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In The Wretched of the Earth

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... Most recent was universities' worldwide anxiety-driven, flaccid solidary statements in response to the extra-judicial public lynching of George Floyd by US police, Black History Month celebrations -or as I prefer to coin it 'Negro Rental Month', Indigenous Heritage Month, Asian Heritage Month, anti-racism policies, racial injustice projects, and Black studies minors/majors et cetera. Fanon (2001) identified compartmentalization as a mechanism of colonization and psychological and material apartheid, stating that "[t]he first thing which the colonized native learns is to stay in their place, and not to go beyond certain limits" (p. 40). ...
... The colonial subject is often without a say in the construction of decolonial criminology. As Fanon (2001) The imposition of meaning, a form of symbolic violence, is met with a violent response of the kind described by Fanon (1963): ...
... It is impossible to have decolonial caring within Western subjectivities, where we are Westernized, shackled, colonially wounded, and mentally chained to Western 'colonization as disease' (Crichlow, 2003). To that end, I am encouraged by Fanon (2001) who said we are nothing on earth if we are not in the first place the slaves of a cause, the cause of the people, the cause of liberty and justice (p. 1). ...
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For the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. They may allow us to temporarily beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change…I urge each one of us here to reach down into that deep place of knowledge inside herself and touch that terror and loathing of any difference that lives here. See whose face it wears. Then the personal as the political can begin to illuminate all our choices. (Lorde, 1984, p. 110)
... Moreover, postcolonial criticism is a type of culture criticism involves the analysis of literary texts that came under the control of European colonial powers at some point in the annals of their history. Postcolonial criticism gives response to colonialism and the entangled phenomena occurring both during prevalent-colonialism and the aftermaths of colonization (Fanon, 1965). The connection between post colonialism and Resistance Literature is obvious as both of them speak about the colonizer and the colonized. ...
... The inferiority mindset is perpetually fostered among non-whites due to racial enslavement. White subjects black individuals to victimization by their disdain and animosity, perpetrating acts of cruelty against them (Fanon, 1965). Just like Mansoor"s wife has smeared her face with makeup to bear resemblance with whites, since it is a sign of sanctity, but her darkness fails her and shows new traits that belongs to third space. ...
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This study examines the postcolonial implications in Nadeem Aslam’s Season of the Rainbirds (2007). It explores the aftermaths of postcolonialism and its enduring impacts on culture, religion, and language within Pakistani society. The study adopts a postcolonial lens, reflecting the enduring influence of colonial legacies on identities, religious dynamics, and social structures. It also examines the religious persecution of minorities and depicts the social and political reality in Pakistan, where religion serves as an instrument of tyranny. Furthermore, English serves as an emblem of privilege, highlighting the enduring effects of linguistic imperialism as the novel depicts the power dynamics between indigenous and colonial languages. This article contends that these themes depict how the postcolonial condition in the novel reflects overarching issues of identity, marginalization, and power dynamics that endure long after independence.
... Sie betonen die Notwendigkeit, Dekolonialität als Prozess zu be-und verhandeln, der tatsächliche Veränderungen ermöglicht und anstrebt; hier mit spezifischem Bezug auf die Rückgabe von Land im Kontext von Siedler*innenkolonialismus. Frantz Fanon (2004Fanon ( /[1961) und Aimé Césaire (2001Césaire ( /[1955) heben ebenso die Zentralität politischer Praxis im Denken über Dekolonialität hervor. Obwohl in einem anderen geografischen, politischen und historischen Kontext ausgesprochen, können wir aus diesen Überlegungen für das Verhandeln und die Anwendung von Dekolonialität in der politischen Bildung bis heute schöpfen. ...
... Sie betonen die Notwendigkeit, Dekolonialität als Prozess zu be-und verhandeln, der tatsächliche Veränderungen ermöglicht und anstrebt; hier mit spezifischem Bezug auf die Rückgabe von Land im Kontext von Siedler*innenkolonialismus. Frantz Fanon (2004Fanon ( /[1961) und Aimé Césaire (2001Césaire ( /[1955) heben ebenso die Zentralität politischer Praxis im Denken über Dekolonialität hervor. Obwohl in einem anderen geografischen, politischen und historischen Kontext ausgesprochen, können wir aus diesen Überlegungen für das Verhandeln und die Anwendung von Dekolonialität in der politischen Bildung bis heute schöpfen. ...
... The process of rehumanization that is attempted by the Miya Poetry movement is not achieved by violating or harassing the oppressor. This is in stark contrast to what Franz Fanon (2005) said about how violence shapes the identity of the colonized, and it is through violence that they regain back their humanity. ...
