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Multicultural Citizenship
... Em última análise, a comunidade de investigação filosófica é a pedagogia necessária para a educação da cidadania multicultural. (Kymlicka, 1995). Meanwhile, COVID-19 has created important opportunities to expose deeper conflicts within multicultural societies. ...
... However, by acknowledging the uniqueness and difference of each culture as it is, you can conclude that clearly immoral practices such as racism, misogyny, and class discrimination should also be allowed. Kymlicka (1995) writes: ...
... Above, Kymlicka (1995) To this end, multicultural citizenship education must respond to two issues, the first of which is to present an epistemological basis that objective understanding can be reached through dialogue between various cultures. Traditional representationalism is not helpful here; according to representationalism, the criterion of truth and objectivity is the correspondence between external objects and consciousness. ...
Modern civic education in multicultural society faces two diametrically opposed challenges: universality and diversity. Those who emphasize universality argue that multicultural civic education should be based on universal values, goals, and concepts. However, those who emphasize diversity say that different concepts and ideals should be allowed and respected across cultures, genders, ethnicities, etc. Multicultural education aims to promote the coexistence of people from different cultural backgrounds within a nation. In this article, I seek a way between these two extremes by arguing that civic education in a multicultural society should have philosophical inquiry and dialogue as its pedagogical basis. Providing a path to objective meaning while honoring different cultural contexts and situations. Educational efforts to achieve objectivity while respecting diversity can offer important contributions to building democratic societies that allow people who share diverse interests to interact freely. I justify this middle way by drawing upon Robert B. Brandom’s (1994, 2001) inferentialism, in which the objectivity of meaning is secured through a process of material inference that takes into account different cultural and social contexts. I conclude that the kind of dialogue Brandom has in mind is best realized through the community of philosophical inquiry, with its emphasis on reasonableness and self-correction. Ultimately, the community of philosophical inquiry is the pedagogy needed by multicultural citizenship education.
... Although various interpretations can be connoted to the idea of multiculturalism, the common denominator is the politics of recognition. Fundamentally, multiculturalism is an idea of justice, which emphasizes the right of individuals and groups to be culturally different, and recognizes and embraces struggles against oppression imposed by dominant groups on minorities due to their cultural differences (Kymlicka, 1995;Parekh, 2006;Modood, 2013). The general idea of multiculturalism is a normative response to the prevailing cultural injustice and inequality in societies (Kymlicka, 2002). ...
... As a criticism of the orthodox liberal-democratic states in the West, some multiculturalists argue that although liberal-democratic states do not oppose the freedom of citizens to express and practice their cultural affinities in the private realm, they do not recognize any groupdifferentiated rights based on cultural or ethnic differences in the public realm (K yml icka, 1995: 3-4). According to Kymlicka (1995), similar to the adopted approach to govern the role of religion in modern society, the liberal-democratic states to some extent respond to cultural attachments with benign neglect, and try to exclude it from the state's responsibilities. There are, however, well-established arguments that no structured public space can be culturally neutral or free of cultural values and perspectives ( M o d o o d , 2 0 1 3 : 2 3 & 4 9 ) , but rather are constituted (and biased) by a variety of cultural institutions. ...
While the affinity between society and the spatial form of cities are generally acknowledged, the actual connection between them is seldom formalised. How urban form distributes people and resources in urban space and how this may underpins social relations, is rarely discussed in politics. Rather urban development is treated in broad numbers, such as housing units. Since urban form is a central task in urban planning and design, this is unfortunate given current challenges presented by migration, multiculturality and growing inequality in cities. In the effort to demonstrate such a link more thoroughly, this article addresses the spatial form of multiculturalism. Importantly, the aim is not to argue for or against multiculturalism or any particular take on cultural diversity, but rather how a political concept of this kind more precisely may be translated into spatial form. In support, the article will look into new developments in theory and methodology of spatial morphology known as space syntax.
... Indeed, this is important because 'a focus on "everyday multiculturalism" and "convivialities" may also risk obscuring how colonial legacies have shaped and informed racialised and classed hierarchies of belonging in distinct context' (Butler & Ben, 2021, p. 2179. The second, and almost oppositional view, is one that not only sees value in cultural diversity but also argues for state support for recognition of and support for cultural claims of migrants and other minority groups (Kymlicka, 1995(Kymlicka, , 2015. This is exemplified in the adoption of multiculturalism in the 1970s in the post-White Australia policy era. ...
... At the heart of these debates are questions about identity and, in particular, the extent to which certain aspects of individual cultural identities can be supported by and adapted to mainstream values and norms without weakening overall social cohesion and intercultural connectedness (Mansouri, 2017). In this context, and particularly in liberal democratic societies, governments realised that cultural diversity needed to be recognised, though the dominant view is that defining and adopting universal human rights would adequately address the needs of culturally diverse minorities (Kymlicka, 1995). That is, rather than 'protecting vulnerable cultural groups directly (by granting special rights for them), cultural minorities would be protected indirectly by guaranteeing basic civil and political rights to all individuals regardless of group membership' (Marc, 2010, p. 15). ...
Over recent decades, there have been increased public debates about rising level of ethnic and religious diversity and their implications for social cohesion and intercultural relations. These contestations are often situated within a diversity governance continuum with two opposing and often extreme poles both in the policy arena as well as the academic literature. The first pole sees diversity as potentially contributing to social fissures and intercultural discord. The second pole highlights the benefits of an acceptance of diversity for cross-cultural awareness and social peace. Using empirical evidence from a multi-year project, this article assesses the key assumptions underlying these oppositional approaches through a study of the provision of social services to multicultural communities and its association with civic engagement and national belonging. Study findings show that access to multicultural services is significantly associated with higher levels of civic engagement among migrants, rather than social exclusion and urban segregation.
... A policy of diversity management refers to the active role of the state in the legal recognition of different cultures, religions, and minority languages. It can take various forms: religious exemptions from wearing of uniforms, school curricula in minority languages, or special funding for ethnic organizations, to name just a few (Kymlicka, 1995). In this article, our aim is to understand how ethnic, cultural and religious diversity is concretely managed at the municipal level. ...
... This positive portrayal of ethno-cultural heterogeneity, in their view, is an essential element in improving the reputation of the city, and it indirectly contributes to fostering tourism and the financial investments necessary for economic prosperity. In this respect, the practices we have identified do not constitute a form of recognition from a perspective of social justice, in the sense of the theoreticians of multiculturalism, such as Kymlicka (1995) and Taylor (1992) give to this term. Rather, it is through the prism of usefulness and pragmatic management that an informal process of identity recognition takes place. ...
This article examines the ways in which ethnic and cultural diversity is concretely managed in the city of Marseille, a metropolitan area located in France, a country that academic literature defines as assimilationist. Based on a series of 26 semi structured interviews and on the analysis of municipal archives, it reveals that ethnic, cultural and religious organizations are essential actors in local political life in Marseille. On one hand, in order to manage their culturally heterogeneous city, municipal officials rely on alliances with community leaders to maintain legitimacy among the local population. On the other hand, community leaders demand symbolic gestures of cultural recognition from the mayor in exchange for their political support.
