Article

Gender and War in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe

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  • Central European University Vienna
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Abstract

This volume explores the role of gender on both the home and fighting fronts in eastern Europe during World Wars I and II. By using gender as a category of analysis, the authors seek to arrive at a more nuanced understanding of the subjective nature of wartime experience and its representations. While historians have long equated the fighting front with the masculine and the home front with the feminine, the contributors challenge these dichotomies, demonstrating that they are based on culturally embedded assumptions about heroism and sacrifice. Major themes include the ways in which wartime experiences challenge traditional gender roles; postwar restoration of gender order; collaboration and resistance; the body; and memory and commemoration.

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... Het land wordt begrensd door Tsjechië in het noordwesten, Polen in het noorden, Oekraïne in het oosten, Hongarije in het zuiden en Oostenrijk in het westen. Slowakije behoorde eeuwenlang tot Hongarije (Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). De emancipatie van het Slowaakse volk kreeg pas laat gestalte. ...
... De internationale gemeenschap zetten Slovenië en Kroatië onder druk om een moratorium van drie maanden voor hun onafhankelijkheid in acht te nemen. Gedurende deze drie maanden trok het Joegoslavische leger zich terug (Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). ...
... Terwijl in Slovenië het moratorium op de onafhankelijkheid als consequentie had dat het Joegoslavische leger het land verliet, brak een bloedige oorlog uit in Kroatië in de herfst van 1991 (Allock, 2000). Etnische Serviërs, die hun eigen staat wilden oprichten (de Republiek van Servisch Krajina) in dicht Servisch bewoond gebied, verzetten zich tegen de politie van de Kroatische Republiek, die trachtten de regio terug onder Kroatische jurisdictie te krijgen (Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). ...
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In 2014 publiceerden we een bijdrage over “Nationale politiebestellen in beweging in Europa” in het Handboek Politiediensten (Ponsaers & Devroe, 2014). Bij die gelegenheid bespraken we de bestellen van Frankrijk, Italië, Portugal en Spanje (onder de titel “historisch ontstane politiebestellen”); de bestellen van Engeland & Wales, Duitsland en Zwitserland (onder de titel “territoriaal ingedeelde politiebestellen”) en de bestellen van Denemarken, Nederland en Schotland (onder de titel “politiebestellen met een nationale eenheidspolitie”). Bij het uitwerken van dit overzicht maakten we abstractie van een aantal Centraal- en Oost-Europese landen, omdat we oordeelden dat het om een andere realiteit ging in deze nieuwe lidstaten dan deze in de klassieke Europese landen. We stelden toen in het vooruitzicht op deze realiteit in een afzonderlijke bijdrage in te zoemen. Met dit overzicht lossen we onze belofte in en gaan we nader in op deze Oost-Europese bestellen. De meeste Oost-Europese bestellen zijn uitdrukkelijk gebouwd rond een dominante nationale of federale politie. In die zin gaat het telkens om “politiebestellen met een nationale eenheidspolitie”. Dit is niet verwonderlijk, aangezien veel van de besproken landen voormalige communistische landen waren, die momenteel een transitie doormaken naar een meer democratisch bestel. Als ordeningscriterium hanteerden we dan ook een indeling die nauw aansluit bij de historische ontwikkeling van de bestudeerde bestellen. We streven hierbij geen exhaustiviteit na, maar trachten zoveel als mogelijk de diversiteit van de bestellen weer te geven, hoewel ze al bij al wel erg gelijkend zijn. De geschiedenis van Centraal en Oost Europese landen is tot op grote hoogte een geschiedenis van oorlog en conflict. De huidige politieorganisatie is grotendeels het resultaat van sterk problematische historische omstandigheden. Of om het meer algemeen uit te drukken: de organisatie van de politie in Centraal en Oost Europa is in feite een epifenomeen van geopolitieke gebeurtenissen (Ponsaers, 2013). Onderstaande transversale analyse start met de evolutie van de Oostenrijks-Hongaarse monarchie aan de ene kant (we behandelen hier de politiebestellen van Oostenrijk, Hongarije, Tsjechië en Slowakije) en dat van het Russische keizerrijk aan de andere kant (we behandelen hier Rusland en Estland); twee massieve historische machtscentra. Maar ook de desintegratie van het voormalig Joegoslavische koninkrijk is een belangrijke factor om het huidige politielandschap in Centraal en Oost Europa te begrijpen (we behandelen in dit verband Slovenië, Kroatië en Macedonië). We raden de lezer aan om de “basisuitgangspunten” te herlezen uit het voorgaande artikel (Ponsaers & Devroe, 2014) om een nuttige lectuur van onderstaande analyse te kunnen maken.