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Emerging from the Bengali Muslim char-dwellers in the riverine environments of the Brahmaputra and its tributaries, the Miya Poetry movement is a unique environmentalism of the marginalized in contemporary Assam, India. Writing as a native scholar of Assam, I look at how the poetry movement displays the ethos of an ecopolitical spirituality that embodies the riverine ecology, environmental politics, and sacrality and how it challenges the majoritarian state’s narrative of the Bengali Muslim char-dwellers being denigrated as the “environmental waste producers”. My concept of “ecopolitical spirituality” is in tandem with Carol White’s ‘African American religious naturalism’, which elucidates the remembrance and evocation of traditional environmental relationships of and by the marginalized communities with the purpose of healing and rehumanizing themselves. I begin with a short history of the Miya Poetry movement among the Bengali Muslim char-dwellers in Assam. It narrates how the leading Miya poets adopt the local “Miya” dialect to express the traditional and continued relationships of Bengali Muslim char-dwellers who find themselves entangled with and nurtured by the land, rivers, plants, and animals. I then examine how Bengali Muslims have been framed by the majoritarian state and Assamese society as “environmental waste producers”. With climate change-induced destructive floods, along with post-colonial state’s rampant building of embankments leading to violent floods and erosion, Bengali Muslim char-dwellers are forced to migrate to nearby government grazing reserves or national parks. There, the majoritarian state projects them to be damaging the environment and issues violent evictions. In state reports too, the Bengali Muslim char-dwellers have been equated with “rats”, “crows”, and “vultures”. I use the concept of “environmental racism” to show how this state-led denigration justifies the allegation of the Muslim char-dwellers as “environmental waste producers” and how the Miya Poetry movement counters the racist allegation with new metaphors by highlighting the traditional relationships of the marginalized community with the riverine environment. In the final section, I look in detail at the characteristics and reasons that make the poetry movement ecopolitically spiritual in nature. I thus lay out an argument that the ecopolitical spirituality of the Miya Poetry movement resists the statist dehumanization and devaluation of Miya Muslims by not mocking, violating, or degrading the majoritarian Assamese but by rehumanizing themselves and their relationship with the environment.
... e term "decolonize" has been de ned by Fanon as the social process "which sets out to change the order of the world […] there is, therefore, the need of a complete calling in question of the colonial situation. " (Fanon, 1991). Colonization was a process that entailed extermination and exclusion (Rivera Cusicanqui, 2010). ...
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This study examines Indigenous peace ontologies and epistemologies among Nigerian and Bolivian communities, specifically the Yoruba, Ukwu-Nzu, Ubang, and Aymara cultures, to explore peace conceptual transformations through colonial and historical experiences. Conceptual representations and knowledge production are shaped by power dynamics that mainly marginalize Indigenous epistemic experiences, often erasing or replacing traditional ways of knowing with dominant, typically colonial ideologies. Using a qualitative cross-cultural exploratory approach—including semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and observations—the study reveals peace conceptualizations rooted in cosmological, historical, communal, and ecological frameworks. The Yoruba perceive peace as equilibrium mediated by Òrìṣà and personal agency, while the Aymara understand peace through suma qamaña— “living well” in harmony with Pachamama. Both perspectives emphasize collective well-being, relational ethics, and historical resilience. The study also examines the influence of Islam on Yoruba peace semiotics by reconstructing pre-Islamic peace terms in Lukumi, a Yoruboid language of the Ukwu-Nzu people, and explores gendered linguistic variations in peace conceptualization through the Ubang culture, where men and women speak mutually unintelligible languages. By critiquing universalist assumptions, the study advocates for decolonial methodologies that integrate Indigenous epistemes into broader scholarly discourses, fostering inclusive and pluralistic understandings of peace.
... Hansen challenges the naked and hidden violence of family abuse from a woman's perspective, offering a psychological decolonization that extends in significant ways the masculinist perspective of theorists like Frantz Fanon, who challenges the "naked violence" of colonialism and racism. 63 Both commit to understanding and transforming a psychology of violence. Where Fanon focuses on a masculine "virility" in decolonization, Hansen emphasizes female perspectives and acknowledges that decolonization includes embodied and material realities and radically reconstitutes affect, the way that feelings are experienced. ...
