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Recent elephant-carcass utilization as a basis for interpreting mammoth exploitation
Abstract
Studies of the patterned effects of human and non-human utilization of recent elephant carcasses provide context for understanding how similar processes in the past affected mammoth bones. This information might explain similarities and differences among mammoth sites and assemblages in different times and places in prehistory, such as the Pavlovian phase of early Gravettian in central Europe and the Clovis era in North America. Both Pavlovian and Clovis people often left behind sites dominated by proboscidean bones, but appear to have made very different uses of mammoth carcasses.
... The association of P. brevirostris with the FN3-5-MPS individual has been proposed based on the presence of coprolites found in proximity of the carcass (Espigares et al., , 2019Palmqvist et al., 2023). Typical hyenid activity on extant megafaunal carcasses, such as proboscideans, usually produce some degree of furrowing to the edges of pelves, ribs, vertebral apophysis (Crader, 1983;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;Haynes, 2017), scapulae and appendicular bones (Haynes, 2017;Haynes et al., 2020b). Furrowing has been also recorded on extinct proboscidean bones (Yravedra et al., 2010;Mangano and Bonfiglio, 2012). ...
... The presence of cut marks in the ventral area of the pelvis indicates that hominins had access to the carcass very early. This is especially noteworthy given that carnivorans typically access proboscidean carcasses through soft tissues such as the underbelly, genitalia, and anus (Haynes, 1988(Haynes, , 2006(Haynes, , 2017White and Diedrich, 2012;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). The location of these cut marks on the cranio-ventral (anterior) surface of the left iliac wing, at the attachment surface for the iliacus muscle, could indicate cutting of the iliopsoas (iliacus + psoas) muscles. ...
... However, even the evidence presented in this study for the exact position of the cut marks on the pelvic girdle are insufficient to state that humans dismembered and transported any of the limbs of FN3-5-MPS. It is important to note that ethnographic records demonstrating the removal of elephant bones often involve the use of metal knives and axes (Duffy, 1984;Haynes, 1987Haynes, , 1991Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Therefore, drawing a direct analogy between early European populations using the ~2-~2.5 cm flint flakes observed at FN3 , and modern hunter-gatherers equipped with metal tools, is not necessarily feasible. ...
Meat consumption by early hominins is a hotly debated issue. A key question concerns their access to large mammal carcasses, including megafauna. Currently, the evidence of anthropic cut marks on proboscidean bones older than -or close to- 1.0 Ma are restricted to the archaeological sites of Dmanisi (Georgia), Olduvai (Tanzania), Gona (Ethiopia), Olorgesailie (Kenya) and La Boella (Spain). During an inspection of the almost complete carcass of Mammuthus meridionalis (FN3-5 MPS) from the Oldowan site of Fuente Nueva 3 (Orce, Spain, c. 1.2 Ma), a few traces compatible with human-made cut marks and carnivore tooth marks were found. From this finding and previous interpretations the following questions arise: When and under what conditions was FN3-5-MPS deposited? What is the nature of the marks found on the surface of the bones of this mammoth? To answer, we have conducted a high-resolution analysis of these remains, combining both taphonomic and microstratigraphic data. Our results, using microstratigraphic and micromorphological analyses of sediments based on thinsections, show that this individual was deposited in a marshy environment. Subsequently, the carcass was exploited by hominins and large felids that left their marks on the surface of some of its bones. For this purpose, the identification and characterisation of both cut marks and tooth marks were performed using high-resolution 3D modelling, geometric morphometrics, and artificially intelligent algorithms. Based on the anatomical position of both the cut and tooth marks, we propose that both the hominins and the saber-toothed cats had early access to the animal. Finally, this paper shows how an interdisciplinary approach can shed detailed light on the particular story regarding the death and processing of the carcass of a female mammoth, deposited at Fuente Nueva 3.
... Most archaeologists recognize that these records are the products of specific historical technological, economic and sociopolitical contexts that make their analogical value to the past highly contestable. For example, the contexts of these records are unrepresentative of the circumstances faced by traditional hunter-gatherers (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Saunders, 1992). Even so, some argue that the wide range of techniques used to acquire elephants, scale of hunting, and ivory exports reflects the ease of proboscidean procurement (e.g., Agam & Barkai, 2018;Ben-Dor & Barkai, 2020). ...
... But the global ivory industry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is central to understanding the scale of proboscidean procurement and frequency and range of techniques utilized. The motivation of this procurement was not driven by subsistence (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015) and was clearly linked to the acquisition of ivory; while other elephant products (meat, fat, hair, skin) had secondary uses (Sikes, 1971:310). Indigenous elephant hunters were not driven by a desire for meat, but they were highly motivated by ivory profits that greatly exceeded any gains they might have made from meat acquisition (see Sundström, 1974:80, 88, 90, 91 for trade values). ...
... Clearly, to fully understand the nature of the scale and frequency of historically documented hunting requires a deep dive into the complexities and contexts of elephant acquisition during that period. However, ethnohistoric and ethnographic information was and remains an important source of data often used as frameworks by archaeologists to understand the distant past (e.g., Churchill, 1993;Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Holliday, 1998;Lupo & Schmitt, 2002;Villa & Lenoir, 2009). Yet contextual circumstances invite a reconsideration of how existing data might inform and be applied to the archaeological record of proboscidean procurement. ...
... Most archaeologists recognize that these records are the products of specific historical technological, economic and sociopolitical contexts that make their analogical value to the past highly contestable. For example, the contexts of these records are unrepresentative of the circumstances faced by traditional hunter-gatherers (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Saunders, 1992). Even so, some argue that the wide range of techniques used to acquire elephants, scale of hunting, and ivory exports reflects the ease of proboscidean procurement (e.g., Agam & Barkai, 2018;Ben-Dor & Barkai, 2020). ...
... But the global ivory industry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is central to understanding the scale of proboscidean procurement and frequency and range of techniques utilized. The motivation of this procurement was not driven by subsistence (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015) and was clearly linked to the acquisition of ivory; while other elephant products (meat, fat, hair, skin) had secondary uses (Sikes, 1971:310). Indigenous elephant hunters were not driven by a desire for meat, but they were highly motivated by ivory profits that greatly exceeded any gains they might have made from meat acquisition (see Sundström, 1974:80, 88, 90, 91 for trade values). ...
... Clearly, to fully understand the nature of the scale and frequency of historically documented hunting requires a deep dive into the complexities and contexts of elephant acquisition during that period. However, ethnohistoric and ethnographic information was and remains an important source of data often used as frameworks by archaeologists to understand the distant past (e.g., Churchill, 1993;Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Holliday, 1998;Lupo & Schmitt, 2002;Villa & Lenoir, 2009). Yet contextual circumstances invite a reconsideration of how existing data might inform and be applied to the archaeological record of proboscidean procurement. ...
The role that humans played in the extinction of Pleistocene proboscideans is highly controversial. Ethnohistoric records of elephant hunting, in concert with theoretical rationales, are often used as proxy evidence to support the view that ancient humans regularly and efficiently targeted large-sized proboscideans to the point of extinction. This paper examines the socioeconomic and technological contexts of elephant hunting in contemporary and ethnohistoric records to show how these circumstances influenced the scale of harvest, productivity, and valuation of elephants. Quantitative and qualitative evidence derived from some of these records are used to analyze the efficiency of elephant capture using traditional hunting technologies (spears, poisoned projectiles, traps, and drives). This analytical framework provides a systematic method for evaluating the productivity of proboscidean predation. Results show that prior to the widespread use of firearms in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the acquisition of elephants, irrespective of the traditional hunting technology used, was a dangerous, high-cost activity often associated with a high-risk of hunting failure. In the ethnographic record, elephant hunting is consistently associated with prestige-seeking among egalitarian hunter-gatherers. Although the analysis presented here is derived from hunting episodes that involved modern elephants, the physical characteristics and abilities that make these animals expensive and risky to hunt were likely manifested by most Pleistocene proboscideans. Using ethnographic data, a framework for recognizing how prestige hunting is manifested under different ecological and sociopolitical circumstances is provided and offers an alternative and compelling explanation for zooarchaeological patterning of costly prey in the past.
... Other types of modification have also been documented, including the furrowing of limb bone epiphyses, pitting, and bones affected by gastric acids. The intensity of these modifications, which include the complete destruction of mammoth and rhinoceros epiphyses, is indicative of hyenas as modifying agents (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015). In line with this, hyena coprolites have also been identified in all the assemblages, in particular the latrine identified in La Mina level II.3. ...
... The almost total absence of cut marks on proboscidean or other megaherbivores is a topic widely discussed, since some researches have shown that cut marks produced during its processing could appear at low frequencies and are sometimes difficult to identify (Crader, 1983;Haynes, 1991;Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Haynes et al., 2020;Villa et al., 2005). A recent experimentation conducted and published by Haynes and Krasinski (2021) has shown different strategies of exploitation of the carcasses, with different results in the bone surface modifications resulting in each case. ...
... In the absence of new reference works that allow us to develop more robust analogies, the presence of weathering in our assemblages allows us to infer an exposure of the remains in the open-air, but no information about periodization is determined. In a later work, Haynes and Klimowicz (2015) determined that elephant remains can remain on the surface for 4 decades prior being buried. In the assemblages presented in this study, similarly to those of Pit 1 , a high degree of weathering of the proboscidean remains has been documented, reflecting a prolonged exposure time for these carcasses, and inferring slow burial processes. ...
A commonly identified problem in open-air sites is the poor preservation of bone surfaces because of the multiple agents and processes that act on them. In these assemblages, surface modifications of anthropic origin can be scarce or null, and its activity is mainly inferred through the stone tools and evidence of anthropogenic breakage. Carnivore activity is also frequent. La Mina and El Forn (Barranc de la Boella), Isernia La Pineta, and Torralba are open-air assemblages from the Early and Middle Pleistocene that have contributed to our knowledge of the activities that Lower Paleolithic hominins developed in open spaces. These sites show poorly preserved bone surfaces, evidence of carnivore activity, and few indications of human use on the faunal remains, although stone tools recovered are unequivocal sign of a hominin presence at those sites. Here, we present a synthesis of the taphonomic conducted at these sites with the aim of describing how this kind of work can be conducted at Paleolithic open-air sites using several different proxies, considering the limitations commonly identified in assemblages with poorly preserved bone surfaces. The absence or scarcity of cut marks could be related to the poor preservation of the faunal remains. However, it is impossible to affirm that any such marks were originally present, as hominins may have performed activities not linked to animal carcasses. Anatomical profiles have been presented as a useful tool for reconstructing the paleoecological environments and for allowing inferences to be made about the levels of competition among large predators. The assemblages reflect similarities in the deposition type of the remains and the use of these open spaces by hominins at different times during the Lower Paleolithic.
... From the rather extravagant bone, antler, and ivory traditions of Eurasia, the beveled ivory rod and eyed needles appear to be the few osseous tool types shared between late Pleistocene sites in Siberia and North America. Although osseous tools occur among late Pleistocene traditions in North America, items of artistic expression are more or less absent (Haynes 2002;Haynes and Klimowicz 2015). Here, we describe the form and function of these tools in North America, and then we provide a brief overview of key finds in Siberia, Alaska, and midcontinent North America. ...