... The international community pressured Slovenia and Croatia to place a three-month moratorium on their independence. During these three months, the Yugoslav Army completed its pull-out from Slovenia (Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). ...
... Today, Croatia officially completed negotiations with the European Union and will become member of the EU in 2013. In 1990, Croatia began a process of democratic change, with the first democratic elections, and underwent a war of defense against the aggression initiated by the Yugoslav Army (Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). ...
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The history of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe is to a large extent a history of war and conflict. The actual police organization is the result of severe problematic historical circumstances. To state it more generally, the organization of the police in Central and Eastern Europe is an epiphenomenon of geopolitical events. This volume contains massive information concerning this relation in the region under study. It tells an incredible story, in which a reader is prepared to make the synthesis of decades of police history. A transversal reading of the contributions in this volume starts with, on the one hand, the evolution of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, and on the other that of Russian Empire; two huge historical centers of power. But also the disintegration of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia is an important factor to comprehend the actual police landscape in Central and Eastern Europe. This very informative book gives us insight in a reality too often neglected.
... 14 Przykłady takich badań odnoszących się do kontekstu wschodnio-środkowoeuropejskiego to: Blom, Hagemann, Hall, 2000;Bucur, Wingfield, 2006;Dudnik, Hagemann, Quataerti, 2007;Feinberg, 2006;Hagemann, Judson, Rozenblit, 2005. Kobietom w dyskursie narodowym przypisuje się rolę symboliczną i metaforyczną, przede wszystkim związaną z symbolami narodowymi. ...
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Spis treści Wprowadzenie 7 Lament do Ducha Wojny 13 Szkic pierwszy: GENDERYZACJA PAMIĘCI Z PERSPEKTYWY ANTROPOLOGII POLITYCZNEJ 15 Szkic drugi: HERSTORIA I AUTOBIOGRAFIA 33 Szkic trzeci: KOBIETY, WOJNA I FEMINICYD 41 Szkic czwarty: HERSTORIE DLA PROJEKTU „WOMEN, WAR AND PEACE” 51 Szkic piąty: KONFLIKTY PAMIĘCI I DOŚWIADCZENIA . GENDERYZACJA I INTERSEKCJONALNOŚĆ W POLSKIEJ POLITYCE PAMIĘCI 85 Szkic szósty: O WYBRANYM PRZYPADKU HERSTORII. ŁÓDZKI SZLAK KOBIET 107 Appendix 1. Refleksje metodologiczno-dydaktyczne 115 Appendix 2. Pytania na zakończenie 125 Bibliografia 127 Posłowie– Dorota Golańska, Obywatelstwo kulturowe i „prawo do pamięci” 143 Indeks pojęć 153 Indeks nazwisk 155
... During the interwar period, feminism and the equality of the genders were concepts considered important in the making of public policy (Bucur, 2008). During both world wars, women experience an initial period of economic and emotional vulnerability, yet as women took the role of heads of the household and breadwinner during this time, they became more independent and self-reliant and have started to question traditional gender roles at the workplace and at home (Wingfield & Bucur-Deckard, 2006). ...
Article
This digital project examines the role of a cook book, Sanda Marin’s Carte de Bucate, first published in 1936, as a vehicle for social education in Communist Romania. The book was censored and transformed during the Communist regime as two interconnected phenomena were taking place: the reinforcing of the ideology of the Communist model and an increasing economic crisis that led to scarcity of food. The paper also pays attention to how the language and tone used in the book changed depending on the understanding of gender roles in different decades. In spite of Communist claims of an equal division of responsibilities, procuring of food and cooking was considered a woman’s task. By addressing equal responsibility in the public sphere, not at home, the progress toward gender equity reached after the War was completely erased during communism since women had to work and also be responsible for all domestic duties at home, a situation that has been similar in other eastern European countries to this day.