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Contemporary Samoan writers confront colonizing, heteropatriarchal uses of Christianity and of Samoan culture that silence and justify abuse committed against girls, women, and fa'afafine (third-gender individuals). Lima Hansen's memoir, Grace Brought Me Here (2018), challenges her father's wielding of religion and Samoan culture to cloak family abuse and sexual violence. "As Pasifika women," she says, "we are taught to keep domestic violence issues quiet. Due partly to the shame it brings to our families and communities that we are part of." Her memoir provides a foundational book-length analysis of abuse. Without attacking any specific tradition, she calls out the way her father presents himself as a model Mormon elder to defend his assaults. This central investigation of Hansen's memoir is expanded with consideration of the short story, "Family Pride" (2021), in which Nicki Perese challenges a wedding in an unspecified contemporary church that covers up an uncle's sexual abuse of his niece, and Penina Ava Taesali's poems in Sourcing Siapo (2016), which critique the Catholic Church's abandonment of Taesali's mother when her parents divorce, leaving a young Taesali at the mercy of her stepfather's abuse. The texts document abuse experienced by women, girls, and disabled individuals who grow up in Samoa, or as immigrants in New Zealand or the United States. Their calls for transformation of gender inequities are echoed by those who work in many locations in Oceania to challenge family and sexual violence.
... 60 As Franz Fanon writes: "National consciousness, which is not nationalism, is alone capable of giving us an international dimension … It is at the heart of national consciousness that international consciousness establishes itself and thrives." 61 The nation here is conceived as the foundation of politics in internationalist terms. 62 The resistance of an oppressed people is justified because the nation for colonized peoples is not an inherently oppressive (that is, nationalist) entity but a "democratically constituted collective struggling against social and political structures of domination." ...
... The annihilation of white institutions, white systems, white ways of saying and doing everything" (P90, a Black PhD candidate from North America). Here it is evident that the dehumanising effects that resulted from colonialism, creating a wretched of the earth (Fanon 1963) can be overturned as the former colonial subjects take up their agency to erase, delink and heal from the colonial wound (Mignolo 2011). There seems to be no place for inclusion of White knowledge in this response. ...
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This chapter examines respondents’ attitudes towards the concepts of decolonisation and transformation. Respondents report different views, opinions, experiences and degrees of exposure to the notions of decoloniality and transformation. The chapter explores the ways in which the survey respondents engage with these notions and the key patterns that emerge from this portion of the data. Respondents in South Africa appear to be more closely embedded within discourses on transformation, while outside of South Africa decolonisation is the dominant of these discourses. However, decolonisation also has differing interpretations and appears difficult to narrow down. This suggests the need for a reconsideration and reshaping of our understanding of the role of colonialism, empire and racism in the contemporary world. The chapter shows that making transparent the potential connections between including African languages in linguistic curricula and decolonisation/transformation could go a long way to understanding points of (dis)connection between students and instructors. Respondents also warned against tokenistic inclusion. However, our findings show that instructors should not let their critical impulses obscure the potential and perceived value of supporting the presence of African languages in educational spaces. A strong imperative of doing and not only talking decolonisation emerged.
... A decolonial approach transcends merely elucidating colonial dispositions; it envisions alternative methods for dismantling these entrenched practices. It invites us to embrace thoughtful hybridity and to reinvent ourselves and our methodologies, a task that Fanon (1961) identifies as essential for a decolonial polity. ...
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... It serves to eliminate marginalized voices or reduce the prominence of those voices. Fanon (2015) refers to these marginalized groups as the oppressed, those without land, authority, money, culture, or platforms-people who are socially, politically, and culturally disenfranchised. These individuals see themselves only through the eyes and lenses of others. ...
... Thus, the author writes from the position of servitude; this is because the author writes as a black South African, Tsongaspeaking theological scholar, whose community continues to be affected by this narrative. This positionality emanates from being at the receiving end of the missionary-colonial projects and the Western-centric theology that not only disregarded blackness but also deemed everything African as non-being, what Fanon (1963) refers to as being pushed into the zone of non-being. Again, this servitude also stems from belonging to a culture that continues to be disregarded and marginalised by biblical discourses that concomitantly promise liberation while enforcing missionary-colonial agendas. ...
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The 19th-century missionary-biblical discourses that marked the missionary-colonial project promulgated under the guise of Christianisation and civilisation of the heathens in Africa rendered the recipients as slaves. In Africa, the perpetual legacy of this project still manifests among others by the continued demonisation of African cultural practices. Among the vast South African conventional practices that were frowned upon by the missionaries and continue to be demonised through biblical rhetoric is polygamy. This article investigated how the 19th-century missionaries’ biblical discourses promulgated compulsory monogamy among the Vatsonga people in South Africa. It further looked at how the narrative continues to be spread by Christians using biblical discourses in contemporary South Africa. The article argued that this narrative is tantamount to what Wa Thiong’o calls a ‘cultural bomb’, which uses biblical discourses to eradicate African cultural practices. It further contended that the hegemonic superiority complex of Western epistemologies and cultural practices needs to be problematised. Thus, the article used the desktop research methodology to collect and analyse data. The findings revealed that 19th-century biblical discourses are still used as a colonial tool to disregard the Vatsonga cultural marital practices.Contribution: This article aims to contribute to the body of knowledge and discourses that address the legacies of colonialism around the coming of missionaries in Africa. Therefore, this task was sought to be completed by the decolonial call to change the narrative.
