 1978: PL 24,1).
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