This paper, inspired by conceptual tools developed by Pierre Bourdieu, builds an innovative theoretical framework for analysis of the ‘social field of multiculturalism.’ In the process, it sheds
light on strategies of negotiation and competition among different local actors in the daily management of diversity.
... One is the rise of immigrant "transnationalism"-i.e., the tendency of immigrants to maintain regular connections back to their country of origin, aided by improved transportation and communications technologies (Castles, 2000;Ong, 1999). Another is the rise of the ideology of "multiculturalism"-i.e., the idea that immigrants should not have to abandon their ethnic identity in order to integrate, as required by older models of assimilation, but rather should be able to visibly express their ethnic identity in public, and have public institutions accommodate this (Glazer, 1997;Kymlicka, 1995). These two changes, combined with the sheer size of some immigrant groups, have led to predictions about the growth of permanent immigrant enclaves or ghettos, where even the second and third generations will live and work predominantly in their ancestral language, with only a minimal or nonexistent command of the state language (Brimelow, 1996;Schlesinger, 1992). ...
... A further limitation on the arguments for nation-building is that some language minorities are sufficiently large and institutionally complete-they constitute their own "societal cultures" (Kymlicka, 1995(Kymlicka, , 2001)-that individual members can find a relatively full range of economic, social, and cultural opportunities in their own language. The clearest examples are the regionallyconcentrated and historically-rooted national groups we discussed earlier, such as the Québécois, Catalans, or Flemish. ...
Disputes over language policy are a persistent feature of the political life of many states around the world. Multilingual countries in the West such as Belgium, Spain, Switzerland and Canada have long histories of conflict over language rights. In many countries in Eastern Europe and the Third World, efforts to construct common institutions and a shared identity have been severely complicated by linguistic diversity. Indigenous languages around the world are in danger of disappearing. Even in the United States, where English is widely accepted as the language of public life, the linguistic rights of Spanish-speakers are hotly-contested. Not surprisingly, therefore, political theorists have started to examine questions of language policy, and how they relate to broader issues of democracy, justice and rights. This volume provides the reader with an up-to-date overview of the emerging debates over the role of language rights and linguistic diversity within political theory. It brings together many of the leading political theorists who work in the field, together with some of the most important social scientists, with the aim of exploring how political theorists can conceptualize issues of language rights and contribute to public debates on language policy. Questions of language policy are not only of enormous political importance in many countries, but also help to illuminate some of the most important debates in contemporary political theory, including questions of citizenship, deliberative democracy, nationalism, multiculturalism, identity politics, group rights, the liberal-communitarian debate, and so on. The thirteen essays in this volume highlight both the empirical constraints and normative complexities of language policy, and identify the important challenges and opportunities that linguistic diversity raises for contemporary political theory.
... And if so, what is the principle from within that theory that best supports multiculturalism? Is it individual autonomy (Kymlicka 1995)? Neutrality (Patten 2014)? ...
... And unsurprisingly, we also lack consensus about what the paradigmatic policies of multiculturalism should be. Do they for the most part have to do with the needs of minority nations in multination states (Kymlicka 1995)? Or should they focus on the vulnerabilities of groups that are the targets of discrimination and racism (Armstrong 2020). ...
Multicultural theory and practice have in recent years been subjected to substantial criticism. While some of these criticisms can be dismissed as grounded in discriminatory attitudes, others are less easily swept aside, as they are underwritten by values that multiculturalists tend to affirm. A harm reduction approach, that recognizes that reasonable citizens can disagree about some multicultural practices while at the same time acknowledging that attempts at prohibition are either exceedingly costly or contrary to the very values that opponents subscribe to, can provide an alternative foundation for some multicultural accommodations to which both opponents and advocates can subscribe. It involved permitting contested behaviours while imposing regulations aimed at minimizing the harms relative to shared values that they can give rise to.
... Critics saw this valorisation of pluralism as creating the threat of Balkanisation. However, the philosophic arguments in favour of liberal multiculturalism that were advanced shortly thereafter understood its purpose as that of finding a new modus vivendi for achieving national unity predicated on a new understanding of citizenship (Kymlicka 1995; see also Taylor 1992). From the perspective of those who controlled state power, multiculturalism was intended to prevent Québécois nationalism from breaking up Canada. ...
... Many prominent theoretical defenses of multiculturalism are applications of more general liberal, libertarian, democratic or egalitarian theories to specific issues related to diversity, e.g. Will Kymlicka (1989Kymlicka ( , 1995, Chandran Kukathas (2003), Seyla Benhabib (2002), Patten (2014). ...
Many prominent theoretical defenses of multiculturalism are applications of more general liberal, libertarian, democratic or egalitarian theories to specific issues related to diversity. But not all theories of multiculturalism are like this. The so-called Bristol School of Multiculturalism (BSM) seems to be an example of another kind of approach, since its prominent representatives, such as Bhikhu Parekh and Tariq Modood, stress that their multiculturalism does not presuppose liberal principles. This raises questions about how we should understand such defenses of multiculturalism, which Modood on several occasions has labelled as “political multiculturalism”. The chapter considers a number of interpretations of what might characterize “political multiculturalism” as a type of theoretical defense of multiculturalism and shows how the BSM exemplifies these. This leads to questions about the normative implications of political approaches, and whether and how the different political approaches fit together.
... One way of looking at Galeotti's theory of multiculturalism is that she seeks to reconcile liberalism and multiculturalism rather than sees these positions as by definition in opposition. This might not seem a novel project, given that liberal multiculturalism has been a staple of political philosophy since at least the nineties (Kymlicka 1989(Kymlicka , 1995. However, where classic liberal multiculturalism sought to justify groups rights and exemptions for cultural minorities on liberal grounds, Galeotti's attempt at reconciliation both goes deeper in theoretical terms and has a broader or different scope. ...
Elisabetta Galeotti’s theory concerning “toleration as recognition” is partly aimed at addressing issues and controversies facing multicultural societies. As such, Galeotti’s theory is theoretically richer and broader in scope than many other theories of multiculturalism, since it includes a focus on informal power relations and not only addresses legal rights but also social standards governing interaction between citizens. This raises several questions for the theory about the relation between standard liberal rights and the focus on social standards and informal power. Furthermore, given that toleration as recognition is premised on an analysis of multiculturalism in terms of social power relations and the resulting minority status, and that many minorities have immigrant origin, do transnational power relations affect how we should view cases from the point of view of toleration as recognition? The chapter discusses these questions in relation to the Danish cartoon controversy sparked by the publication of twelve cartoons under the heading “the face of Mohammed”, which Galeotti has engaged with several times, and the more recent case of Quran burnings. Galeotti has argued that, whereas legal limits on free speech were not an option in the cartoon controversy, the Danish state could and should have recognized the Muslim perspective on the cartoons in other ways, that the publications of the cartoons can be understood as a socially intolerant act, and that Muslim reactions to the cartoons can be seen as responses to intolerance. The chapter considers whether toleration as recognition is consistent with not having legal limits on free speech in such cases, and whether the fact that the cases are not merely domestic affect the duties of the state. The chapter further discusses the meaning and normative implications of social intolerance and considers some problems facing Galeotti’s view of toleration as a transitional social virtue.