... Clovis is the earliest confirmed techno-complex in midcontinent North America dated broadly between 13,250 and 12,800 cal BP and more narrowly between 13,125 and 12,925 cal BP (Haynes 2015;Prasciunas and Surovell 2015). The oldest known osseous rods from Clovis assemblages at Anzick (Montana), Blackwater Draw (New Mexico), East Wenatchee (Washington), and Sheridan Cave (Ohio) (Figure 2) do not exceed 13,000 cal BP (Boldurian 2007a(Boldurian , 2007bBradley 1995;Gramly 1993;Lyman et al. 1998;Morrow and Fiedel 2006;O'Brien et al. 2016;Redmond and Tankersley 2005). ...
... The Shaw Creek sites offer the strongest incontrovertible evidence for people in interior Alaska before the development of the Clovis tradition. In the absence of comparable lithic assemblages bearing diagnostic traits linking Clovis with Beringia or Siberia (Haynes 2015), the beveled rods from Holzman provide intriguing similarities that suggest a proximal population located at the right place and time. Moreover, the earliest Alaskans are found in the interior, from where some time was taken before coastal regions were initially exlpored. ...
The Holzman archaeological site, located along Shaw Creek in interior Alaska, contained two mammoth ivory rods, of which one is bi-beveled, within a stratigraphically sealed cultural context. Dated 13,600–13,300 cal BP, these are the earliest known examples of osseous rod technology in the Americas. Beveled ivory, antler, and bone rods and points share technological similarities between Upper Paleolithic Europe, Asia, eastern Beringia, and the Clovis tradition of North America and are important tool types in understanding the late Pleistocene dispersal of modern humans. The Holzman finds are comparable to well-known Clovis tradition artifacts from Anzick (Montana), Blackwater Draw (New Mexico), East Wenatchee (Washington), and Sherman Cave (Ohio). We describe these tools in the broader context of late Pleistocene osseous technology with implications for acquisition and use of mammoth ivory in eastern Beringia and beyond.
... Ethnoarchaeological studies on hunter-gatherer groups, such as the Hadza, have demonstrated that small-sized prey (classes 1 and 2 sensu Bunn, 1986) are usually transported whole (Oliver, 1993); however, the interpretation of transport strategies for larger animals is a bit more complex, as multiple variables could intervene. In the case of proboscideans, the Bisa people (Zambia) remove the meat from the limbs and leave the bones at the death site, but the Ituri Forest people (central Africa) move the limb elements to their campsites to extract grease and fat from the bone medullary cavities and cancellous tissues (Crader, 1983;Duffy, 1984;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). The common point in most accounts is that there is significant variability in the processing depending on the size and condition of the animal and the number of people seeking meat or other carcass products (e.g., Crader, 1983;Duffy, 1984;Fisher, 1992;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). ...
... In the case of proboscideans, the Bisa people (Zambia) remove the meat from the limbs and leave the bones at the death site, but the Ituri Forest people (central Africa) move the limb elements to their campsites to extract grease and fat from the bone medullary cavities and cancellous tissues (Crader, 1983;Duffy, 1984;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). The common point in most accounts is that there is significant variability in the processing depending on the size and condition of the animal and the number of people seeking meat or other carcass products (e.g., Crader, 1983;Duffy, 1984;Fisher, 1992;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). ...
... Some accounts describe a relatively simple technique to obtain bone marrow that consists of partly splitting open the elephant bone, then hanging it in the sun for the oil to drain (Tabler, 1963); however, the development of this technique would imply the existence of containers of some kind to collect the liquid fat. A fact that attracts attention is the lack of evidence of bone marrow exploitation in the Clovis sites (Haynes, 1991;Haynes and Krasinski, 2010;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Taphonomic analyses carried out at these sites suggest that elephants were hunted regularly, a circumstance that perhaps led to the dismissal of marrow removal because the group already had sufficient food resources (Yravedra et al., 2012). ...
Animal exploitation strategies have occupied a prominent place in the debate about the timing and nature of the modern human behavior. The discussions have basically focused on the ability to make an intensive use of seasonal resources, to hunt large or dangerous animals and to exploit fast-moving small game. Both large-sized herbivores and small prey are therefore considered a key variable to assess fundamental aspects of the evolution of subsistence strategies. In this work we present zooarchaeological data from the Middle Pleistocene site of Bolomor Cave (Valencia, Spain, MIS 9–5e), which has been interpreted as a habitat place. Its taxonomic representation extends from very large-sized herbivores (elephants, hippopotamuses and rhinoceroses) to very small-sized animals (lagomorphs, birds and tortoises), or even exotic animals like macaque. Elephant specimens are documented along the stratigraphic sequence from level Ia, IV, V, XII, XIII and XVII. Most of the elephant individuals are immature and partially represented. Nevertheless, the bone fragments recovered coincide with the general anatomical profile of the medium- and large-sized ungulates, which is mainly characterized by stylopodials, zeugopodials and mandibles. Evidence of human use of small prey from the earliest phases of site occupation (sublevel XVIIc) is also attested in form of cut marks, intentional bone breakages, human tooth marks and burning patterns. The exploitation of small prey, alongside to the very large game identified at the site, indicates a generalist human behavior based on a broad spectrum diet (BSD), which contributes to document the diversity in the lifestyles of the human communities of the European Middle Pleistocene.
... The same rigorous standards are applied to sites that challenge the archaeological status quo, and should be used to evaluate all archaeological sites in general. A plethora of "Pre-Clovis" sites have been reported across the Americas, but few have withstood scientific scrutiny (Haynes 2015). The criteria employed by Paleoanthropologists to assess the validity of Lower Paleolithic and early hominid sites in Africa's Great Rift Valley are also applicable to the evaluation of North American sites (Meltzer 2009a;Schick and Toth 1994b:100-102). ...
... The insinuation of human activity through cut marks, bone breakage patters, or chemical signatures is valuable, but circumstantial, evidence (Meltzer 2009a). Experimental studies have demonstrated that environmental processes can result in patterns that "mimic" human modification patterns (Haynes 1988(Haynes , 1991a(Haynes , 1991bHaynes and Klimowicz 2015;Haynes and Krasinski 2010;Holen et al. 2017). A single flake among hundreds of otherwise naturally fractured stones or a single cut-mark among dozens of carnivore toothmarks cannot be reliably attributed to human activity. ...
... A growing body of evidence suggests that humans were present in North America before the appearance of Clovis technology and possibly into the Full-Glacial Pleistocene. The nature of these peoples as precursors to Clovis or as independent traditions remains a point of debate (Haynes 2015). Limited reproducibility and lack of independent verification further preclude the acceptance of evidence that might outwardly appear to satisfy Schlick and Toth's criteria. ...
Bonfire Shelter is a stratified rockshelter site in Val Verde County, Texas with multiple archaeological components spanning the Paleoindian through Late Prehistoric Periods. The shelter is primarily known as the site of two well-documented bison kills: one in the Archaic (Bone Bed 3) and one in the Late Pleistocene (Bone Bed 2). Excavators in the 1960s and 1980s argued that a third bone bed, designated Bone Bed 1, comprised entirely of extinct Pleistocene megafauna, is also the result of human activity. If unambiguous evidence of human activity is identified, Bone Bed 1 may predate the appearance of Clovis or related Early Paleoindian traditions in the region. This thesis presents the results of new excavations and geoarchaeological analyses conducted to evaluate the formation processes associated with Bone Bed 1 and their implications for potential archaeological deposits.
In the summer of 2017, Texas State University’s Ancient Southwest Texas Project initiated new excavations of Bone Bed 1. Intact portions of the Bone Bed 1 substrata with in situ faunal remains were identified at the base of test units dating to the 1960s and 1980s. A series of 11 test units and one column sample excavated in this area reidentified and confirmed the Bone Bed 1 stratigraphy and faunal assemblage reported by Bement (1986).
Sediment from each column sample strata, including three strata related to Bone Bed 2, was evaluated with a suite of geoarchaeological analyses to better understand the formation processes contributing to the Late Pleistocene deposits at Bonfire Shelter. Targeted microartifact sampling was conducted to identify ephemeral traces of human activity potentially overlooked by previous investigators.
A functional model exploring plausible scenarios that could account for the presence of the Pleistocene faunal assemblage at Bonfire Shelter was developed based on ethnoarchaeological accounts, modern proxy studies, and known archaeological sites of similar antiquity. Geological, faunal, and potentially cultural evidence was synthesized using this model to identify the “best fit” scenario for each Bone Bed 1 stratum. While no conclusive evidence of human activity was identified, this thesis provides valuable insight into the dynamic conditions at Bonfire Shelter in the Late Pleistocene and refines the chronology of Bone Bed 1 by over 1,000 years, providing critical context for newly identified Early Paleoindian activity elsewhere in Mile Canyon.
... Next described is a range of tooth-marking by large carnivores. Briefer versions of this information appeared previously in publications (e.g., Conybeare and Haynes, 1984;Haynes, 1986Haynes, , 1988aHaynes, , 1991Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015), but this presentation has been updated and much broadened, and the descriptions and photographs provide new details. The information reported or reviewed here is meant to serve as a visual aid in the identification of carnivore damage to proboscidean bones. ...
... crocuta spelaeus), wolf (Canis lupus), and other social pack-hunting predators also likely encountered and killed young mammoths which wandered away from adults or were unable to keep up with family herds on the move. Haynes and Klimowicz (2015) briefly summarized observations of carnivore feeding on elephant carcasses, which we expand in this section. Carnivores in groups of three or more are able to consume most of the flesh on small elephant carcasses within hours. ...
... On carcasses of large adult elephants which have not been disturbed by humans, initial entry into the carcass often starts at the rear end (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Early signs of carnivore modification to bones appear on the tail which is chewed or broken off, followed by teeth marking of the femur at the distal epiphyses and rarely on the diaphyses, and along the borders of the iliac crest. ...
The paper provides a guide for identifying carnivore effects on proboscidean bones, which may partially or wholly reduce analysts’ variability in reporting frequencies of carnivore modifications in fossil proboscidean assemblages.
... However, direct evidence of proboscidean butchery is rare in the Paleolithic record (Gaudzinski et al. 2005). Mainly, this is attributed to the thick cartilage and periosteum membrane, which impede the contact of steel tools with proboscidean bones during experimental studies, preventing penetration of the bone and formation of cut marks (Haynes and Klimowicz 2015). Additionally, careful butchering by experienced individuals may not always leave direct evidence of cutting on cortical bone surfaces (e.g. ...
... Additionally, careful butchering by experienced individuals may not always leave direct evidence of cutting on cortical bone surfaces (e.g. Haynes and Klimowicz 2015). Nonetheless, in recent decades, archaeologists have discovered a significant number of localities that preserve evidence of proboscidean exploitation by hominins (see Aranguren et al. 2019;Demay et al. 2016;Santucci et al. 2016;Wojtal et al. 2019;Yravedra et al. 2019). ...