... The aforementioned authors further stress that African Indigenous language and knowledge education extends beyond the individual by affirming connections to one's history and environment and strengthening communal ties. Ezeanya-Esiobu (2019) also claims that the rampage on Indigenous languages and knowledges during colonization led not only to the postcolonial identity crisis and inferiority complex (also discussed by Fanon (1963)), but that it is a main cause for the current 'underdevelopment' in the region. Only when the African postcolonial identity is healed through a return to Indigenous language learning -therein regaining access to inherited identity and inherited knowledge resourceswill those communities be able to realize endogenous development 3 and contribute something "specifically African" (Gandolfo, 2009, p. 333) to the world. ...
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This paper explores the relationship between language education and identity realization and the consequences of choosing either an Indigenous or a colonial language education approach. The focus is on the African postcolonial context; however, the arguments are also substantiated by examples from other parts of the world. I argue for a decolonial-multilingual approach to language education, where our conceptualizations of language must be decolonized (freed from colonial rhetoric) so that language use can be explored for its utility. The paper juxtaposes two lines of arguments: the first is an insistence on a return to Indigenous language education as a form of decolonial resistance and warnings against intellectual control through colonial language education. The second line of argument explores the possibilities of compartmentalizing and interrogating language use as an alternative decolonial-multilingual reality, thereby redefining an individual’s relationship with language and its influence on identity realization. As the paper highlights the extent to which language and identity are correlated, I conclude by stressing the need to decolonize language if identity realization is to be decolonized.
... Staci K. Haines' (2019) insights into the prevalence of violence coupled with a culture of silence described in her book The Politics of Trauma provide a framework for understanding the systemic nature of trauma and its roots in social norms, economic systems, and institutional structures that perpetuate inequality, violence, and exploitation. Addressing the stigma associated with hunger is a crucial process in breaking the cycle of oppression and fostering mutual accountability, offering ways to overcome internalised stigma that, as Fanon (1965) notes, hinders individuals from accessing resources and challenging authorities, thereby perpetuating their suffering. Similarly, Haines (2019) delves into the pervasive nature of violence and the accompanying silence. ...
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This dispatch focuses on the profound challenges I have faced conducting research during times of crisis. Drawing from experiences in the Cape Flats, Cape Town, South Africa, I think about what has happened to me as a researcher as safety nets and the niceties of day-to-day life are stripped away, when I’ve gained a unique vantage point on structural functions and inequalities. Crises starkly reveal, and force people to confront, entrenched inequalities. They offer an opportunity to challenge the status quo and respond to hitherto unheard, spoken-over, and silenced voices, particularly those from marginalised communities including women, indigenous groups, and people of colour. My critical examination of how systems respond to crises unearths uncomfortable feminist research questions that support me to reveal the inequities deeply rooted in society, exposing the intersecting oppressions related to race, gender, class, and more. I’ve learned that research conducted from a feminist standpoint can serve as a tool for unlearning, fostering solidarity, and advancing social justice by inviting communities’ perspectives in research and challenging the norms of conventional knowledge and narrative creation.
... The oil spills that ravage the region's ecosystems are emblematic of the broader exploitation of the land and its people, where the benefits of resource extraction are enjoyed by foreign entities and Nigerian elites, while the local population bears the brunt of the consequences (Obi, 2010). Postcolonial theory provides a critical framework for analyzing how the legacy of colonialism has shaped the lived experiences of formerly colonized peoples, particularly in terms of economic disenfranchisement and cultural alienation (Fanon, 1961). At its core, postcolonial theory interrogates the unequal power relations between the Global North and Global South, where the latter remains subjected to forms of neocolonial exploitation and domination (Young, 2001). ...
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This study analyzes Kaine Agary’s Yellow Yellow through the lens of postcolonial theory, examining the socio-economic, environmental, and gendered issues in postcolonial Nigeria, particularly in the Niger Delta. The novel reflects the region’s ongoing struggles with neocolonial exploitation, environmental degradation, and identity conflict, intensified by global capitalism and patriarchal structures. A gap exists in analyzing how these dynamics intertwine with postcolonial legacies in Nigerian literature. Using textual analysis, the study explores how Agary critiques these neocolonial forces, illustrating their devastating impact on both people and the environment. Key findings include the portrayal of economic exploitation, environmental degradation, and the marginalization of women, with Zilayefa, the protagonist, embodying the hybrid identity struggling for self-definition. The study recommends further exploration of gendered oppression within postcolonial frameworks and the development of policies to address resource control, environmental justice, and gender equality in postcolonial Nigeria.