... As a resource because difference and pluralism are considered the pre-conditions for freedom and agency. If people can choose among different perspectives, options, ideals and courses of action, they are really free to manifest their preferences and to act as autonomous individuals (Kymlicka, 1995). Only a society open to different voices and opinions is a guarantee against totalitarianism, fundamentalism, and intolerance (Benhabib, 2002). ...
India ed Europa, pur avendo seguito percorsi storici differenti, si trovano oggi ad affrontare questioni simili riguardanti la possibilità di sviluppare società inclusive, capaci di integrare diversità e differenze in un contesto di partecipazione democratica alla vita sociale e politica comune. Il libro illustra come si articola il dibattito sulla società multiculturale in India e in Europa. In particolare, mette in evidenza i nodi teorici attorno ai quali si sviluppano specifiche politiche multiculturali in India e in Italia, in relazione a questioni religiose, linguistiche, educative, istituzionali e costituzionali. Adottando una prospettiva multidisciplinare, il libro mostra come le questioni legate al multiculturalismo richiedano diversificati strumenti teorici per gestire la complessità e la ricchezza del vivere insieme nella differenza.
... El republicanismo francés (Freeman, 1997), con la delegación de la identidad cultural y étnica en el individuo, ha soslayado las desigualdades sociales que se imbrican con las identidades culturales y que afectan finalmente al ejercicio real de los derechos de ciudadanía. El modelo multicultural (liberalismo multicultural) de Canadá (Kymlicka, 1995) no ha podido resolver el riesgo de que ante determinadas situaciones de desigualdad el reconocimiento de los derechos colectivos puede llevar a la conformación de guetos que favorezcan la segregación y la injusticia social. Las políticas estadounidenses, por su parte, han tendido a cosificar y esencializar la noción de etnicidad, y lo que es más preocupante, incluso de raza, generando un modelo de ‛competencia cultural' que puede resultar tan formalizado como amplificador de las diferencias, a pesar de su considerable predicamento en la literatura médica (Goode, 1999;López, 1989;Melfi et al., 2000;Orlandi, et al., 1992;U.S. ...
... Helping these students revitalizes faith and trust in the promises of democracy, equality, and justice by building educational systems that reflect diverse cultural, ethnic, racial, and social contributions. Those educational systems provide better opportunities for every student and ultimately societal advancement and progress (Garcia, 2016;Feinberg, 1996;Kymlicka, 1995;Taylor, 1992). ...
The study examined how classroom diversity could be used to enhance business education students' academic success. The study considers the impact of multicultural education using Banks' model to enhance these students' academic success. Diversity is in different forms. As our global world and country become increasingly diversified with its attendant impact on school, campus, and classroom settings, it becomes imperative to examine ways of ensuring that students continue to enhance their academic success. Although there are challenges to both instructors and students alike in ensuring academic success in a diverse classroom setting, there are also benefits that enhance students' academic success, particularly business education students. Instructors also benefit from an enhanced understanding of their students to improve their teaching styles. The results of this study show that multicultural education helps business education students to function better in personal, social, and civil activities that are required for citizens in a diverse, democratic, and pluralistic society. American education at all levels i.e., elementary, secondary, and tertiary (higher education) including colleges and universities, is increasingly becoming ethno-culturally diverse. Indeed, across the world, issues regarding diversity have been receiving more attention, challenging people to think in new ways (Bai et al.
... 105-124). Alternative options may be unintelligible or lack meaning for us (Kymlicka, 1995), or otherwise fail to instantiate the value of established relationships for people, who form intimate bonds with particular others (Moore, 2015, pp. 64-65). ...
... Despite the different theoretical frameworks and interlocutors, both Hooker and Valdez disrupt fundamental assumptions of democratic theory and propose a displacement or "replanteamiento" (Rocco 1980, 45;Zea 1969; 2019) of the traditional parameters of study of the people. This disrupts sanitized mythologies of the people as abstractly plural/agonistic (Honig 2007;Näsström 2007), divided predominantly by culture (Kymlicka 2016;Spinner-Halev 1995), or ideally engaged in reciprocity (Rawls 1971). Notably, this disruption is not simply reactive, because it advances a positive research agenda grounded in racialized experience and radical traditions of thought that set the stage for thinking differently about the people, as other Latinx thinkers have done. ...
This article presents Latinx political thought as a distinctive tradition in political theory that reworks central concepts in response to historical experiences of conquest, colonialism, migration, and transnational politics. In reconstructing this tradition, we argue that its problem space converges with US-based Latin American political thought. The article first traces a genealogy of Latinx political theory and then explores three realms of theorizing around which Latinx and Latin American political thought cluster: sovereignty and state violence, peoplehood, and transnationalism. We explain how the surveyed works disrupt and enrich political theory accounts of these problems. In arguing for the recognition of this field as a tradition, the article also aims to make it intelligible as an area of concentration for PhD students in political science.
... Kraus (2012, pp. 12-13); the complex diversity perspective thereby departs fromKymlicka's (1995) multiculturalism, even if both perspectives ultimately entail converging political implications when it comes to dealing with the interplay of diverse identities (seeKymlicka, 2011, for a re-elaboration of his initial position on multiculturalism and multinationalism). ...
The article advocates adoption of the principle of multilingual citizenship to overcome unjust hierarchical relations between language groups in the context of hegemonic nation-states. It first outlines a heuristic model contrasting language-as-an-option and language-as-a-ligature to reconstruct the logic of cultural integration in the (monolingual) nation-state. Second, it shows how the implementation of this model in practice has become inextricably intertwined with structures of nationalist domination. Third, it fleshes out the concept of complex linguistic diversity to substantiate the claim that the relationship between citizenship, linguistic diversity and multilingualism must be radically redefined to transcend the monist bias built into the model of the hegemonic nation-state. Fourth, this approach is applied to the context of contemporary Catalonia, which offers a laboratory-like environment for studying the challenges of complex diversity and assessing the potential of auto-centred multilingualism for underpinning the formation of communities made up of and for equal and diverse citizens.
... 32) 1. Making political parties more inclusive by reducing barriers to minority participation 2. Proportional representation electoral rules 3. Other forms of "political 'affirmative action'" (p. 32) Source: Kymlicka, W. (1995). Multicultural citizenship (pp. ...
... Modern conceptions of multiculturalism place a greater emphasis on the acceptance and inclusion of minority groups which are largely classified by their race, nationality, and religion. [1] ...