... In a recent review of proboscidean butchery, including archaeological, ethnographic, and experimental cases, Haynes and Klimowicz (2015) emphasize several important points. Humans are not limited to the same patterns of carcass utilization as carnivores, and the use of stone tools allows for more points of access into the carcass of an animal. ...
This article presents a pilot experiment conducted to better understand how Middle Pleistocene hominins might have processed and exploited elephants using simple stone and bone tools. The experiment was conducted in three phases: (1) production of small, flake-based stone tools, (2) butchery of the lower hind-leg of an Indian elephant, and (3) manufacture of bone tools from the tibia. The experiment shows it is possible to cut through elephant skin in under four minutes using small chipped-stone flakes; disarticulating the astragalus from the tibia is relatively easy, whereas disarticulating the astragalus from the other tarsals is difficult; breaking open an elephant tibia is possible in two minutes; the tibia of the elephant used in the experiment lacked a hollow marrow cavity; extraction of the large fatty cushion encased in the metatarsals and phalanges required several hours; and elephant bone tools are useful for retouching lithic materials of differing quality.
... However, as an unintentional side-effect of carcass-processing, cut marks are not always present or preserved on animal remains. This has been considered especially relevant when carcasses of megaherbivores were processed, because the high volume of meat they contain may facilitate the extraction without rushing the meat that adheres more closely to the bones (Crader, 1983;Haynes, 1991Haynes, , 2022Villa et al., 2005;Domínguez-Rodrigo, 2008;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;. On the other hand, it has been demonstrated in previous studies that the processing of megaherbivores can generate cut marks (Haynes and Krasinski, 2021), although their frequency is highly variable (Starkovich et al., 2021) and depends on factors such as the butcher's experience and knowledge of the anatomy of these animals and the type of tools used (Haynes, 1991). ...
... Refits, mainly of tusk fragments, confirm this connection, although they are generally dry and flaky. Given that larger elephant remains can remain on the surface for several decades, exposed to meteorological and atmospheric agents that cause drying, cracking and fragmentation of bones (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;Haynes and Wojtal, 2023), there appears to be no evidence linking the assemblage to hominin activity. ...
... Bone lesions show that weapons injured only the animal's outer soft tissue and bone. Elephants can survive the complete break of a rib, as proven by several fully healed examples found in African fieldwork [358]), so bone lesions might have been survivable injuries for healthy animals, unless the weapons were poisoned, of which there is no evidence in Palaeolithic assemblages. ...
... The angles of entry and postulated nearness of the weapon delivery may indicate that hunters were stabbing mammoths that had fallen. Whether thrust or thrown, the points embedded in mammoth bones indicate tactical mammoth hunting with weaponry that was aimed at mammoth torsos, a probability that is also supported by the results of ballistic experiments on non-proboscideans [356,358,360]. ...
This is a peer-reviewed and corrected/updated discussion of >100 late Quaternary proboscidean sites in Africa, Europe, and Asia with evidence for hominin involvement. Lower Palaeolithic/Early Stone Age hominins created far fewer proboscidean assemblages than hominins in later Palaeolithic phases, in spite of the time span being many times longer. Middle Palaeolithic/Middle Stone Age hominins created assemblages at eight times the earlier hominin rate. Upper Palaeolithic/Later Stone Age hominins created site assemblages at >90 times the rate of Lower Palaeolithic hominins. Palaeoloxodon spp. occur in nearly one third of the sites with an identified or probable proboscidean taxon and Mammuthus species are in nearly one half of the sites with identified or probable taxon.
... Regarding the action of the giant hyena, the low tooth mark frequencies documented at FN3 are in stark contrast with the damage generated by hyenas when they are the primary agent of carcass modification documented by different authors (Kruuk 1972;Blumenschine, 1986;Villa & Bartram, 1996; Villa & Soresi, 1998;Faith, 2007;Domínguez-Rodrigo et al., 2015;Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Fernández-Jalvo & Andrews, 2017;Haynes & Hutson 2020). This divergence suggests that the action of giant hyena at FN3 was likely more limited than previously envisioned. ...
... Cut marks demonstrating direct hominin engagement with the remains have been found on Middle Pleistocene elephant carcasses (e.g. Yravedra et al. 2010), and this absence of taphonomic alterations is also in stark contrast with actualistic reports of carnivore engagement with elephant carcasses, which tend to present a high number of tooth marks (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;Haynes & Hutson 2020). Therefore, this spatial association of lithic finds and coprolites in association with these elephant carcasses may have been fortuitous, resulting from independent episodes that coalesced into a palimpsest through complex site formation processes. ...
Over the last few decades, several types of evidence such as presence of hominin remains, lithic assemblages, and bones with anthropogenic surface modifications have demonstrated that early human communities inhabited the European subcontinent prior to the Jaramillo Subchron (1.07–0.98 Ma). While most studies have focused primarily on early European lithic technologies and raw material management, relatively little is known about food procurement strategies. While there is some evidence showing access to meat and other animal-based food resources, their mode of acquisition and associated butchery processes are still poorly understood. This paper presents a taphonomic and zooarchaeological analysis of the Fuente Nueva-3 (FN3) (Guadix-Baza, Spain) faunal assemblage, providing a more in-depth understanding of early hominin subsistence strategies in Europe. The present results show that hominins had access to the meat and marrow of a wide range of animal taxa, including elephants, hippopotami, and small- and medium-sized animals. At the same time, evidence of carnivore activity at the site suggests that these communities likely faced some degree of competition from large predators when acquiring and processing carcasses.
... Satisficing utilization of elephant carcasses stopped when satisfactory resources had been gathered, even when more could have been taken at little additional cost. This type of butchering was done on multiple carcasses of elephants which had been killed together in Zimbabwe (Haynes, 1991;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015) and also on single carcasses, and it was the practice at all but a small percentage (<2%) of the hundreds of authorized butchering activities witnessed in Zimbabwe. The motivation for this form of carcass processing is that it was an expeditious strategy for acquiring huge amounts of meat even from a small elephant carcassthe returns from butchering were always substantialand it was also rapid and allowed sufficient meat to be recovered before the color, smell, and texture of the collected meat began to change from too much time of exposure. ...
... Frame (a) is a view of distal condyles on the butchered femur; frame (b) is a closeup of the marks on the lateral condyle, showing that not all the cutting penetrated the cartilage to mark subchondral bone. The cuts in (b) were misidentified as being on an ulna in an earlier publication(Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Photographed by K.Krasinski in 2008. ...
The placement and frequency of anthropogenic bone surface modifications (BSMs) on proboscidean bones are variables that could indicate how Paleolithic people utilized carcasses, thus providing evidence about the economic value of proboscideans. A single study published decades ago (Crader 1983) provides data about anthropogenic BSMs on bones of elephants butchered by Bisa people in Zambia, but no other studies with such details are available. By necessity, interpretations of BSMs on fossil proboscidean bones may be partly based on models derived from the skinning, meat-stripping (a.k.a. filleting), and dismemberment of nonproboscidean carcasses. Here we report BSMs on a sample of the largest limb bones and ribs from African elephant carcasses which were skinned, stripped of meat, and partly dismembered by expert butchers, and we also report BSMs unintentionally created by less skilled butchers. Based on observations and experiments, we predict how and why certain BSMs vary in placement and frequency due to butcher expertise and to different objectives of butchering, such as maximizing recovery of carcass resources for extensive or long term needs versus recovery of fewer resources sufficient for current needs. BSMs differ when soft tissue is removed from fresh versus partly decomposed or dried elephant carcasses. We compare our general observations with a sample of BSMs which have been interpreted as traces of meat-stripping or dismemberment in assemblages of extinct proboscideans Mammuthus spp. and Mammut americanum. The information about BSMs reported here may increase the interpretive potential of proboscidean assemblages.
... The structure and MNI of taxa such as proboscideans, bovids or testudines from Czujan's sandpit (Table 1) further resemble those from extant sites from Africa, where drought mass death implies a higher mortality of proboscideans and bovids (Haynes, 1988). Predominance of large herbivores such as proboscideans (Table 1), which are characterized by high mortality during dry periods, might support this idea (Haynes, 1985(Haynes, , 1991(Haynes, , 2017Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Variously old proboscidean individuals have been recovered from Czujan's sandpit fossil record, including juveniles (Table 2), which are characteristic in recent drought mass death sites (Haynes, 1985(Haynes, , 1991(Haynes, , 2017Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). ...
... Predominance of large herbivores such as proboscideans (Table 1), which are characterized by high mortality during dry periods, might support this idea (Haynes, 1985(Haynes, , 1991(Haynes, , 2017Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Variously old proboscidean individuals have been recovered from Czujan's sandpit fossil record, including juveniles (Table 2), which are characteristic in recent drought mass death sites (Haynes, 1985(Haynes, , 1991(Haynes, , 2017Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Based on our findings, a progressive secondary accumulation from preexisting drought mass death accumulations into FA3 seems most likely. ...
Czujan's sandpit is an abandoned quarry in the Vienna Basin (Mikulov, Czech Republic) that has yielded an important middle Miocene vertebrate assemblage. Here we re-describe the site from the perspective of sedimentology, taphonomy, and paleoenvironments, and further review the biochronology of the fauna to clarify the age. The updated faunal list includes two testudines (one trionychid and one medium-sized testudinid), and 12 species of terrestrial mammals (three proboscideans, four perissodactyls, four artiodactyls, and one carnivoran), consistent with an early Astaracian (MN6) age. The position of the Wielician/Kosovian boundary just below the floor of Czujan's sandpit, and our new biostratigraphic data, further allow us to constrain the fossil assemblage to the latest MN6 (late Badenian, ⁓13.6 Ma) and resolves a longstanding controversy about the age of the site. The site exposes a coarsening-upward succession deposited in a braid delta environment, and comprises three facies association: from bottom to top, pelagic sediments (FA1); prodelta and delta slope sediments (FA2); and distributory channel infills of the delta front and delta plain (FA3), the latter containing all the studied terrestrial vertebrates. We propose two taphonomic explanations for the genesis of the vertebrate assemblage: (1) a time-averaged assemblage generated by riverine transport, or (2) a transported assemblage from a mass death site(s), with mass death episode(s) caused by seasonal droughts in the river catchment. Our new findings allow the more precise reconstruction of late Badenian terrestrial paleoenvironments in the northwest area of the Vienna Basin and adjacent Carpathian Foredeep Basin. This region comprised a mosaic of continental habitats dominated by woodlands but also including forest patches and more open environments.
... Archaeologists have subjected Paleoindian kill/scavenge sites to intense scrutiny, especially so for sites containing proboscidean (Mammuthus sp., Mammut americanum, Cuvieronius sp.) remains (Cannon and Meltzer 2004;Frison and Todd 1986;Grayson andMeltzer 2002, 2015;Haynes 1988Haynes , 1991Haynes , 2002Haynes , 2007aHaynes and Huckell 2007;Haynes and Krasinski 2010;Haynes and Stanford 1984;Hofman 2001;Kreutzer 1988;Meltzer and Mead 1985;Saunders and Daeschler 1994;Waguespack and Surovell 2003). The skepticism of a human presence at bone bed sites is warranted, since natural death sites can be difficult to distinguish from kill/scavenge sites (e.g., Haynes 1991Haynes , 2007bHaynes and Klimowicz 2015;Lyman 1994;Todd 1987;Todd and Rapson 1999). This high bar for acceptance, however, potentially rejects true associations and consequently affects both interpretations of Clovis lifeways (Cannon andMeltzer 2004, 2008;Haynes 2002;Surovell and Waguespack 2009) and the debate surrounding the cause of megafaunal extinctions in the Americas (for review, see Meltzer 2015b; Waguespack 2013). ...