... Similarly, in The Wretched of the Earth (1961), Frantz Fanon explores how colonialism affects cultural identity and highlights the post-colonial struggle to reclaim and revitalize suppressed cultural forms. Fanon contends that cultural revitalization is integral to the liberation process, as it helps to restore a sense of identity and selfworth that colonialism sought to undermine (Fanon, 1961). ...
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This paper examines the intersection of cultural revitalisation, religious politics, and resistance in the works of two prominent Nigerian figures: Fela Anikulapo Kuti and Bishop Matthew Kukah. Through his music, rituals, and symbolic shrine, Fela championed the revival of African Indigenous Religion, resisting the dominance of foreign faiths, particularly Christianity and Islam, while challenging political corruption and social injustice. In contrast, Bishop Kukah, a Christian cleric, has consistently used his platform to critique political injustice, advocate for freedom and rights, and combat religious hypocrisy. Despite their differing methods - Fela's use of music for cultural and religious revival and Kukah's reliance on the pulpit and public discourse - both figures have sought to combat neocolonial subjugation and promote African self-emancipation. This study provides insights into the complex interplay between religion, politics, and cultural identity in contemporary Nigerian society by comparing and contrasting their approaches.
... The movement played a pivotal role in the decolonization process, leading to the establishment of independent African nations. This newfound sovereignty enabled African countries to make decisions that aligned with their cultural values and natural environments [13,14]. ...
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Pan-Africanism, a socio-political and cultural movement aimed at unifying African nations and people, has played a critical role in shaping the continent's response to global challenges, including climate change. This study explores how Pan-Africanism, cultural resilience, and biodiversity conservation intersect with the urgent issue of climate change. Pan-Africanism, which promotes unity and identity across Africa, is connected to the current need to address environmental problems. Cultural resilience, supported by traditional knowledge, plays a key role in managing resources sustainably and adapting to climate change. By combining these ideas, we can create opportunities for teamwork, sustainable farming, eco-tourism, and climate education. However, this approach also faces challenges, such as varying cultural contexts, limited resources, and balancing development with conservation. Recognizing these challenges and strategically using our strengths can help us use cultural heritage to improve climate resilience and protect biodiversity. This approach aligns with Pan-Africanism's goal of collective progress, providing a guide for societies as they navigate the complexities of climate change while preserving their cultural heritage.
... Regarding the latter, she has Frantz Fanon at her side. Fanon (2021) emphasized the embodied experience of colonialism -i.e., the physical, affective, and epistemological wounds of coloniality. Sultana links Fanon's embodied experience of racialization and colonialism to the embodied emotional geographies of climate breakdown and the experiences of people on the climate frontlines (Sultana 2022, 4, 10). ...
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The term “climate colonialism” has achieved some reach in recent years, both in scientific publications and in the wider public. Its meaning, however, is far from clear-cut. Speaking generally, it connects the history of colonialism, dispossession, and racism with the unequal responsibility for global warming and the unequal distribution of its consequences. Furthermore, the term criticizes Northern-dominated international climate policy. In this contribution, I follow the traces that lead the reader to an early use of the term or its predecessor, environmental colonialism. I then describe academic efforts to clarify the meaning of the words, meanwhile a concept. In the last part, I make a foray through research areas and case studies in which the term is productively engaged. For analytical clarity, I propose three thematic areas for the use of `"climate colonialism”.
... This finding highlights the lack of research on the intersections among coloniality and historical trauma, the experiences of displaced Syrians, and violence against children. This is somewhat surprising, as the intergenerational effects of coloniality/historical trauma and displacement have been studied in other populations, most notably American Indians and Alaska Natives (Faimon, 2004;Heart, 2003;Walters & Simoni, 2002), and links between coloniality/historical trauma and the production of violence have been discussed (Fanon, 1963). Additionally, there are articles outlining violence against displaced Syrian children (Rizkalla et al., 2020;Sim et al., 2018). ...