... One way to achieve this is by adopting an innovative curriculum relevant to the current developments. Kymlicka (2020) suggests that a curriculum incorporating multicultural learning can help overcome stereotypes and prejudices toward Islamic boarding schools (Abbasi et al., 2022). In addition, multicultural education in Islamic boarding schools can be enriched by teaching social entrepreneurship to students Multicultural values (Braun, 2009). ...
Purpose
The purpose of this study is to investigate the integration of entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values in Islamic education, particularly within the context of pesantren, and to understand its implications for educational practices and outcomes.
Design/methodology/approach
This study adopts a qualitative research approach, using literature review and analysis of empirical data to explore the intersection of entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values in Islamic education. It incorporates findings from multiple sources, including scholarly articles, books and empirical studies, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the topic.
Findings
The findings reveal that the integration of entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values in Islamic education empowers students economically, fosters innovation in teaching methods and promotes character development and business ethics. Moreover, it emphasizes appreciation for diversity, cross-cultural collaboration and social responsibility within the educational context. This integration creates an inclusive learning environment conducive to the development of entrepreneurial skills, innovation and ethical leadership.
Research limitations/implications
Generalizability: the findings of this study may be limited in their generalizability due to the focus on specific multicultural Islamic educational institutions, potentially limiting the applicability of the results to broader educational contexts. Sample size and diversity: the study’s sample size and diversity may impact the representativeness of the findings. Future research could aim for larger and more diverse samples to enhance the robustness of the results. Methodological constraints: the reliance on certain research methods, such as surveys and interviews, may introduce biases or limitations in data collection. Researchers should consider using a variety of methodologies to triangulate findings and ensure comprehensive understanding. Time constraints: the study’s timeframe may have constrained the depth of analysis and limited the exploration of the long-term effects of entrepreneurship education on student development. Future research could adopt longitudinal approaches to address this limitation. Cultural context: the findings are contextualized within the cultural and educational landscape of multicultural Islamic institutions, which may limit their transferability to other cultural or religious contexts. Researchers should consider examining similar phenomena in diverse cultural settings. Resource constraints: resource limitations may have impacted the scope and depth of the research. Future studies could seek additional resources to conduct more extensive investigations and analyses. Bias and subjectivity: despite efforts to minimize bias, researchers’ subjectivity and potential biases in data interpretation and analysis cannot be entirely eliminated. Researchers should acknowledge and address their own biases transparently. Ethical considerations: the study may have encountered ethical challenges related to participant consent, confidentiality and cultural sensitivity. Future research should prioritize ethical guidelines and considerations to ensure the protection and well-being of participants. Addressing these limitations in future research endeavors can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the role and impact of entrepreneurship education in multicultural Islamic educational settings.
Practical implications
Practically, the study informs educational institutions, especially pesantren, about the benefits of integrating entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values into their curriculum and pedagogical approaches. It offers insights into effective strategies for fostering entrepreneurship, innovation and intercultural competence among students.
Social implications
The integration of entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values in Islamic education has broader societal implications. It cultivates a generation of socially responsible and inclusive leaders capable of addressing global challenges with creativity and empathy. By promoting cultural understanding and collaboration, it contributes to building more harmonious and resilient communities.
Originality/value
This study is original in its comprehensive exploration of the intersection between entrepreneurial spirit and multicultural values in Islamic education, particularly within the context of pesantren. It offers fresh insights into how these dimensions can be integrated synergistically to enhance educational practices and outcomes.
... It should be noted here that the Gewirthian justification of duties to one's state is conditional and based on that state's protection of one's rights to freedom and well-being. This is very different from a communitarian justification of the kind offered by, for instance, Alasdair MacIntyre (1985) and Will Kymlicka (1995). In communitarian thinking the moral justification of a political community does not depend on its protection of the rights of its individual members but rather on its role in securing certain cultural traditions that are supposed to provide these members with a meaningful life. ...
This article discusses psychologist Daniel Kahneman's two systems of thinking in relation to the field of moral philosophy. According to Kahneman, while System 1 thinking is fast and intuitive, System 2 thinking is slow and reflective. However, the reason why we trust moral reflection over spontaneous moral intuition is not that the former is "slow" and the latter is "fast", but rather that the reflective level introduces certain tools of rational criticism helping us distinguish between justified and unjustified moral judgements. This raises the further question whether critical reflection, aiming for truth and objectivity, might make us lose sight of more local moral values, such as loyalty to one's family, friends, and political community. The conclusion of this article will be that it is indeed possible to outline a moral theory that is both justified at the level of critical thinking and that makes sense of particu-larist commitments.
... Como su propio título expone, se trata de una serie de medidas para «tolerar», no «aceptar». Sobre tolerancia y aceptación, véase:Kymlicka (1996). 11 En el transcurso del presente trabajo se entenderá «Edad Moderna» como los siglos XV-XVIII e inicios del XIX, no se atiende a la idea de «modernidad». ...
Este trabajo lleva a cabo una revisión del estado de la cuestión de los estudios más representativos sobre la emancipación judía, el antisemitismo y su relación con las fuerzas armadas en el espacio académico internacional y castellanoparlante. Para ello, se acude a una literatura que pone de manifiesto la estrecha relación entre la historia de la sociedad judía y las fuerzas armadas, partiendo de la tesis de que su inclusión en las unidades de combate no surge exclusivamente como un fenómeno de autodefensa frente al antisemitismo o una imposición externa, sino también por una mejora de su participación ciudadana.
... Para pensar rumos decoloniais para a educação musical latino-americana, é importante distinguir uma perspectiva de formação em música orientada pelos pilares da interculturalidade de propostas que têm como base as concepções e ideais do multiculturalismo, mais recorrentes e em evidência na área. Dentro de uma ampla polissemia de perspectivas (Candau, 2012), o multiculturalismo é um conceito/movimento que emergiu em países de origem anglo-saxônica, tendo especial destaque no cenário acadêmico nos Estados Unidos, a partir da década de 1970, e tem como base o reconhecimento da existência e do valor de diferentes culturas, advogando pelo respeito e pelo tratamento igualitário entre elas, a partir da busca pela igualdade e pela valorização de grupos marginalizados historicamente na sociedade (Taylor, 1994;Kymlicka, 1996;Reiter, 2013 (Cruz, 1964;Queiroz, 2017b;Vilar, 2006) (Walsh, 2006;Queiroz, 2017a). Nesse contexto, "o discurso da interculturalidade é cada vez mais utilizado pelo Estado e pelas agências multilaterais como uma nova 'artimanha' do mercado" 29 (Walsh, 2006, p. 45 (Walsh, 2006, p. 45-46). ...