... The lack of traditional indications of butchery, such as cutmarks, does not necessarily support a natural mammoth death. Ethnographic/ethnoarchaeological studies have shown that cutmarks may not be produced during carcass processing or could be obscured by weathering (e.g., Crader 1983;Frison 1989;Haynes 1988Haynes , 1991Haynes and Klimowicz 2015). In fact, other accepted Clovis proboscidean kill/scavenge sites also lack clear butchery marks (Frison and Todd 1986;Hofman 2001;Sanchez et al. 2014). ...
Archaeologists have long subjected Clovis megafauna kill/scavenge sites to the highest level of scrutiny. In 1987, a Columbian mammoth (Mammuthus columbi) was found in spatial association with a small artifact assemblage in Converse County, Wyoming. However, due to the small tool assemblage, limited nature of the excavations, and questions about the security of the association between the artifacts and mammoth remains, the site was never included in summaries of human-killed/scavenged megafauna in North America. Here we present the results of four field seasons of new excavations at the La Prele Mammoth site that confirm the presence of an associated cultural occupation based on geologic context, artifact attributes, spatial distributions, protein residue analysis, and lithic microwear analysis. This new work identified a more extensive cultural occupation including the presence of multiple discrete artifact clusters in close proximity to the mammoth bone bed. This study confirms the presence of a second Clovis mammoth kill/scavenge site in Wyoming and shows the value in revisiting proposed terminal Pleistocene kill/scavenge sites.
... While these indenters could hypothetically be made of bone it is difficult to envision animal bones of appropriate weight, length, and limited width, that could be moved across the surface in this way. For example, mammoth tusks are prohibitively heavy and unwieldy, and long, large bones tend to have asymmetrical or angular articular surfaces and edges, as opposed to rounded or cylindrical ones (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;Boeskorov et al., 2020). Each feature extends over considerable distances (1-50+ m) and can be traced into the site stratigraphy. ...
... Archaeological sites contain zoological evidence in the form of fossilized bones that were brought to site by humans and other predators. Identification of human agency in these situations is partial as consumption of very large prey like elephants usually leave no cut marks on the bones (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). We therefore used the assemblages as paleontological data for trends in the availability of prey for predation, be it from humans or other predators. ...
Megafauna extinctions are known from the Late Quaternary. This study analyzes trends in prey size from 184 contexts across 49 archaeological sites in southern Africa to assess changes in prey size during the Pleistocene, including the pre-Late Quaternary transition between the Early Stone Age (ESA) and the Middle Stone Age (MSA). Very large prey (>950kg) accounted for over 34% of the biomass in the ESA, declining to 22% in MSA and 11% in LSA, with a compensatory increase in the contribution of smaller (<295 kg) prey that increased from 7% in the ESA to 37% in the MSA and to 48% in the LSA. These trends persisted even when only non-cave sites were considered. We also hypothesize that targeting fat in prey because of a constraint on protein consumption by humans could have been a causal factor in the decline.
... For the distinction of the true trace fossils, we followed the criteria of Fernández-Jalvo and Andrews (2016). For the comparison of modifications made by carnivores, we followed the works of: Haynes (1980Haynes ( , 1981Haynes ( ,1982Haynes ( ,1983), Haynes and Hutson (2020), Haynes and Klimowicz (2015), Mikuláš et al. (2006), Muñoz et al. (2008), Domínguez-Rodrigo et al. (2012), Araújo-Júnior et al. (2011), Salles et al. (2020), and LaBarge and Njau (2024. For modifications made by insects, we followed the studies of: Martin and West (1995), Roberts et al. (2007), Pirrone et al. (2014), Xing et al. (2015), Parkinson (2016Parkinson ( , 2022, Paes Neto et al. (2016,[Instruction: Please, delete "2018 2018), Serrano-Brañas et al. (2018) and Venegas-Góomez et al. (2024). ...
The natural tank deposits of northeastern Brazil, particularly those with sedimentary filling, are notable for preserving extensive Quaternary megafauna fossil remains. While previous studies have primarily emphasized taxonomic aspects, ichnological evidence has also been documented. This study reports new trace fossils on megafauna remains from the Lagoa da Pedra natural tank (state of Pernambuco, Brazil), shedding light on behavioral interactions between megafauna taxa and other organisms. Four distinct traces, corresponding to three ichnogenera (Cubiculum, Nihilichnus, and Machichnus) were identified on post-cranial bones, three from Eremotherium laurillardi and one from Xenorhinotherium bahiense. Holes and pits (Nihilichnus nihilicus) on the radius of X. bahiense and the rib of E. laurillardi, along with furrows and scratches (Machichnus fatimae and M. bohemicus) on the rib of E. laurillardi, are attributed to scavenging activities, likely by carnivores. Additionally, furrows observed on the rib and vertebra of E. laurillardi are associated with dermestid insect pupation (Cubiculum ornatus and C. cooperi). These pupal chambers of dermestid insects (Cubiculum) suggest that the final stage of the dry carcasses, before the final burial, probably happened under the dry phase during the late Pleistocene-early Holocene.
... It is difficult to estimate the impact of social factors on the prey selection of hominin foragers and how they may have differed from recent huntergatherer societies. The abundance of megaherbivore remains in the archaeological record shows that like giraffids and hippopotamids were already exploited 1.8 million years ago (Ungar, 2006;Sahnouni et al., 2013;Domínguez-Rodrigo et al., 2014) and it has been proposed that at least during periods like the Late Pleistocene, these species were hunted more frequently than recent hunter-gatherer societies target megaherbivores (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). However, whether early hominins developed a widespread "big game specialization" requires further investigation (Lupo and Schmitt, 2016). ...
How early hominins, like Homo erectus, obtained meat—whether through scavenging or hunting—is still debated. These hominins thrived in expanding grasslands, primarily relying on large herbivore herds. Our study presents an agent-based model simulating hunter-gatherer behavior in a reconstructed tropical grassland, using environmental data from Serengeti National Park. Agents hunt or gather alone or in groups, employing strategies likely available to early hominins, based on insights from recent hunter-gatherers. The model illustrates how foragers could succeed by adopting fast hunting techniques or fostering cooperation within their social structures. It also allows for the exploration of various scenarios by adjusting environmental conditions and agent behaviors.
The paper is available for download with open access, here:
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.qeh.2024.100019.
The model is accesible as ForeGatherer Model v2.0 (10.5281/zenodo.10853339). Additionally, there are a number of documents, particularly an ODD+D protocol describing the model and its features, a replication assessment and sensitivity experiments testing the responsiveness of the important factors.
... [86] observed two carcasses of elephants, less than two months after having been butchered by the Bisa people in Zambia, and recorded a relatively high proportion of gnawed bones (41.6 and 36.2%). The fact that tooth marks were detected in a low-meat anatomical element suggest that the scavengers had late access to the carcasses [87], probably after anthropogenic processing. In contrast, the most common taphonomic modifications are root etching and manganese coating, which occurred after the remains had been buried or underwater. ...
We present the results of the excavations and analyses of the diverse and exceptional archaeological assemblage of Taguatagua 3, a new late Pleistocene site located in the ancient Tagua Tagua lake in Central Chile (34°S). The anthropogenic context is constrained in a coherently dated stratigraphic deposit which adds new information about the mobility, subsistence strategies, and settlement of the early hunter-gatherers of southern South America. The age model constructed, as well as radiocarbon dates obtained directly from a combustion structure, indicate that the human occupation occurred over a brief time span around 12,440–12,550 cal yr BP. Considering taphonomic, geoarchaeological, lithic, archaeobotanical, and zooarchaeological evidence, as well as the spatial distribution combined with ethnographic data, we interpret Taguatagua 3 as a logistic and temporary camp associated mainly with gomphothere hunting and butchering. Nevertheless, several other activities were carried out here as well, such as hide and/or bone preparation, small vertebrate and plant processing and consumption, and red ochre grinding. Botanical and eggshell remains suggest that the anthropic occupation occurred during the dry season. Considering the contemporaneous sites recorded in the basin, we conclude that the ancient Tagua Tagua lake was a key location along the region’s early hunter-gatherer mobility circuits. In this context, it acted as a recurrent hunting/scavenging place during the Late Pleistocene due to its abundant, diverse, and predictable resources.
... Yet, hippopotami are often found in sites where proboscidean or other large mammal butchering is reported . Therefore, the scarcity of cut marks on hippopotami remains cannot be solely attributed to preservation limitations or other biasing factors, such as: a) the presence of a thick cartilage and periosteum that impedes the penetration and contact of stone tools with bones of megafauna; b) meat stripping as the primary goal of butchering rather than bone fracturing for flaking or marrow exploitation, which requires cleaning and scraping of bones; c) the butchering by experienced individuals without producing modifications; or, d) the obliteration of marks due to weathering and other abiotic or biotic processes (see e.g., Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;Gingerich and Stanford, 2018;Pineda et al., 2019). Out of a sample of 35 western Eurasian open-air localities of the Lower and Middle Pleistocene, 12 have yielded proboscidean bones bearing cut marks, while 22 sites have yielded proboscidean remains preserving all types of direct anthropogenic evidence (e.g., cut marks, breakages for brain/marrow extraction, proboscidean bone artifacts; Konidaris and Tourloukis, 2021). ...
In this article we present the new open-air Middle Pleistocene locality Marathousa 2, which was discovered during a double intensive and targeted field survey in the lignite mines of the Megalopolis Basin (Greece). The locality is situated just below the Lignite Seam III of the Marathousa Member (Choremi Formation), and its similar stratigraphic position to the chronologically well-constrained locality Marathousa 1 (dated between 500 and 400 ka and correlated to Marine Isotope Stage 12) indicates a comparable age for Marathousa 2. The locality most notably yielded dental and postcranial remains of Hippopotamus, with those found at the locality’s Area A most likely belonging to a single individual. The dimensions of the dental elements support an attribution to Hippopotamus antiquus, a large-sized taxon, almost twice as large as the recent Hippopotamus amphibius, and with strong aquatic habits. Cut marks identified on a thoracic vertebra indicate hominin butchering of the carcass. Preliminary paleoenvironmental remarks are based on the mammal and mollusk fauna. The latter is represented solely by freshwater taxa and is dominated by Valvatidae (Valvata cristata, Valvata studeri) and Bithyniidae (Bithynia candiota), but includes also, in lower percentages, Sphaeriidae, Lymnaeidae, Planorbidae and Unionidae. The available paleoenvironmental evidence indicates that hominin activities took place at the margins of or near, a likely
cold, freshwater body, but with temperatures that allowed its persistence throughout the year, and perhaps under drier conditions compared to preceding and succeeding periods in the basin. In addition to the exploitation of elephants in Marathousa 1, Marathousa 2 provides further evidence of megafauna exploitation during the Middle Pleistocene in the Megalopolis Basin and one of the few examples of hippopotamus carcass processing during the Lower Paleolithic in Europe. Therefore, it advances our knowledge of the food acquisition strategies and subsistence behavior of Pleistocene Homo, and highlights the need for further research in the basin, where megafauna are well recorded.