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Intergenerational trauma is a recognized outcome of situations of mass violence and can be transmitted through violence against children. In some communities, present‐day issues have been linked to intergenerational transmission of trauma from colonial violence and displacement. This study examined whether issues in displaced Syrian communities are being contextualized within histories of colonial violence through a public mental health framework, and surveyed the current state of the literature addressing the question: Is the colonial legacy of displaced Syrians related to instances of violence against children? This study adopted a scoping review approach. Searches on 12 medical, psychological, and sociological databases located 1024 unique results that were doubly screened down to seven partially relevant publications. An eighth publication was added through a separate gray literature search. No results fully addressed the research question; eight partially addressed it. Five results linked displacement to violence against children, two linked coloniality to displacement, and one linked colonization to violence against children. Three connecting themes were identified: colonial powers redefine cultures and identities, subsequent identity challenges arise, and unrecognized colonial underpinnings of issues preclude pathways to justice. This study began to connect contemporary issues to histories of colonial violence, but more importantly, identified a large gap in the literature, revealing an urgent need to investigate further the ways that the colonial pasts of displaced Syrian communities can inform the intergenerational transmission of trauma, and identified an emerging public mental health field at the intersection of coloniality, displacement, and intergenerational trauma.
... It is not the sole job of minoritised people to teach their oppressors or make them feel good. Racism hurts both the oppressor, and the oppressed (Fanon, 1968). The editors who responded to our survey and others who work in our field can act themselves to improve academic publishing. ...
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This paper aims to call out the culpability of academic publishing within the field of organisation studies, and our role as academics in contributing to the lack of ethnically diverse voices in the upper echelons of academic publishing. We provide a summary audit of the ethnic diversity of Management and Organisation Studies (MOS) based on direct responses from 20 journal editors, and the estimated ethnicity of 30,277 contributors. We also provide some potential solutions and discuss what anti-racist publishing could look like. We conclude with a call to act up, with a range of recommendations to be tried and tested to build a more representative and inclusive academe of organization studies.
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Immanuel Wallerstein’s intellectual journey toward developing world-systems analysis began with his significant involvement in African studies during the 1960s. This article explores how Wallerstein’s decade as an Africanist, marked by his deep engagement with the decolonisation movements across the continent, laid the foundation for his later Marxist-oriented critique of the capitalist world-economy. Through his work in Africa, Wallerstein progressively distanced himself from modernisation theory and embraced a Marxist perspective, largely informed by his interactions with figures like Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah and Amílcar Cabral. Initially focused on the nation state and independence movements in Africa, Wallerstein’s scholarship increasingly recognised the limitations of methodological nationalism and the need to situate African political and economic conditions within the framework of historical capitalism. This transformation set the stage for Wallerstein’s later influential works on the world-system. The article contributes to a better understanding of how Africa shaped one of the twentieth century’s most significant social theorists.
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Germinal and God’s Bits of Wood belong to the XIX and XX centuries respectively but have the same aesthetic line. Sembene addresses colonization by adopting Zola’s style, which allows these books to satirize two bad working conditions of workers belonging to different generations. The persistence of a problem in Zola’s time in the 19th century showed how some social problems are not addressed and continue to undermine generations. Thus, the aim of this article is to determine how the plot of these books is still represented in the Saleh countries in Africa. We analyze how these themes: corruption, water scarcity and theft satirized by these two authors, are still visible in the Sahel. Keywords: Poverty, Sahel Countries, Corruption, Health Care, Bodies of Waters
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In recent decades, anthropology has been characterized by an experiential turn that connects scholarship increasingly with practical application, on the one hand, and critical reflexivity, on the other. This article throws these trends into historical relief by synoptically considering past emphases in anthropology from the 1830s through the present. These prior developments contextualize recent trends vis-à-vis long-term patterns and permutations in the history of anthropology. In significant respects, current trends reprise in newly critical and reflexive ways aspects of anthropology that were prominent when it was first becoming a scholarly discipline in the mid-nineteenth century. Anthropology's present experiential turn is especially important as our field faces an increasingly uncertain future into the mid-twenty-first century, including dire challenges of funding for new anthropological research and teaching positions, and the risks of being deprofessionalized.