Este texto tem como objetivo principal refletir acerca de perspectivas para a educação musical na América Latina, considerando tanto a trajetória de colonialidade e exclusões que tem caracterizado o ensino institucional de música em tal realidade quanto novas perspectivas para a práxis educativo-musical no continente. As reflexões aqui apresentadas têm como base pesquisa bibliográfica em áreas vinculadas, direta ou indiretamente, aos estudos sobre cultura, música e educação musical na América Latina; pesquisa documental em fontes relacionadas à música e ao seu ensino no continente; e experiências empíricas consolidadas ao longo da minha trajetória como músico, pesquisador e professor da área desde a segunda metade da década de 1990.
... It should be noted here that the Gewirthian justification of duties to one's state is conditional and based on that state's protection of one's rights to freedom and well-being. This is very different from a communitarian justification of the kind offered by, for instance, Alasdair MacIntyre (1985) and Will Kymlicka (1995). In communitarian thinking the moral justification of a political community does not depend on its protection of the rights of its individual members but rather on its role in securing certain cultural traditions that are supposed to provide these members with a meaningful life. ...
... Others argue that a kind of liberal nationalism is needed, that individuals need a national identity to lead meaningful, autonomous lives, and that democratic polities need national identity to function properly (Kymlicka, 1995;Miller, 1995;Tamir, 1993). It is thus not an argument only saying that nation-states historically have played a role in establishing liberal institutions, but rather that liberal multicultural democracies polities need a national identity to be sustained. ...
In this chapter a third kind of counterstrategy against populism is presented and discussed, namely, to embrace and promote the liberal spirit. Building on the tradition from von Humboldt and Mill, I argue that it is possible to develop a liberal politics of recognition and identity that gives credit to the different lifestyles and conceptions of a good life that characterize a liberal society. Such politics could offer emancipation, meaning, and community, a sense of purpose and belonging, and human flourishing in a broad sense. In addition, the need for a liberal collective legitimizing identity and for liberal narratives are discussed.
... Thereby, the importance of preserving the ethnocultural and plural character of the state was recognised, which is a solution that follows the model of multiculturalism. In the demographic sense, Montenegro belongs to the so-called multinational states, if we use Kymlicka's terminology, which assumes that in a multicultural (ethnoculturally plural-author's note) state, its members "either belong to different nations (multinational state) or they immigrated from different nations (polyethnic state)" (Kymlicka, 1995). ...
The paper discusses successful management of ethnocultural pluralism in the context of Montenegro, viewed from the perspective of multiculturalism as a normative-legal model that this state adopted in relation to ethnic and national communities that inhabit its territory. Particular emphasis is placed on three different levels at which ethnocultural pluralism can be discussed, and the paper elaborates the issue of successful management at each of those levels. On the basis of available data, obtained by conducting relevant research and analysis of the applied model of multiculturalism, the paper delves into the key challenges of the process of transformation of Montenegrin society in the context of dominance of ethnonationalism.
... 45 However, in multireligious societies, accommodating religious diversity also means governments must reasonably accommodate citizens' religious practices and expressions where possible. 46 While diverse societies aim for equitable treatment, participation and accommodation of all groups, civic rights frameworks also recognize the special protections often required by religious minorities to thrive alongside religious majorities. Constitutional and legal protections aim to establish inclusive institutions where minority faiths can retain their distinct religious identities and beliefs without the threat of domination or eradication by more powerful groups. ...
Religious diversity is increasing in many societies around the world. As more countries become multi-religious, there are growing challenges in how religious identities are defined and civic rights of religious groups are protected. This research examined approaches adopted in three diverse multi-religious societies – India, Nigeria and Canada – to balance religious identities and civic participation. Through analysis of government policies, court rulings and interviews with religious leaders, the study identified sources of tension between religious communities and evaluated different models employed. The findings suggested that while the separation of religion and State helps protect against religious domination, it does not adequately accommodate religious practices or minority rights. Equal treatment policies are valuable but may not sufficiently recognize cultural differences. Accommodation of religious norms provides inclusiveness but risks endorsing certain beliefs over others. Additionally, collective rights need to be balanced with individual freedoms to ensure full civic participation across communities. The research contributes new insights into conceptualizing and operationalizing inclusive models that harness religious diversity’s positive role in democratic societies. Keywords: Religious Identities, Civic Rights, Civic Community, Religious Freedom, Religious Diversity, Inclusive Institutions, Religious Tolerance.
... Ethical managerial decision-making can be influenced by national culture at both the macrolevels and microlevels (Westerman et al., 2007). Kymlicka (2020) argued that culture creates institutional pressure on society members to restrain their behavior and comply with social norms to avoid the risk of social membership loss. This resulting in differences in managers' behavioral intentions, attitudes, and acceptance of business practices (e.g., bribery condonement) in different cultural contexts (Westerman et al., 2007). ...
Owing to the urgency of the climate change crisis and the emerging greenwashing issue that companies face, greenwashing in companies' carbon reduction is exceptionally important in the progress of global carbon reduction and the achievement of the Paris Agreement goals. Therefore, this study focused on multinational corporations (MNCs) listed on the 2021 Fortune Global 500 list (2001–2020) and used institutional theory to theoretically discuss and empirically test the relationship between MNCs' environmental scores and carbon emissions/intensity, as well as the moderating effect of national culture. Our results demonstrate that the environmental scores of MNCs positively affect their carbon emissions and intensity, meaning that managers tend to use high scores to hide their poor carbon reduction, showing a typical “talk” more and “act” less (i.e., greenwashing) behavior. Meanwhile, the moderating effects of individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance were negative. These revealed that the balance of MNCs' “talk” and “act” can be influenced by the domestic national cultural characteristics. Further analysis showed that the Paris Agreement did not prevent MNCs' greenwashing in carbon reduction. Such greenwashing behavior has become even worse in societies with power distance characteristics after the Paris Agreement. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to investigate companies' greenwashing in terms of carbon reduction. The goal is to enhance our understanding of why and how greenwashing occurs based on the institutional theory perspective, extend the application of institutional theory, enrich the literature on companies' greenwashing and national culture, and offer insight into interdisciplinary research between national culture and green transition management. Finally, suggestions for policymakers on how to prevent MNCs' greenwashing in carbon reduction, considering national cultural influence, were provided.
... More recently, Anderson (2010 , 110) has underlined once again the importance of "cooperation and communication across group lines, for the purposes of forging shared norms and goals of the democratic polity as a whole and to that extent forging a shared identity of citizens." In that way she diverges from other conceptions of multicultural citizenship education, such as those of Will Kymlicka (1995 ) andIris Young (2000 ), that ascribe greater importance to the groupspecific development of a social and political identity that is distinct from that of the state-wide or national conception of democratic citizenship. In that way, democratically adequate education, in the way it is envisioned by Anderson, offers a vision, as Culp (2020 , 8) puts it, of "educative institutions that are highly socially integrated and foster egalitarian relations among students from different social backgrounds." ...