... It could be related to the fact that a large proportion of the bones could not be examined in detail due to their in situ preservation in the pavilion. Furthermore, it is very likely that the stone tools did not leave marks on the bones because of the significant (up to 1.3 mm) thickness of the periosteum and cartilage on adult individuals (Haynes and Klimowicz 2015). The predominance of bones of female and juvenile mammoths at Yudinovo indicates that relatively small animals were preferentially hunted, and that adult males were not targeted (Germonpré et al. 2008a(Germonpré et al. , 2008b. ...
We present here the results of a study of woolly mammoth remains from Yudinovo (Bryansk oblast, Russia) and argue for a revised interpretation of Late Upper Palaeolithic mammoth bone structures in Eastern Europe. Five distinct mammoth bone accumulations have been identified in the main (lower) archaeological layer of Yudinovo, dated to ca. 14.9–14.5 ¹⁴C kya BP (ca. 18.2–17.6 kya cal BP). Taphonomic and zooarchaeological analyses have shown that the mammoth remains found at Yudinovo derive from the butchery of animal carcasses, supporting the hypothesis of mammoth hunting during the Upper Palaeolithic. Our analyses indicate that hunting of both adult and young mammoths took place. Yudinovo was occupied at intervals during both the cold and warm periods of the year, and evidence for various activities is found at the site. The most recently excavated mammoth bone structure was built from a large number of bones, and had a circular or oval form, 4–9.5 m in diameter. The mammoth bone structures have traditionally been interpreted as the remains of dwellings, but we interpret them instead as ritualised middens. Such middens were probably an important part of the socio-symbolic systems of the Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers who built them.
... As concluded in a recent review of the European evidence (10), proboscidean remains from Lower and Middle Paleolithic sites only yielded possible cut marks at one-third of the 36 locales studied and, if any, in very small numbers only [see also table 8 of (11) for Pleistocene proboscidean sites with bone surface modification described as created during carcass butchering by hominins]. One explanation for this rarity is that cut marks are rarely produced during the exploitation of large carcasses, with, for example, large muscle masses, cartilage, tendons, and strong ligaments hampering contact between stone tool edges and bone surfaces (12,13). This rarity of unambiguous anthropogenic bone surface modifications limits our understanding of the character and the nutritional importance of Pleistocene human interactions with elephants, as the spatial associations between their skeletal remains and lithic artifacts form indirect evidence only. ...
Straight-tusked elephants (Palaeoloxodon antiquus) were the largest terrestrial mammals of the Pleistocene, present in Eurasian landscapes between 800,000 and 100,000 years ago. The occasional co-occurrence of their skeletal remains with stone tools has generated rich speculation about the nature of interactions between these elephants and Pleistocene humans: Did hominins scavenge on elephants that died a natural death or maybe even hunt some individuals? Our archaeozoological study of the largest P. antiquus assemblage known, excavated from 125,000-year-old lake deposits in Germany, shows that hunting of elephants weighing up to 13 metric tons was part of the cultural repertoire of Last Interglacial Neanderthals there, over >2000 years, many dozens of generations. The intensity and nutritional yields of these well-documented butchering activities, combined with previously reported data from this Neumark-Nord site complex, suggest that Neanderthals were less mobile and operated within social units substantially larger than commonly envisaged.
... The faunal assemblage of the Cueva Des-Cubierta, however, is quite different and is not found elsewhere in the local archaeological record. Studies involving modern hunter-gatherer groups have shown that the heads of large animals are usually discarded and not taken back to camp, since they are heavy and of lower use as food [35][36][37][38][39][40] . The introduction of the crania, and not of other parts of the carcasses of greater nutritional interest, into the Cueva Des-Cubierta thus seems to have been deliberate and not related to subsistence. ...
This work examines the possible behaviour of Neanderthal groups at the Cueva Des-Cubierta (central Spain) via the analysis of the latter’s archaeological assemblage. Alongside evidence of Mousterian lithic industry, Level 3 of the cave infill was found to contain an assemblage of mammalian bone remains dominated by the crania of large ungulates, some associated with small hearths. The scarcity of post-cranial elements, teeth, mandibles and maxillae, along with evidence of anthropogenic modification of the crania (cut and percussion marks), indicates that the carcasses of the corresponding animals were initially processed outside the cave, and the crania were later brought inside. A second round of processing then took place, possibly related to the removal of the brain. The continued presence of crania throughout Level 3 indicates that this behaviour was recurrent during this level’s formation. This behaviour seems to have no subsistence-related purpose but to be more symbolic in its intent.
... In actualist experiments (Gingerich & Stanford, 2018;p. 173 Fig. 5) or modern butchering sessions (Haynes & Klimowicz, 2015;p. 22), sections of hide are cut and pulled back. ...
During the Lower Paleolithic, the interaction between hominins and elephants through the medium of lithic tools is testified by numerous sites in Africa, Europe, and Asia. This interaction ensured hominins a large source of food and of knappable raw material, bone. The availability of the huge package of resources represented by these animals had a deep impact on hominins behavior and their strategies of exploitation of the landscape. This article, for the first time, documents this behavior with a spatial and chronological viewpoint. At the Late Lower Paleolithic site of La Polledrara di Cecanibbio (Rome), the outstanding in situ find of a quite entire carcass of Palaeoloxodon antiquus surrounded by lithic tools of small dimensions allowed us to explore the relation between the elephant, fatally entrapped in muddy sediments, and the hominins that exploited its carcass with their lithic toolkit. The application of an integrated approach including technology, refitting, use-wear, residues, and spatial analyses to the study of the small tools allowed us to unveil the activities carried out around the elephant in a timeline. As a result, hominins exploited the carcass for meat and fat possibly in more than one time and selected the area of the carcass as an atelier to knap and possibly cache their lithic products for future use. These data introduce the intriguing suggestion that the carcass was, besides a source of food and raw material, also a landmark for humans in the landscape.
... However, there are ethnographic and historical accounts of several other approaches (Agam and Barkai, 2018;Carrington, 1958;Johnson et al., 1980). Haynes and Klimowicz (2015) have cautioned that recent accounts of elephant hunting for subsistence may not be reliable analogues for understanding prehistoric subsistence hunting. Still, Congo Basin elephant hunting is the best-documented approach to taking proboscideans without firearms, and in addition to demonstrating that megaherbivores are vulnerable to hunters wielding spears, it has structured some of the experimental studies we discuss below. ...
Clovis projectile points are found in association with mammoths and other proboscideans at multiple sites from across much of North America. The conventional, and arguably parsimonious, explanation for this association is that Clovis points were weapons used to hunt the animals with which they were found. Recently, Eren et al. (2021) argued that experimental data coupled with estimations of mammoth anatomy indicate that Clovis points would not have been effective for proboscidean hunting and were more likely used as cutting tools for scavenging carcasses. We find a number of weaknesses in their argument, including their estimations of mammoth anatomy, the validity of their experimental design, and their assumptions regarding Clovis hunting behavior. We evaluate their argument in light of ethnographic, experimental, and archaeological data and conclude that each of these datasets strongly supports the interpretation of Clovis points as weapons designed for use in hunting large animals , including proboscideans.
... Three bifacial lithic objects and a laurel-leaf knife or point were found "in irrefutable association with the [second] mammoth remains" (Aveleyra de Anda 1955, 55). The bone scattering that was "unquestionably referred to human activity" (Aveleyra de Anda 1955, 52) would not be considered unusual for a proboscidean skeleton untouched by humans (see Haynes 1991;Haynes and Klimowicz 2015), and the marks on long-bone epiphyses and articular surfaces "made with scrapers and knives to dismember the carcass" (Aveleyra de Anda 1955, 55) have not been closely studied using modern standards to confirm their identification as made by stone implements rather than by excavator tools or natural processes. Some bone marks were acknowledged to be possibly due to carnivore gnawing. ...
Proboscideans may have been important prey for Pleistocene foragers in the Americas. Dozens of proboscidean sites have been claimed to show evidence of human involvement dating to MIS 3 or in a few cases even earlier. Summaries are provided here for >70 sites. Also presented are discussions of patterns and variability in the claims. Suggestive traces of human use of carcasses such as associated stone tools or butchering marks vary from few or none in the oldest sites to relatively many in the latest (Clovis-era) sites. Evidence to distinguish scavenging from killing is not clear in most cases, but cut marks on bones in a few sites indicate that fully fleshed carcasses were butchered before carnivores stripped meat. Only one assemblage contains a bone with a possible weapon tip fragment embedded in it, a kind of find that is also rare in Eurasian mammoth sites. The oldest sites in the Americas are notably different from Old World assemblages, including those dating >1 Ma
... In the attempt to better comprehend human-elephant interactions, both direct and indirect evidence should be cautiously considered with reference to the depositional context. For instance, an ideal set of evidence in support of butchering activities would include cut-marks, reliable spatial association with tools suitable for butchering, proboscidean protein residues on tools and consistency of use-wear patterns (Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). For the purpose of this contribution, I will elaborate more on the role of spatial associations in the inferential process. ...
Human-proboscidean interactions are key nodes of complex ecological, cultural and socio-econom- ic systems. In the last decades, evidence has been provided in support of an early human exploitation of proboscidean carcasses, offering further insights into past human behaviors, diet and subsistence strategies. Nevertheless, the mode of acquisition of the carcasses, the degree of exploitation, its timing relative to carnivore scavenging and to the decom- position of the carcass, its ecological and socio-eco- nomical role are hitherto not fully understood and a matter of debate. By summarizing the empirical evidence for human-elephant interactions in Early and Middle Pleistocene open-air sites of western Eurasia, this contribution elaborates on the need for a more rigorous, spatially explicit inferential procedure in modeling past human behaviors. A renewed analytical approach, namely spatial ta- phonomy, is introduced. In its general term, spatial taphonomy refers to the multiscale investigation of the spatial properties of taphonomic processes. Building upon a long lasting tradition of tapho- nomic studies, it seeks for a more effective theoret- ical and methodological framework that accounts for the spatio-temporal dimension inherent to any complex system. By bridging into a spatio-tempo- ral framework the traditional archaeological, geo- archaeological and taphonomic approaches, spatial taphonomy enhances our understanding of the processes forming archaeological and palaeonto- logical assemblages, allowing a finer comprehen- sion of past human behaviors.
... Specialized hunting of only a few species, employing FPP technology, could have set the baseline for the massive collapse of the megafaunal community and almost all large mammals. This process, together with the low likelihood that large prey would have been transported by early humans to remote camps 6,57 , and the extremely low probability of finding evidence of predation by humans on megafaunal species due to sampling/taphonomic issues, including diffusion due to the processing of carcasses 4,58 , could partially explain the apparent contradiction between our results and the lack of larger and stronger archeological evidence of megafaunal exploitation in South America. Although we are unable to explain why the guanaco has not gone extinct, this species was more geographically dispersed during the final Pleistocene 59 than most of the other large mammal species. ...