... Rather, it has been addressed only implicitly through the more general concept of inequality, emphasising the changing position of women within the new nation-states. In the more recent comparative thematizations of gendered citizenship in post-socialist Europe, the former Yugoslavia is generally incorporated within analyses of citizenship in Central and Eastern Europe without an in-depth analysis of its specificities (Einhorn, 2010;Gal & Kligman, 2000;Lukić, Regulska, & Zaviršek, 2006;Regulska & Smith, 2012;Wingfield & Bucur, 2006). Often, edited volumes include case studies based on one single post-Yugoslav state (Blagojević, 2006;Bokovoy, 2012;Duhaček, 2006;Lukić, 2000;Mršević, 2000;Zaviršek, 2006), making it difficult to assess common historical legacies and interconnectionsbut also variationsbetween different post-Yugoslav states. ...
... Nancy Wingfield and Maria Bucur note the "exclusively masculine" construction of heroism after the world wars in Eastern Europe, and other scholars have affirmed the power of the sacrificial and masculine "myth of the war experience" that has shaped memories of war up to the present. 65 TWENTIETH-CENTURY WARS PROVIDE US with the best examples of the constructedness and variability of military masculinities in the citizen-soldier. On the one hand, although conscription has persisted in many European nations, the evolution of the rights and duties of citizens and the gender-inclusiveness of modern societies have inevitably influenced the nature of military service and the ideals of military masculinity that they favor. ...
Article
IT WAS A COMMONPLACE for America's founding fathers to evoke the ideal of the ancient Greek and Roman citizen-soldier as a model for their own times, nurtured as they were on the principles of republican discourse. Even before the proclamation of independence, George Washington affirmed that "When we assumed the Soldier, we did not lay aside the Citizen; and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour when the re-establishment of American Liberty, upon the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our Private Stations in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy Country." 1 The reinvigoration of this tradition in North America was made possible by the presence of self-reliant property owners who were willing to take up arms against distant authority in defense of emerging political rights. This is the standard political narrative of the American Revolution, but there is a gender tale to tell as well. The men who made the transition from citizens to soldiers were obliged to leave behind a sense of manly competence as heads of house-hold for a life in which they lived rough, submitted to discipline, and survived on their fighting skills and personal courage. 2 Thus began the first modern experiment in the creation of a form of masculinity peculiar to the modern nation-state, in which the citizen must carry within himself the qualities of a warrior, but as a warrior must also remain the citizen he will become again at conflict's end. Much in modern history has depended on a nation's ability to manage this tran-sition between civilian and military masculinities in ways that neither jeopardized the efficient conduct of warfare nor troubled civic peace. Indeed, one might argue that the greater process of nation building has been successful to the extent that national identity has been effectively embodied in the identity of the individual soldier as a national masculinity that attenuates masculinities of class, region, and ethnicity. In the crucible of modern warfare, states have disintegrated when they have failed to bestow rights and services in proportion to the sacrifices their soldiers have made, or when unincorporated social elements have undermined the unity of national re-I would like to thank for reading earlier drafts of this essay or offering bibliographic suggestions. I am also grateful for the observations and advice of the anonymous readers of the AHR , and for the editorial assistance of Christie VanLaningham.
... Nancy Wingfield and Maria Bucur note the "exclusively masculine" construction of heroism after the world wars in Eastern Europe, and other scholars have affirmed the power of the sacrificial and masculine "myth of the war experience" that has shaped memories of war up to the present. 65 TWENTIETH-CENTURY WARS PROVIDE US with the best examples of the constructedness and variability of military masculinities in the citizen-soldier. On the one hand, although conscription has persisted in many European nations, the evolution of the rights and duties of citizens and the gender-inclusiveness of modern societies have inevitably influenced the nature of military service and the ideals of military masculinity that they favor. ...
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The issue of conflicts of memory is one of the more clearly outlined areas in contemporary Polish discourses of memory. One of its manifestations is Herstory, which involves discovering the forgotten history of women and restoring their rightful place in the public sphere, which also translates directly into issues of social and national identity, and historical policy. In the article we try to decide whether and to what extent herstory as a research approach create a caesura in the memory studies? We put the thesis about the existence of two oppositional currents-the alternative and radical turns of memory, and we are proving that herstory does not so much fit into this opposition as it functions across it, building pluralist discourse. Due to the specific nature of the data used in the text and their transdiscipli-nary nature, and given the anthropological and political research perspectives that are close to us, we base our research and conclusions on Gadamer' s hermeneutics, without which it is difficult to speak of both interpretationism and herstory itself. Keywords: herstory, conflict of memory, pluralization of memory, politics of memory
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