... The technique of civitas sine suffragio indicates not the unifying trend toward world citizenship (Carter, 2001;Kymlicka, 1995), but a historical materialist 'citizenship' repeatedly bestowed upon the exploited, appropriated, and dominated in the interests of accumulation, regardless of the 'ideological work done by calls for cosmopolitan, postnational, and global citizenship' (Staeheli, 2010, p. 396). Civitas sine suffragio therefore takes the problematic of citizenship less as 'a process of negotiation between established values and the values of newcomers into a society' (Mathisen, 2006(Mathisen, , p. 1011, and even less as a 'formal juridical status based on fixed principles'. ...
The concept of "civitas sine suffragio" captures how accumulation regimes generate threshold-spaces of dispossession and inclusive exclusion through the environment-making state's production of space. From an archaeo-genetic investigation of the frontier of the Roman imperium, the article suggests the concept as a recurrent technique of economic inclusion and political exclusion in the state's production of space across modes of production. As part of an agenda in critical geopolitics to investigate the operations of 'geo-power' at sub/supra-national scales, the article goes on to question formal citizenship as a sufficient guarantor of civil rights, constitutional protections, and democratic political participation.
... Teori ini, yang dikembangkan oleh Kymlicka (1995), menyatakan bahwa keberagaman budaya merupakan suatu kekayaan yang perlu dihargai dan dipelihara dalam masyarakat. Teori multikulturalisme menekankan pentingnya kebijakan-kebijakan yang mendukung hak-hak kelompok minoritas dan mengakui perbedaan-perbedaan budaya dalam proses pembangunan. ...
This article discusses the importance of building a courageous world in upholding diversity and pluralism in Indonesia. Through a literature review method, this research examines various studies and theories relevant to understanding and explaining the importance of diversity and pluralism in social, economic, and political development in Indonesia. The research findings show that diversity and pluralism are wealth that must be appreciated, nurtured, and fought for as part of the nation's identity. By bravely facing diversity and pluralism, we can create a more inclusive, tolerant, and peaceful society. This article also offers effective policy recommendations and strategies for promoting diversity and pluralism in Indonesia, as well as identifying research limitations and directions for further research. Keywords: pluralism, inclusion, tolerance, peace
... rupal es susceptible de una negociación de significados intersubjetivos entre los grupos a través de un "lenguaje continuo contraste perspicaz". En su magistral e interesante libro La política del reconocimiento se detalla este planteamiento, el cual nos parece sumamente interesante y adecuado para hacer del dialogo y la negociación un hecho real. Kymlicka, Will. (1995); Taylor, Charles. (1992) Una Nación con una alta diversidad social y cultural tanto de grupos con estatus étnico como de grupos con factores culturales diversos, ...
Contraste de las políticas para la educación pública en Colombia implementadas para atender la diversidad social y cultural por distintos gobiernos de turno y las propias organizaciones étnicas.
... O multiculturalismo tem sido abordado e estudado por especialistas de várias áreas disciplinares, incluindo a sociologia (e.g., Hall, 2000;Modood, 2005), a filosofia política (e.g., Kymlicka, 1995;Taylor, 1992), a antropologia (e.g., Vertovec, 2007) e a psicologia (e.g., Berry, 2011;Stogianni et al., 2021). Assim, também a sua definição pode variar dependendo do contexto (Leong & Liu, 2013). ...
The term ‘indigenous people’ is generally believed to be a prototype of American tribes and Australian aboriginals. Etymologically and semantically the word indigenous means native or vernacular which has been derived from the Latin word indigena which means innate or inborn. The conceptual cognates of the word indigenous in English are primitive people, aboriginals, first nation people, tribes, original inhabitants, etc. There are various terms to define indigeneity, for example, they are called Maori in New Zealand, first citizens in Canada, aboriginal in Australia, adivasis in India, indigenous people in the USA and so on and so forth. It is hard to deny that the term ‘indigenous’ is a popular expression, has a universal acceptance and bears a political overtone because it is related to the question of human rights. The term ‘aboriginal’ on the other hand has a colonial hangover which is equated with barbarism and cannibalism. Both the terms ‘tribe’ and ‘aborigine’ have been used interchangeably, but they are two completely different categories. The term ‘tribe’ has a colonial legacy which bears a sense of humiliation, but later it was politicised and used for negotiating power relations. The title of the ILO report of 1957, the Convention concerning the protection and integration of indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal populations in independent countries, upheld the central premise that the indigenous people are essentially ‘tribal’ who are not fully assimilated with the larger society and it is a subject of respective nation-states to consider. In Asia, however, ‘indigenous’ means ‘tribal and semi-tribal communities’ in general which does not pertain to the international definition of indigeneity. In a nutshell, the criteria of being indigenous people are: 1. they are the original inhabitants; 2. are non-dominant and have a different culture and 3. self-identification.
The indigenous people are far from homogenous and spread over different regions because of which there cannot be one single inclusive category of definition. There is often an attempt to generalise indigenous communities as victims of shared experiences like colonialism, liberalism or globalisation. But it is practically impossible to find commonality among these divergent groups. There is no common cultural or linguistic feature, political interests, and terminology which can provide some logical certitude or an all-embracing definition. Therefore, it is absurd to use all the terms interchangeably and that is why I have chosen the term ‘indigenous’ in spite of controversies as discourses are eternally debatable. India always opposed the term ‘indigenous’ and accepted adivasi to kind of swaddle almost all indigenous groups classified as Scheduled Tribes in the Indian Constitution and also to circumvent the pejorative connotations and colonial origin of the word ‘tribe’, in spite of the fact that colonial archives, museums, gazetteers, surveys etc. provide the most prized sources for indigenous past which are founded on the Victorian ethnology and on the basis of which claims of indigeneity are being made.
Any effort of institutionalisation cannot escape diverse social consciousness and its articulation. It is the non-recognition of the rights and privileges of the tribal people by the dominant sections of the Indian society that has led to increasing articulation of the idea of indigenous people by the tribal people. The designation or description of tribes as indigenous people had not emerged from self-identification or description by the tribal people themselves. It was not a part of positive identification and evaluation by the tribes. Rather the outsiders had imposed it on the tribes. The identity that was forced from outside has now been internalised among the tribes. Today, it is an important mark of identity and consciousness of the people, an identity that evokes a sense of self-esteem and pride rather than a sense of lowly and inferior society that often goes with terms like tribe or tribal. The people now use it to identify and define themselves.
American educator and philosopher Dewey developed a progressive pedagogical philosophy that emphasizes democratic principles. His approach centers on three main dispositions: equality, intelligent judgment and action, and working together. This study aims to investigate how secondary school teachers in Kailali District implement these dispositions in their teaching processes. This study used a qualitative research design. Ten secondary school teachers from Kailali District, Sudurpaschim Province, were selected through purposive and convenient sampling. A two-day seminar with two sessions was held to explore how these teachers implement the three core dispositions of Dewey's democratic pedagogy. The collected information, insights, and views are analyzed and presented through vignettes based on Dewey's three core dispositions. This study finds that secondary school teachers in Nepal encounter several challenges, including overcrowded classrooms, inadequate teacher training, insufficient educational resources, and limited familiarity with contemporary teaching methodologies. While the national curriculum framework highlights the importance of democratic pedagogy, it lacks detailed guidelines for its practical application. Furthermore, the study indicates that secondary school teachers in Nepal continues to predominantly employ traditional teaching methods, underscoring the critical need for reform.