In the 1970s, Paul Martin proposed that big game hunters armed with fluted projectile points colonized the Americas and drove the extinction of megafauna. Around fifty years later, the central role of humans in the extinctions is still strongly debated in North American archaeology, but little considered in South America. Here we analyze the temporal dynamic and spatial distribution of South American megafauna and fluted (Fishtail) projectile points to evaluate the role of humans in Pleistocene extinctions. We observe a strong relationship between the temporal density and spatial distribution of megafaunal species stratigraphically associated with humans and Fishtail projectile points, as well as with the fluctuations in human demography. On this basis we propose that the direct effect of human predation was the main factor driving the megafaunal decline, with other secondary, but necessary, co-occurring factors for the collapse of the megafaunal community. Human arrival in South America predated the extinction of regional megafauna by a substantial margin, which has suggested a different cause for the extinctions. However, here, the authors show that megafaunal extinctions do correspond to the spread of hunting tools and human population shifts.
... 73-185). Observations of modern mass African elephant (Loxodonta africana) die-offs have shown that remains are rarely found more than 6-8 km from water sources (Corfield, 1973;Haynes, 1988;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). We might therefore expect geographic tethering to water sources to inflate coincidental co-occurrence of proboscidean and human sites. ...
The extent to which Clovis peoples hunted proboscideans is debated. Convention requires that for a proboscidean butchery site to be accepted, contemporaneous artifacts must be spatially associated with faunal remains, and there must be evidence of use of the remains. Fourteen sites in North America currently meet those criteria; at least 31 do not. While these are reasonable requirements for avoiding false positives, such an approach risks identifying false negatives—rejecting spatial associations that are systemic associations. Given the known distributions of Clovis and proboscidean sites, how likely is it that artifacts are coincidentally associated with proboscidean remains? Conversely, how many spatial associations could be unrecognized butchery sites? To answer these questions, we simulated chance associations by plotting empirically informed densities and sizes of archaeological and proboscidean sites on simulated landscapes in which people and animals are (a) uniformly distributed and (b) tethered to water sources. The simulated frequencies of coincidental associations were compared to the observed frequency of co-occurrences. Our results suggest that of the 31 indeterminate empirical associations, at least 17 and as many as 26 are likely systemic associations, more than doubling previous estimates and revealing a greater role of humans in Pleistocene proboscidean exploitation than previously recognized.
... However, today it is obvious that the vast majority of these "marks", as well as "dents", "flakes" and other injuries were pseudo-artifacts. They always arise from animal activities (trampling, moving of remains, gnawing, etc.) and weathering of skeletal parts under subaerial conditions take place (Behrensmeyer, 1978;Haynes, 1988;Haynes, Klimowicz, 2015;Leshchinskiy, 2015). Therefore, the strong fragmentation of bones and teeth was mistakenly identified by the scholars in the 1960s as intentional crushing for extraction of marrow or for economic purposes. ...
The purpose of geoarchaeological research at the Volchia Griva site, the largest mammoth “cemetery” in Asia, is to study comprehensively both biotic and abiotic relationships of the Late Palaeolithic humans. Works conducted in 2015–2018 showed that humans did not play a significant role in the accumulation of the bone-bearing horizon formed within the interval of ca. 20–10 ka BP. It turned out that the Volchia Griva is not a settlement of “bone culture” and not the result of mass battue hunting. The peak activity of the Paleolithic humans at the Volchia Griva corresponded to the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). Recovery of backed micro-points and the truncated blade fragment indicates that the lithic assemblage is similar to bladelet-based industries of the Siberia and Middle Urals existed ca. 24–17 ka BP.
The lack of local raw material sources explains the transportation of finished tools, blades and flakes to the Volchia Griva. The uncommon finds are the artifacts made of rock crystal. Geochemical studies (XRL, ICP-MS, and SIMS methods) of artifact quartz and potential raw materials from nearby sources, located ca. 170–240 km east of the Volchia Griva (Novosibirsk Ob River region) showed a large difference between them. Thus, the presence of rock crystal artifacts can be explained by either the active raw material exchange or long-distance migrations of the Paleolithic populations from northeast Kazakhstan or the Southern Urals (located from 500 to more than 1000 km away).
... The frequent presence of carnivores and abundant scavenging in the quarry area are indicated by the abundance of Allosaurus bones, the abundance of shed theropod teeth, and the moderate amount of tooth marks on bones. The extremely high rate of disarticulation and significant disassociation compared with other large quarries in the Morrison Formation may be due to trampling by dinosaurs (as with scatter of modern elephant bones by elephants; Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015) and scattering by scavenging theropods. Some modern bones, however, can also be found scattered by lake waters, surface sheet flow, and possibly wind along lacustrine margins in autochthonous deposits (Co-bo-Sánchez and others, 2014). ...
The Mygatt-Moore Quarry is a deposit of several thousand dinosaur bones in the Brushy Basin Member of the Morrison Formation in western Colorado. The site has been worked for more than 30 years and nearly 2400 mapped specimens have been collected. This study gathered data about the quarry from many sources to investigate the origin of the deposit. The Mygatt-Moore Quarry appears to be an attritional deposit of a relatively restricted diversity of dinosaurs, with few other non-dinosaurian taxa, that accumulated in a vernal pool deposit in an overbank setting. Bone modification was mostly by corrosion and breakage by trampling; scavenging was abundant. The paleofauna is dominated by Allosaurus and Apatosaurus (MNI and NIS), with the polacanthid ankylosaur Mymoorapelta less common. The matrix of the main quarry layer includes abundant carbonized fragments of plant material, and the mud during the time of deposition may have been often at least damp and occasionally acidic and dysoxic. The Cleveland-Lloyd Dinosaur Quarry is a close correlate of the Mygatt-Moore Quarry in terms of lithology and taphonomy, but demonstrates significant differences upon close inspection of matrix details and bone modification. Large quarries of fine-grained facies in the Morrison Formation possess a very different preservation mode as well as different taxon and relative abundance profiles from those in coarser sediments, which suggests that more may be learned in the future from taphofacies study of large quarries in mudstone beds.
... So, as long as plants can be obtained at a positive net return (and theoretically even at somewhat negative return), they are worth gathering to allow for full exploitation of the Kongani's relatively high net energetic return. Cases where hunters leave fatless body parts and whole hunted animals (e.g., Coote and Shelton, 1992;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015;Tindale, 1972) show that this description is not merely theoretical and that plant-sourced food is not always available at an acceptable energetic cost to 'release' animal-sourced protein for consumption. ...
Estimates of the human trophic level and dietary quality during the Paleolithic are the basis for many hypotheses and interpretations regarding human evolution and behavior. We describe an additional factor that could have significantly influenced human evolution and behavior, the availability of large prey animals.
Given the importance of large prey and the mounting evidence of the decline in its abundance throughout the Pleistocene, we question the reliability of past reconstructions of the human trophic level that were heavily based on analogies with the recent ethnographic record.
We review the ecological and technological records of the Hadza and the Ju/’hoansi (!Kung), two recent hunter-gatherers' groups that dominate the literature as acceptable ethnographic analogs for Paleolithic Africa. We find that their dietary record reflects, as expected by our model, an adaptation to an ecological reality of increased vegetal biomass and reduced large prey biomass that differ substantially from the ecology of most of the Pleistocene but do share analogical trends with the late Upper Paleolithic when the Late Quaternary Megafauna Extinction took place.
... Altamura et al. 2018a). A large mammal bone, for instance, may have lain exposed on a surface for decades or have been carried a considerable distance by natural or biological agents before being buried by sediments and thus definitively entering the archeological record (Cohen et al. 1993;Haynes 2015). ...
We currently have little archaeological and historical data about mining
areas of North Africa that were exploited in pre-Roman times, and even the
rare ancient proofs can be mostly dated to Roman period. However, it was the
searching for new metals that brought Phoenician to the western expansion:
North Africa was one of the richest Mediterranean areas and we believe that such
a small amount of information about this region has to be connected to the lack of
dedicated studies. Every time that the scientific interest focuses on this important
part of the economic and social life in the ancient world (as it was already made in
Spain and Sardinia), new data emerges and offers a bigger historical background.
Current researches of ‘Researches about Phoenicians in North Africa: archaeology,
numismatic and economic history’ aims, first of all, to define historical
and technological background of all the metal production cycle, the exploitation,
the manipulation techniques and the resources management of mining areas in
North Africa, Morocco and Algeria in particular
... The anthropic marks observed in horse and cervid bones suggest that these taxa were culturally deposited. The absence of cut marks in gomphothere bones does not invalidate a possible cultural deposition since ethnographic and actualistic research with extant proboscideans (Haynes, 1987(Haynes, , 1991Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015) indicate a very low proportion of cut-marked bones during butchering processes. Nevertheless, Casamiquela (1976) informed the presence of splintered tusk fragments scattered around the site, interpreting them as an intentional removal of the incisors, which are not found in the assemblage. ...
The Laguna de Tagua Tagua has yielded two important late Pleistocene archaeological sites, Taguatagua 1 and Taguatagua 2, in which a clear early human exploitation of megafauna has been recorded. Particularly in Taguatagua 1 (TT-1), here re-dated around 12,600 cal yr BP, an abundant small faunal assemblage was also recovered, which had not been previously studied in detail. Here we report the first comprehensive taxonomic and taphonomic analysis of this site. We identified 28 different taxa, including mollusks, fish, anurans, reptiles, birds, marsupials, rodents, carnivores, gomphotheres, horses and cervids, making this the richest late Pleistocene site in Chile so far. Among these, sixteen taxa are new for the Chilean late Pleistocene. Birds are the richest group, with ten taxa, followed by rodents with eight taxa. Most of the species currently inhabit the area, but we identified some locally extirpated taxa, together with extinct taxa (exclusively megamammals). Taphonomic analysis suggests a very complex depositional scenario, mostly related to lake-level oscillations which covered and exposed a mainly natural deposited small faunal assemblage. So far, we detected human-made modifications exclusively in horse and cervid bones. Current habitat requirements of the extant fauna, as well as dietary reconstruction of extinct fauna, suggest a highly variable climate and vegetation during the formation of TT-1 since taxa with preferences from semiarid to humid/wooded environments were identified. These results can be related to the changes from cold/wet to dry/warm conditions documented during the Pleistocene - Holocene transition.
... There is some bone concentration in the north-central part of the area but no certainty of any single carcass. The scattering of an exposed carcass is a frequently occurring natural process, since a dead animal can be disjointed and dislocated in few hours or days by carnivores and necrophages (Haynes 2005(Haynes , 2015. However, in the case of Gombore II-2, hominin interaction with hippos is also proven by the observed cut-marks. ...