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In order to understand how the expansion of an empire means more than geographical expansion, the whole process of both the eighteenth century classificatory system and nineteenth century Social Darwinism should be taken into account. We must therefore consider how the European viewed the non-European as the wild and 'the other'; how they legitimised the idea of the white man's superiority over 'the other'. Only then can some certain texts written under the influence of such thinking be perceived in a wider scope with certain causes and results as well. Such thinking regarding 'the other' related both to the scientific classification system of the eighteenth century and to Social Darwinism as the prevailing ideology of the late nineteenth century milieu. Therefore, the primary goal of this article is to clarify how such western thinking was first moulded and then galvanized through scientific proofs to make the idea of the inferiority of the non-European "other" common among Europeans. Özet: Bir imparatorluğun genişlemesinin coğrafi yayılımının ötesinde bir olgu olduğunu anlayabilmek için on sekizinci yüzyıla ait sınıflandırma sisteminin ve on dokuzuncu yüzyılda ortaya atılan Sosyal Darvinizm teorisinin dikkate alınması gerekir. Bununla beraber Avrupa'lının Avrupa'lı olmayanı nasıl 'yabani' ve 'öteki' olarak gördüğü ve buna paralel 'beyaz adam üstünlüğü'nü nasıl 'öteki' üzerinde meşrulaştırdığı da göz önüne alınmalıdır. Ancak o zaman, bu düşünce biçiminin etkisi altında kaleme alınmış metinlerin bağlamları, sebep ve sonuçları bakımından daha iyi analiz edilebilir. Bu sınıflandırma sistemi ve Sosyal Darvinizmin on dokuzuncu yüzyıla gelindiğinde 'öteki'ni değerleyen baskın ideoloji biçimini oluşturduğu görülmektedir. Bu nedenle, bu makalenin temel amacı batı merkezli böyle bir ideolojinin nasıl şekillendiğini göstermek ve batılı olmayan 'ötekiler'in daha aşağı türler olduğu zemininin bilimsel çarpıtmalarla nasıl oluşturulduğunu kanıtlamak olacaktır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Sınıflandırma, Sosyal-Darvinizm, imparatorluk, 'öteki' After the main steps taken in the sixteenth century with several discoveries in distant lands; the seventeenth century was, undoubtedly, the most determining period for Western and particularly , British imperialism. Therefore, the significance of the seventeenth century in terms of its providing a convenient basis for the establishment of a more self-aware and even more systematised British Empire requires no affirmation. In other words, the idea of a civilizing mission, the moral superiority of the white race, mercantilism and the use of martial force to triumph over new lands and to offer safety for the territories already occupied, were all fully-defined in the seventeenth century. According to P. J. Marshall (1998), during the period between 1689 and 1815, "both the area and the number of people under British rule increased greatly."  PhD., Ege University, English Language and Literature, İzmir,
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This study discusses the relationship between necropolitics and hunger in the dystopian context of the Spanish film The Platform (2019), directed by Galder Gaztelu-Urrutia. The paper explores how the film depicts a vertically stratified society with distinct social classes, whose power dynamics are closely tied to the control and distribution of food, using the concept of eschatological enclosures. The platform, serving as both a metaphorical and tangible means of sustenance, establishes a system of ranking that determines the destinies of individuals according to their designated levels. Using Achille Mbembe's theory of necropolitics, this research examines how the film's design of imprisonment and deprivation mirrors larger socio-political methods of control, dehumanisation, and existential nihilism. The report contends that the deliberate limitation of resources and the resulting extreme desperation, which leads to cannibalism, highlight a necropolitical system in which decisions regarding life and death are carefully managed to maintain and perpetuate systemic inequity. Through this lens that the paper employs, the film proves to not merely be a narrative of survival but serve as a profound commentary on the destructive power of necropolitical governance.
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Raksta mērķis ir ilustrēt, cik plaši izplatīta ir citādiskošana vardarbīgās situācijās un dažādos kontekstos un kā tā var ietekmēt attiecības starp dažādām cilvēku grupām. Līdz ar to referāta pirmajā daļā, atsaucoties uz Džūditas Batleres (Judith Butler) teoriju par nevardarbību (nonviolence) kā sociālu, nevis individuālistisku fenomenu, tiks aplūkots, kā sabiedrībā iestrādātās citādiskošanas prakses ietekmē vardarbības attīstību. Savukārt raksta otrajā daļā tiks sniegts neliels atskats uz aktuālo notikumu, proti, Krievijas agresiju Ukrainā, lai ilustrētu, kā izpausmju ierobežošana un pakļaušana jaunizveidotām normām ļauj attīstīties vardarbīgām praksēm, kas ar apspiešanu, cenzēšanu, ierobežošanu un arī citādiskošanu ļauj maskēt un attaisnot vardarbību kā nepieciešamu vai pat izdevīgu konfliktu risināšanā.
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The following observations are modified translations of articles published in the Italian daily il Manifesto between October 2023 and September 2024, and many were subsequently posted on the Blog of Media Theory. Here, I have included the references that were absent from the newspaper articles. These short pieces seek to engage with the ongoing massacre of the inhabitants of Gaza by the Israeli state and consider its implications in uncovering questions of colonialism, rights, democracy, historical memory and responsibility within the heartlands of the West itself. Written as newspaper articles explains some of the repetitions in the argument as I try to drive home specific points largely absent from the mainstream media, political pronouncements and public discourse.