Cette recherche vise à décortiquer les relations entre les appartenances sociales des élèves, leurs représentations de l’altérité et de la citoyenneté afin de comprendre leurs implications dans les processus de mise en place de l’éducation à la citoyenneté en République du Congo. D’un point de vue théorique, nous avons interrogé les paradigmes de l’assimilationnisme et du multiculturalisme. Dans le premier, les différences culturelles ne sont pas prises en compte, et il s’agit d’un idéal d’égalitarisme universel. Dans le second, la reconnaissance de cette diversité culturelle et la liberté d’expression de celle-ci dans l’espace public sont une priorité politique. Nous interrogeons ensuite un troisième paradigme, l’interculturel, qui au lieu de se focaliser sur la reconnaissance des différences culturelles, priorise les interactions entre les groupes d’individus et transforme la pluralité des appartenances socioculturelles en un élément constitutif du sens du « Nous ». Le matériau empirique utilisé dans cette recherche est issu d’une enquête de terrain. La méthodologie de recueil des données allie l’enquête par questionnaire et l’analyse documentaire. Ainsi, un questionnaire a été adressé à plus de 1 000 jeunes de six lycées de Brazzaville dont les résultats sont en cours de traitement.
This chapter discusses the default moral principle within a liberal political community defined by the fact of pluralism. It distinguishes between the essentially political and structural levels of the liberal political community, and the default moral principle at both levels forming the liberal political community is analyzed. Although it is suggested that the principle of respect is the default moral principle at both levels, ensuring respect at the essentially political level does not imply respect at the structural level as well. The explanation is that while respect at the essentially political level takes the third-person form, respect at the structural level takes the second-person form. This substantiates how it is possible for many people to remain disrespected in the liberal political community despite political power being justified to them.
This chapter highlights problems related to the contemporary world’s pluralistic nature, which has led to the rise of populist politics striving for unity. Although the fear of losing unity is not odd and unity in a pluralistic world is important, these populist attempts are dangerous. In the pursuit of unity, neglecting the implications of pluralism pointed out by multiculturalists is also inappropriate. It is therefore suggested that the most appropriate way to address the fact of pluralism is against the backdrop of political liberalism, which understands pluralism as a fact, not an inherent value. Despite political liberalism being the starting point, the weaknesses related to how it deals with pluralism are mentioned—specifically, the overly reductionist conception of the political community in which political power is exercised, which overlooks the character of the community’s structural arrangement.
In this article, I argue that because co-nationals have an intrinsically valuable relationship, they have a presumptive claim against interference in their collective affairs. My argument from the claim that co-nationals have an intrinsically valuable relationship to the presumptive claim against interference is threefold, and I set it out in section “From Intrinsic Value to Self-Determination”: firstly, parties to an intrinsically valuable relationship have a respect-based claim to autonomy. Secondly, the relationship between co-nationals realizes some important goods, and collective autonomy is internally related to these. Finally, the fact that co-nationals have an intrinsically valuable relationship, and affective attachments means that they have a strong interest in carrying out certain activities together, without interference from outsiders. In section “Grounding the Presumptive Claim,” I argue that these three grounds cumulatively amount to a presumptive claim to collective autonomy. I outline the implications for the issue of secession.
The chapter reflects on both the “external eye” and its input into self-definition of the Western culture and on the elements which may be defined as the Europeanization of heritage, both interlinked and mutually reinforcing one another. The main thesis of the chapter lies in the conviction that it is not the historical knowledge, but rather the paradigm of thinking about “Europe in the wider world” that should be taught within the framework of European studies. Such an open, dialogical approach allows for seeing Europe in its global relations, and understanding self-reflection and self-criticism as constitutive elements of European identity. Therefore it is recommended to put special emphasis on teaching about European symbolic resources and their interpretations as much as on exercising sociological imagination in terms of the construction of social bonds and conflicts, just to name a few. Eventually, it is through the understanding of the culture and society, that any collective construction can be studied, so it is worthwhile to focus not only on practices of analysis but also on those of interpretation.
This paper examines the basis for a "cultural exception" in the governance of international trade. Despite the broad premise of free trade in the contemporary international economy, many members of the World Trade Organization assert a right to limit cross-border trade in the interest of national cultural sovereignty. On this basis Canada has sought to regulate the sale of American periodicals, as Japan has limited the access of foreign attorneys to legal practice. Other nations view the cultural exception as a thinly disguised form of protectionism. The author examines several controversies involving a cultural exception to trade, and suggests how a principled policy mechanism might be crafted to sustain a broadly based right to cultural integrity in the face of economic globalization.
Tiu ĉi studo celas analizi la fruan pensadon de Ludoviko Lazaro Zamenhof (1887-1917) en la lumo de la tielnomata liberala-komunuma debato. Tiu debato lanĉiĝis en la fruaj 1980aj jaroj. Ĉe la liberala flanko estis tiuj kiuj difinis la nocion de liberala memo, kiu portas rajtojn, sendepende de identeco (laŭ la vidpunkto de John Rawls); ĉe la komunuma flanko estis tiuj kiuj subtenis la nocion de komunumoj kun rajtoj kaj celoj (laŭ Michael Sandel). Sed tiu debato lastatempe fariĝis dialogo, en kiu ĉiu flanko defias la alian, ke ĝi pravigu siajn pretendojn – ontologiajn, politikajn aŭ etikajn. La nuna studo asertas, ke, unu jarcenton pli frue, Zamenhof troviĝis en simila dialogo inter liberalismo kaj komunumismo, inventinte movadon, kiu potenciale kapablus trovi ekvilibron inter homaj rajtoj unuflanke kaj nocioj de “boneco” akceptitaj de diversaj komunumoj, aliflanke. Tamen, la politika potencialo de la vizio de Zamenhof pri Esperanto estis subfosita (kvankam ne detruita) en la Deklaracio de Bulonjo, kiu distancigis sin de interkonsiliĝa debato kaj elĵetis religiajn kaj etikajn idealojn.