Single-carcass sites of Lower and Middle Pleistocene age have attracted much attention since they were first recorded. They have been the focus both of science and of museum displays, with reconstructions of “hominins-feasting-on-a-carcass” purposefully illustrating a major step in human evolution. Here we report the Acheulean site Gombore II-2 in the upper Awash Valley of Ethiopia, dating to 0.7 Myr. In the 1970s, due to the presence of hippo remains, the site was published as a single-carcass butchering site. New excavations revealed an ichnosurface displaying animal and human footprints associated with bones and lithics. Subsequent studies of lithic and faunal remains of recent and past excavations as well as archive studies show that Gombore II-2 represents one of the earliest sites with hominin-hippo interaction. The hippo remains belong to a minimum of three carcasses, at least one of them butchered by hominins and subsequently ravaged by hyenas. However, instead of single carcasses exploited on the spot, evidence suggests the existence of a living floor where butchering episodes were performed through time, possibly transporting portions from scavenging sites at a distance. Gombore II-2 thus provides unique insight into planning capacities and control over the environment probably by early representatives of Homo heidelbergensis.
... First, the stratigraphic association of proboscidean remains and artefacts does not in itself necessarily imply anthropogenic processing of the fauna and the verification of their functional relation requires a taphonomical analysis (e.g., Giusti et al., 2018). Second, hominin exploitation of carcasses can be extremely difficult to demonstrate, because bone surface modifications can result from other (non-human) agents, humaninduced cut marks are only rarely preserved (e.g., Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015) and possible subsequent weathering may delete direct evidences on the bone surfaces . ...
In recent years, a significant number of Pleistocene localities with evidence of proboscidean exploitation by humans have been discovered, substantially enriching our knowledge on Homo subsistence strategies and interactions with megaherbivores. However, the human engagement in proboscidean assemblages, as well as the degree of interaction is not always straightforward. First, the stratigraphic association of proboscidean remains and artefacts does not in itself necessarily imply anthropogenic processing of the fauna and the verification of their functional relation requires a taphonomical analysis (e.g., Giusti et al., 2018). Second, hominin exploitation of carcasses can be extremely difficult to demonstrate, because bone surface modifications can result from other (non-human) agents, human-induced cut marks are only rarely preserved (e.g., Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015) and possible subsequent weathering may delete direct evidences on the bone surfaces.
In this study we provide a synthesis of the Proboscidea-Homo record in Early and Middle Pleistocene open-air localities of western Eurasia, by documenting any direct (e.g., presence of cut marks, elephant bone tools, fractures for marrow extraction) and indirect (e.g., association and refitting of lithic artefacts, use-wear analysis) evidence of proboscidean carcass exploitation. Sex and ontogenetic age of butchered proboscideans are recorded, so as to assess possible preferences by humans. Furthermore, we investigate the role of the large carnivores (hyaenids, felids, large canids). We focus on important renewals in the carnivore guilds, and their significance in terms of availability of carrion for scavenging and the hominin-carnivore competition for food resources. The ecological adaptations of the two Middle Pleistocene elephantids in Europe, the straight-tusked elephant Palaeoloxodon antiquus and the steppe mammoth Mammuthus trogontherii, are also evaluated. Finally, we discuss various aspects of the evolution of Pleistocene Homo, including technological advances in material culture, important developments in cognition and relevant inferences about human social behavior. The objective of this study is to re-address the key issues in the Homo-Proboscidea research agenda, assess emerging patterns between ecological, ethological, environmental and cultural parameters, and identify potential biases that obstruct nuanced interpretations of the record.
... In natural death, the skull tends to turn after disarticulation due to scavenging or other forces that may have moved the bones around (Coe, 1978;Conybeare and Haynes, 1984;Stuart and Larkin, 2010;Haynes and Klimowicz, 2015). Moving and smelling the skull and ivories of the dead of their own species has been observed in African elephants (McComb et al., 2006). ...
Early sites along the Dead Sea Transform (southern Levant), among them the Erq el Ahmar Elephant Site, are key points in understanding hominin and mammal migration out of Africa and into Eurasia. The late Prof. Tchernov had begun an intensive campaign to expose the faunal remains at the site, but unfortunately was unable to conclude his study. Based on interim reports and geomorphological descriptions, we were aware of numerous elephant remains found and left in situ. The Erq el Ahmar Elephant Site is a controversial site. There are those who see it as the earliest Pleistocene hominin site in the area, while others consider it a paleontological site without any hominin involvement. We returned to the site to try to resolve this controversy. In a systematic excavation, we succeeded in exposing the previously uncovered elements, exposed more material and currently better understand the deposition sequence. However, the task was very challenging, since the skeletal elements were very fragile and required careful exposure and conservation, both in situ and in the laboratory, before they could be studied. A series of elements were found partially superimposed. Several elements of the skull, an almost complete tusk, vertebrae, ribs, a scapula and limb bones were found. Mammoth diagnostic traits were identified in the teeth and tusk. However, very few skeletons of early mammoths are known from the region. Have we exposed the most complete Mammuthus rumanus skeleton? Tooth microwear indicates leaf-browsing dietary traits, similar to that of other M. rumanus of this period. In addition, the recent excavations have revealed the potential of the site in understanding the evolution and dispersal of proboscidean species out of Africa during the Plio-Pleistocene, adding another focal point to the southern Levant along this route.
Since the discovery of Venta Micena in 1976 until now, the Orce archaeopalaeontological sites (Guadix Baza basin) in the northern part of Granada have contributed significantly to the body of knowledge on Early Pleistocene ecosystem dynamics. The exceptional fossil accumulation at Venta Micena stands out, housing important examples of early Pleistocene European faunas. Additionally, the discovery of new sites such as Barranco León and Fuente Nueva 3 has yielded evidence of some of the oldest human presence in western Eurasia, alongside bones bearing cut and percussion marks made by stone tools. These discoveries were made by using novel techniques and methodology, allowing for new interpretations of the fossil record. Integration of artificial intelligence and geometric morphometrics applied to fossil studies contributed to better understanding of the genesis of the sites, and to unravelling the role of humans and other mammals in creating fossil accumulations at the Orce sites. At Barranco León, Canis mosbachensis was found to be the most active carnivore and not, as earlier thought, the large hyaena Pachycrocuta brevirostris. At Fuente Nueva 3, large saber-toothed cats seem to be the top consumers of carcasses. This evidence suggests the existence of more complex associations between humans and various carnivorous taxa.
Humans consumed megaherbivores, including proboscideans, throughout the Pleistocene. However, there is a high potential for underappreciation of their relative importance to humans’ economy due to their potential relative underrepresentation
in Paleolithic archaeological sites. Relying on our previous work, we discuss the critical importance of large animals in human prehistory. We review four factors that made megaherbivores critically important to humans: high ecological biomass density, lower complexity of acquisition, higher net energetic return, and high fat content. We propose
a model that intends to overcome the potential underrepresentation bias by multiplying the MNI (Minimum Number of Individuals) of each animal species by its weight and only then determining the relative biomass abundances. #e next step of the model is the accumulation of the relative biomass abundance, beginning with the largest animal. This
step enables a comparison of various assemblages in the relative complexity of acquisition, the level of net energetic return, and the level of fat content
in the prey. We successfully test the method on an actualistic case of 61 hunts of the Hadza, where the true number and the MNI are known. We then apply
the method to three comparisons between two successive cultural periods each, in the Levant, East Africa and Southern France. We find that there is indeed great potential for the underrepresentation of megaherbivores in the analysis of Paleolithic faunal assemblages. Since the largest animal in our actualistic study was a giraffe, we propose a future avenue of research for better correction of the underrepresentation
of elephants, which often have partial to no representation in central base sites.
Apex predators play an important role in the top-down regulation of ecological communities. Their hunting and feeding behaviors influence, respectively, prey demography and the availability of resources to other consumers. Among the most iconic—and enigmatic—terrestrial predators of the late Cenozoic are the Machairodontinae, a diverse group of big cats whose hypertrophied upper canines have earned them the moniker “sabertooths.” Many aspects of these animals’ paleobiology, especially their prey preferences and carcass consumption behavior, remain unsettled. While skeletal anatomy, dental morphology and wear, and isotopic profiles provide important insights, the most direct way to resolve these issues is through the fossil remains of sabertooth prey. Here, we report on a taphonomic analysis of an early Pleistocene faunal assemblage from Haile 21A (Florida, USA) that preserves feeding damage from the lion-sized sabertooth Xenosmilus hodsonae. Patterns of tooth-marking and bone damage indicate that Xenosmilus fully defleshed the carcasses of their prey and even engaged in some minor bone consumption. This has important implications for Pleistocene carnivoran guild dynamics, including the carcass foraging behavior of the first stone-tool-using hominins.
The Hungarian Transdanubian site of Érd, where a Mousterian industry and abundant osteological material were discovered in the early 1960s is well known to prehistorians. The remains of megaherbivores (Mammuthus primigenius, Coelodonta antiquitatis) are re-examined here under the taphonomic and archaeozoological components in order to complete the Hungarian and European s.l. data and reassess the potential exploitation of these two pachyderms in the Neanderthal diet and economy. The cut marks, the intense activity of carnivores/hyenas and the skeletal profiles indicate a mixed origin of the carcasses. Mortality patterns of rhinoceros are characterized by the presence of young, subadult and adults, and suggest multiple acquisition by active scavenging and/or hunting with quick access. Skeletal profiles suggest a selective transport of rich/nutritive elements by humans to the site. The cut marks and fracturing of some elements (in situ butchery treatment) confirm that Neanderthals consumed these species on site and that they had at least partial primary access. The mode of acquisition seems active with rapid access for a young mammoth. Érd confirms the Neanderthal exploitation of rhinos and mammoths in their steppic environment during the Middle Palaeolithic. Érd is currently the only Hungarian Middle Palaeolithic site with a proven exploitation and consumption of these megaherbivores.
The recurrent presence at Middle Palaeolithic sites of megafaunal remains, such as mammoth, elephant and rhinoceros, together with isotope analyses signalling meat as a prominent protein source, have been used to argue that these species played a central role in Neanderthal diet. Key to this model are the bone heap horizons from La Cotte de St Brelade (Jersey), which were previously interpreted as game drive debris resulting from systematic Neanderthal hunting. However, this hypothesis has never been rigorously tested, neither at a site-scale, incorporating taphonomic and contextual data, nor at a wider Eu-ropean scale. First, this paper provides a contextual reassessment of the faunal remains from La Cotte to fully understand Neanderthal behaviour at the site. Second, a comparative database of 30 well-published Middle Palaeolithic sites with megafauna permits a data-driven, broader spatial (European) and diachronic assessment of the role of megafauna in Neanderthal subsistence behaviour. Results suggest initial Neanderthal occupation at La Cotte was intensive although through time site visits became more infrequent, as highlighted by a reduction in cultural debris concurrent with a rise in carnivore presence. While mammoths, just as other large mammals and occasionally carnivores, were clearly butchered at this locality, their acquisition and role in Neanderthal diet remains ambiguous. Broader comparisons across Western Europe indicate a main focus on a range of large herbivores, with only a minor, oppor-tunistic, role for megafauna. Whilst stable isotope analysis suggests that Neanderthal diet was meat-oriented, zooarchaeological data do not support the inference that megafauna were the major contributor of meat.