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This chapter aims to examine social policies, specifically government programs for poverty alleviation, from the perspective of community psychology and decolonial attitude. We draw on findings from a research project that offers a critical view of a Latin American social program. This project explored the bond between intervention agent and participant in an emblematic Chilean poverty alleviation program. Individual semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 pairs of intervention agents and program participants to explore both positive and negative/complex bonds. Descriptive and relational analysis showed the nature and dynamics of violence in this social community intervention that is shaped in the context of the State as a colonial apparatus. We refer to this as praxical violence, that is the asymmetrical exercise of power by a subject (institutional framework, intervention agents, or participants) in symbolic and practical dimensions, which targets an object (intervention agent or participant), resulting in the reproduction of unequal power relationships that are detrimental to the actors involved and to the aims of social community intervention. The relevance of critically reflecting on the occurrence of violence in social policies is discussed, connecting with the principles of community psychology, and advancing towards a decolonial attitude.
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The book represents the fullest example of stylistic analysis within an important novel in the postcolonial canon-Tayeb Salih's Season of Migration to the North. The research provides a deep linguistic, structural, and thematic insight into how Salih's stylistic options build a peculiar picture of postcolonial themes, cultural identity, and the difficulties and contrasts of cultural exchange. While situating the bilingual narrative, symbolic imagery, and satirical moments of intertextual dialogue and celebration of oral traditions in their historical and cultural context, it proves how such features set the tone and atmosphere of the novel and give further depth to its themes. By doing so, Salih's style refutes and rebukes colonialist discourses, while engaging readers in a critical consideration of postcolonial identity, power relationships, and cultural exchange. These findings underline the continuous popularity of the novel and its status as a strong work of postcolonial literature, with much to offer about the postcolonial condition and its representation in literature. | KEYWORDS Bilingual Narrative; Symbolic Imagery; Satirical Moments; Intertextual Dialogue; and Oral Traditions.
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In this paper, we connect with Martin Thrupp’s calls for class-based analysis in education policy by problematising the absence of social class in the refreshed New Zealand curriculum, Te Mātaiaho (2023). To contextualise this absence, we locate this curriculum policy in a historical perspective and interpret its ‘identity turn’ as an expression of what philosopher Nancy Fraser calls ‘progressive neoliberalism’. We conclude our contribution with a reflection on the reactionary neoliberal response of the current National-led government and a call for educational researchers in Aotearoa New Zealand to more seriously consider social class in their analyses.
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The present paper provides an overview of the nature and inherent assumption of universalism in literature and explicates the reasons why it and its usual signifiers have been incongruous with some of the most powerful literary movements such as Post-colonialism, Feminism, Marxism, and Post-modernism. These theorists argue that the term has a subjugating influence on the marginalized people and has carried an arbitrary significance. The paper has also highlighted the anxieties of the theorists regarding the pitfalls they might face if their own readings emerge as new metanarratives. The study has subsequently narrowed its focus on the oppositional narratives of major postcolonial critics demonstrating the reasons why it is an indispensable task to 're-world' the postcolonial territories to map out a way off the self-denigration and the self-abasement of the postcolonial societies. The paper, most importantly, had tried to demonstrate how Chinua Achebe, drawing both from his critical and creative writings, attempted in (re)presenting Africa's past and re-worlding Africa's socio-cultural identities based on their latent traditional power and wisdom albeit in the international literary-critical scholarship. The key postcolonial issues, for instance, history, language, the role of women, otherness, multiculturalism and African dynamism in Achebe's writings, have provided the undercurrent for this study.
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Chinua Achebe believes that African writers cannot escape the task of rebuilding their nations in the postcolonial era. The task is imperative because the identity and dignity of African people has not still been recovered even after political independence. The reconstruction of the image of their black identity to carve out a space in the world scenario is now a multifaceted task. Both from his critical and creative writings, it is evident that, while doing this task, Achebe has not made the West as ‘the other’. His approach to struggle and win their black aesthetics and identity varies in variation with the contexts: individual, social, national or Africans as a race. His priorities on how to fix their ‘impediments’ in their struggle for emancipation also depend on the time. During the colonial era, he basically demonstrated the evils of colonialism but in the post colonial era he explored the roots of Nigeria’s ‘trouble’ within Nigeria herself. The very title of his book An Image of Africa and the Trouble with Nigeria explicates that Achebe has broadly identified two evils. The essay “An Image of Africa” shows the external evil that is how the Western colonization has damaged Africa by constructing a distorted image of her. In his writings, Achebe himself attempted and suggested how to fix the mess. His first three novels, Things Fall Apart (1958), No Longer at Ease (1960) and Arrow of God (1964), which were set in the colonial era, broadly describe the situations and how to grow out of them. And the other essay “The Trouble with Nigeria” depicted the evils within Nigeria in the post independence era and how to eradicate them. Achebe portrayed the evils of the post independent scenarios of African states in his last two novels A Man of the People (1966) and Anthills of the Savannah (1987). They were set in post-independent fictitious African states.
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