According to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), different models of state financing for religion can be in accordance with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). In order to illustrate this, I will compare the Belgian and Dutch policies concerning financial state support for religions, which were for a very long time quite similar. In 1984, however, the Dutch government terminated its policy of direct financial support for recognized religions, while the Belgian state still finances recognized religions up until the present day. Based on the idea that the core principle of human rights is not religious freedom, but rather the more general concept of human dignity, I will argue that the Dutch policy of democratic perfectionism is, due to its more open, democratic and inclusive character, to be preferred over the Belgian policy of constitutionally fixed taxes for religions. By extension, such a democratic perfectionist policy is better in line with the principles of religious freedom, equality and non-discrimination, and the protection of minority rights – legal principles which were, according to the 1998 concluding observations of the UN Human Rights Committee, not guaranteed in the Belgian church-state regime.KeywordsBelgiumThe NetherlandsFinancing religionChurch-state separationConstitutional lawEctHRFreedom of religionHuman dignityNeutrality
The research was conducted for a Master’s dissertation. The aim of this research is to obtain greater knowledge of the attitudes and beliefs of former Diwan pupils towards bringing up their children through the medium of the Breton language. The majority of the new generation have not learnt the language as a mother tongue, but instead have acquired or perfected their language skills through formal education. Indeed, their grandparents’ mother tongue was stigmatized, and halting the Breton language transmission process seemed to their mind the logical step towards greater socio-economic opportunities for their children. As a result, the Breton language has lost over a million speakers in the past century, with only 170 000 Breton language speakers left today, 70% of these are over the age of 60. Nonetheless, since the establishment of the Diwan immersion Breton language schools in 1977, the number of new young speakers has increased throughout the years and has helped to change the negative image attached to the language thus giving hope in countering language death. However, current research on language revitalization has demonstrated the difficulties for “new speakers” in appropriating the language. Indeed, pupils who acquire the language at school may not carry over this positive ideology in language use outside the school gates and amongst their peers. Indeed, the minority language remains the language of school, challenging the shift in language revitalization on the ground towards its transmission within the private sphere. The aim of this study is therefore to give an insight into comprehending family language transmission in Brittany amongst former Diwan school pupils. It focuses on understanding the language use and ideologies of these parents’ perceptions of transmitting the language to their own children. In addition, the dissertation aims to understand these parents’ ideologies and behaviour in relation to their past experience within the Diwan Breton immersion school system. On the one hand, the result of the dissertation reveals that the two issues regarding family language transmission by the pupils are related to their understanding of bilingualism and linguistic naturalism. On the other hand, it shows how some parents could counter these two issues, by sufficiently using Breton with their friends outside of school and by being influenced by positive language attitudes towards previous struggles in revitalizing Breton.
Cet article remettra en question la perception selon laquelle la Loi sur les langues officielle s (LLO) présente une vision individualiste des droits linguistiques canadiens. Il est important de souligner comment la vision effectivement plus individualiste de la version initiale de la LLO a évolué au cours des 50 dernières années en une vision beaucoup plus communautaire, se rapprochant davantage de la perspective d’André Laurendeau que de celle de Pierre Elliott Trudeau. En effet, la version révisée de la LLO de 1988, dans laquelle le discours de la dualité linguistique est manifeste, reproduit implicitement l’argument de la Commission royale d’enquête sur le bilinguisme et le biculturalisme voulant la reconnaissance du Québec comme société distincte. En reconnaissant la vision communautaire de la LLO, il est possible pour les communautés franco-canadiennes de renouer leurs liens. Cet article utilisera une approche combinant l’analyse du discours et l’analyse de politiques.
Milliyetçiliğin yurttaşlar arasında dayanışmayı sağlama gibi güçlü yönleri olduğu gibi homojenleştirici bir yönü olması nedeniyle farklı alt kimlikleri görmezden gelebilmektedir. Bu nedenle bir yandan farklılıklara saygı duyulurken bir yandan da ortak bir kamusal kültürün nasıl inşa edileceği siyaset felsefecilerin tartıştıkları önemli sorunlardan biridir. Bu tartışmalara kuramsal olarak “Liberal Milliyetçilik” ve “Anayasal Yurtseverlik” kuramları önemli katkılarda bulunmaktadırlar. Türkiye’de de siyasal alanda olduğu gibi eğitim alanında da benzer bir tartışmaya rastlanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda İslamcı köklere sahip olmasına rağmen AK Parti iktidara geldiği ilk yıllarda farklılıklara saygılı bir yurttaşlık düşüncesi inşa edeceğini vaat ettiği için AK Parti’nin en çok müdahale ettiği alanlardan biri de eğitimdir. Bu çalışma AK Parti dönemi eğitim politikalarını “Liberal Milliyetçilik”, “Anayasal yurtseverlik” ve “İslamcılık” çerçevesinde incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır.
Araştırmada nitel araştırma durum çalışması deseni kullanılmıştır. Çalışmanın verilerini AK Parti döneminde görev almış bakanların, parti sözcülerinin ve İslamcı aydınların düşünceleri, mevzuat değişiklikleri ile birlikte farklı kademelerden ders kitapları ve şura kararları oluşturmaktadır. Ders kitapları ve şura kararları içerik analizi tekniğiyle incelenmiştir.
AK Parti’nin iktidara geldiği ilk yıllarda muhafazakâr demokrasi söylemini benimseyerek eğitimde liberal bir dil ve söylem benimsendiği, 2011 yılından itibaren ise dini söylemler kullanıldığı, 2016 yılından günümüze ise milliyetçi bir dil kullanıldığı sonuçlarına varılmıştır. AK Parti iktidara ilk geldiği yıllarda demokratik çoğulcu bir eğitim inşa etmeyi vaat etmiş ancak bunu başaramamıştır. Çalışmada “Liberal milliyetçilik” ve “Anayasal Yurtseverlik” kuramları çerçevesinde eğitimin toplumsal dayanışmayı sağlamada önemli bir rolü olduğunu bununla beraber toplumsal dayanışmanın farklı kimlikleri de içerecek demokratik bir temelde inşa edilmesi gerektiği önerilmektedir.
Nationalism has strong aspects such as providing solidarity among citizens, however, it can ignore different sub-identities due to its homogenizing purpose. For this reason, how to build a common public culture while respecting differences is one of the important issues discussed by political philosophers. Theoretically, “Liberal Nationalism” and “Constitutional Patriotism” make important contributions to these discussions. In Turkey, a similar discussion can be seen in the field of education as well as in the political field. In this context, although AK Party has Islamic roots, it promised to build a citizenship idea that respects differences in the first years it came to power, one of the fields in which the AK Party intervened most is education.
This study aims to discuss the policies of education in the AK Party governing period within the framework of “Liberal Nationalism”, Constitutional Patriotism” and Islamism. Qualitative research case study design was used in the research. The data sources of the study consist of the thoughts of the ministers, party spokesmen and Islamist intellectuals who served in the AK Party governing period, legislative changes, textbooks from different levels and council decisions. Textbooks and council decisions were analyzed by content analysis technique.
It has been concluded that in the first years when the AK Party came to power, a liberal language and discourse was adopted in education by adopting the conservative democracy discourse, religious discourses were used since 2011, and a nationalist language has been used since 2016. In the first years when the AK Party came to power, it promised to build a democratic pluralistic education, but failed to do so. In the study, it is suggested that education has an important role in providing social solidarity within the framework of "Liberal nationalism" and "Constitutional patriotism" theories, and that social solidarity should be built on a democratic basis that will include different identities.
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