Objective:The aim of this study was to evaluate anatomically bilateral internal jugular veins (IJVs), carotid arteries (CAs), femoral veins (FVs) and femoral arteries (FAs) in pediatric patients undergoing cardiac surgery using ultrasonography (USG) guidance.Methods:A retrospective study was conducted involving 78 patients. The patients were divided into five different categories (0-1, 1-6, 6-12, 12-24 months and >24 months). The diameter (Dm) and depth (Dp) of the bilateral IJVs, CAs, FVs and FAs were measured with USG. The anatomical positions of the IJV, CA, FV and FA and variations were evaluated. The correlations of the Dm and Dp of the major vessels with age, height, weight, body surface area (BSA), and body mass index were analyzed.Results:The Dms and Dps of IJV, CA, FV and FA were significantly different between the groups. The rate of anatomical variation was 23.1% in the right IJV, 28.2% in the left IJV, 19.2% in the right FV, and 28.2% in the left FV. The Dms and Dps of the major central vessels were significantly correlated with age, height, weight, and BSA. The regression coefficient indicated that the 1 year age increase was associated with an increase of 0.414 mm in the right IJV (RIV) Dm. And each 1 kg increase in weight was associated with an increase of 0.169 mm in the RIV Dm.Conclusion:We found a high correlation between vascular Dms and age, weight, height, and BSA in children with congenital heart disease. Major vessels should be evaluated by using USG to determine the appropriate vessel and catheter size before catheter interventions in pediatric patients undergoing cardiac surgery.
The long-debated mammoth bone “core” and “flake” recovered from the Pleistocene loess deposit of Bluefish Cave 2 (Yukon Territory, Canada) and previously described by Cinq-Mars and Morlan (1999) are re-analyzed from a full zooarchaeological and taphonomic perspective. The core and flake are characterized by an absence of carnivore tooth marks and the presence of fresh fracture patterns and two striae potentially attributed to cultural activities. After rejection of several hypotheses involving natural causes, we state that humans were more likely responsible for the bone modifications and we support the hypothesis that a proboscidean bone technology may have been present in eastern Beringia (Alaska/Yukon Territory) sometime between ca. 28,000 and 16,000 years BP.
The placement and frequency of anthropogenic bone surface modifications (BSMs) on proboscidean bones are variables that could indicate how Paleolithic people utilized carcasses, thus providing evidence about the economic value of proboscideans. A single study published decades ago (Crader 1983) provides data about anthropogenic BSMs on bones of elephants butchered by Bisa people in Zambia, but no other studies with such details are available. By necessity, interpretations of BSMs on fossil proboscidean bones may be partly based on models derived from the skinning, meat-stripping (a.k.a. filleting), and dismemberment of nonproboscidean carcasses. Here we report BSMs on a sample of the largest limb bones and ribs from African elephant carcasses which were skinned, stripped of meat, and partly dismembered by expert butchers, and we also report BSMs unintentionally created by less skilled butchers. Based on observations and experiments, we predict how and why certain BSMs vary in placement and frequency due to butcher expertise and to different objectives of butchering, such as maximizing recovery of carcass resources for extensive or long term needs versus recovery of fewer resources sufficient for current needs. BSMs differ when soft tissue is removed from fresh versus partly decomposed or dried elephant carcasses. We compare our general observations with a sample of BSMs which have been interpreted as traces of meat-stripping or dismemberment in assemblages of extinct proboscideans Mammuthus spp. and Mammut americanum. The information about BSMs reported here may increase the interpretive potential of proboscidean assemblages.
This article presents a pilot experiment conducted to better understand how Middle Pleistocene hominins might have processed and exploited elephants using simple stone and bone tools. The experiment was conducted in three phases: (1) production of small, flake-based stone tools, (2) butchery of the lower hind-leg of an Indian elephant, and (3) manufacture of bone tools from the tibia. The experiment shows it is possible to cut through elephant skin in under four minutes using small chipped-stone flakes; disarticulating the astragalus from the tibia is relatively easy, whereas disarticulating the astragalus from the other tarsals is difficult; breaking open an elephant tibia is possible in two minutes; the tibia of the elephant used in the experiment lacked a hollow marrow cavity; extraction of the large fatty cushion encased in the metatarsals and phalanges required several hours; and elephant bone tools are useful for retouching lithic materials of differing quality.
Loxodonta africana bones are repeatedly trampled when deposited at localities where elephant traffic is frequent, such as water sources and mineral licks. This paper discusses and illustrates several major effects of elephant trampling, including bone scattering and re-positioning at death sites, the breakage of even the largest elements, and marking of bone surfaces. We present results of experiments to bend and break elephant bones and we illustrate probable trampling modifications of Pleistocene Mammuthus spp. bones from North America and Europe.
Americas Redefining the Age of Clovis: Implications for the Peopling of the This copy is for your personal, non-commercial use only. clicking here. colleagues, clients, or customers by , you can order high-quality copies for your If you wish to distribute this article to others here. following the guidelines can be obtained by Permission to republish or repurpose articles or portions of articles): July 7, 2014 www.sciencemag.org (this information is current as of The following resources related to this article are available online at
The geography and physiology of iodine deficiency in humans and domestic ungulates suggests that the nutritional content of ground water may hold a key to humane and efficient management of elephant populations. Artificial bore hole water in dry climates in southern Africa appears to be, on the average, a good supplement of this easily leached element., an may have inadvertently boosted the reproductive rates of elephants in several conservation areas. Elephant are likely to be limited by deficiency of iodine: their plant foods are deficient in this element relative to the hormonal requirements associated with exceptional brain and thyroid size. Extrapolation from domestic ecosystems suggests elephants exceed meduim sized wild herbivores in the sensitivty of their reproductive rates to subclinical deficiency of iodine. The great variation iodine concentrations between adjacent aquifers suggests an approach to population control: closure of iodine rich bole holes in overpopulated areas may reduce rates of sexual maturation, conception, birth and weaning with a minimum artifical distress to adults or surviving juveniles.
Clovis-era subsistence varied from site to site and region to region, but large mammals numerically dominate at archaeological sites with food remains. Plant remains are extremely scarce in Clovis sites. The lack of specialized processing and storage technology suggests seeds and nuts were not prominent in the diet, as they became in later times. Sites dated to a possible proto-Clovis phase, 1,000–3,000 years older than the generally accepted age of Clovis, also contain mostly or exclusively large-mammal remains. Many (perhaps most or all) of the largest animals were probably killed and butchered by Late Glacial foragers; they were not found dead and scavenged by people. Proboscidean carcass utilization by Clovis butchers was often incomplete, because Clovis foraging bands were small in number, very mobile, and most likely could predict where to find vulnerable prey. © 2014 by Kelly E. Graf, Caroline V. Ketron, and Michael R. Waters. All rights reserved.
Elephants are the largest extant ter-restrial animals and the archetype of
‘graviportal’ animals, with large body
size and
a pattern of pentadactyl
limbs. The fundamental structures
are homologous in all tetrapods
but
in the course of evolution these
structures have been modified in the
elephant. Osteometric parameters
show that the relationship of the
length of the femur to the circumfe
r-
ence is 2.5, 2.75 and 2.8 in el
e-
phant, horse and cattle respectively.
Similarl
y humerus length to circu
m-
ference is 2.3 in the three species
showing isometric scaling. There is
a positive allometric scaling b
e-
tween bone weight and bone length;
the ratio of femur length to weight is
205g/cm, 72g/cm and 64g/cm in e
l-
ephants, horses and
cattle. The
ratio of weight of the humerus to
length or weights of the humerus
plus femur to their combined length
is a good estimate of the body weight in
kg= (
)
. We have
observed three gaits in the el
e-
phant: slow, fast walk, and trot. E
i-
th
er one or a maximum of two co
n-
trolateral legs are lifted from ground,
but never two ipislateral limbs. The
propulsive force originates from the
retractor muscles of the hind legs,
elephants moving by extension of
the forelegs rather than flexion. The
head’
s conical structure makes it
aerodynamically efficient, serving as
nose cone. The joint
Articulatio a
t-
lanto occipitalis
is less movable than
the horse or cattle. The main mec
h-
anism by which an elephant ove
r-
comes the effect of heavy weight is
by having high
density bones. The
articular surfaces of the bones are
less developed in elephant co
m-
pared to horse or cattle, resulting in
poor angular movements with less
ground shock waves. The pes is like
a cushion filled with a fat layer that
serves as a shock absor
ber. The
skull is spongy and the arrangement of trabeculae makes the skull lighter
in weight.
This paper reviews the evidence for tooth marks made by sharks, crocodiles, dinosaurs, rodents, and especially mammalian carnivores on modern and fossil bones. The ecological and taphonomic information revealed in tooth marks, including: predator identity, prey preferences, and feeding behavior and ecology are discussed, and a compilation of metric measurements of taxon-specific modern and fossil mammalian carnivore tooth marks from the published literature is also provided. Some recommendations intended to improve the scope and scale of future tooth-damage research are also presented.
Describes modern bone assemblages and their diagnostic characteristics that indicate significant aspects of predator or prey behavior and ecology. Similar characteristics can be found in fossil bone collections, and might be provisionally interpreted by reference to the modern analogues, discussed here. Interpretive study of the end effects of predation, scavenging, catastrophic die-offs, and other natural processes may provide guidelines for unusually detailed reconstructions of past biotic communities. It is hoped that with these methods we might learn more of the world that Pleistocene people entered about 11 000 years ago. after Author
The systematic study of human–elephant conflict (HEC) and its mitigation began in the mid-1990s. The IUCN African Elephant Specialist Group and its Human–Elephant Conflict Working Group took the lead in research required and the subsequent dissemination of tools to manage the problem. Over 15 years we have now seen widespread application of HEC mitigation methods by wildlife practitioners and affected communities all over the African elephant range. This paper re-evaluates and refines some established mitigation methods and introduces innovations that have appeared recently. The evolution of the arsenal of HEC mitigation methods suggests that currently relevant developments fall into three categories: biological, physical and governance. These broadly reflect new knowledge about problem animals themselves, better application of fencing and olfactory deterrents, and evaluation of options for damage compensation and land-use policy. We now have a much-improved understanding of the behaviour of 'problem' elephants which points to the futility of killing them. Credible evaluation of the use of fencing models and designs is now possible. The package of low-tech and sustainable defences based around the olfactory deterrent of chilli is well established and producing good results in smallholder agricultural situations. The deterrent potential of bees is assessed. Recommendations for the critical area of HEC mitigation through new official policy and governance initiatives are mostly in the proposal or experimental stage; this relates to political rights and land use and is the most urgent and crucial part of containing the problem across the continent. It is being marketed to elephant range States under an umbrella term – the Vertical Integration Model. Effective HEC mitigation is difficult to understand and problematic to implement; it remains a complex package of apparently disparate measures that have to be used in combination and flexibly, at different scales. Future HEC mitigation will be as much an art as a science, but since we now have a solid research foundation, we can proceed with some confidence to address the inherent socio-political difficulties.
The lowlands of Lower Austria–Moravia–South Poland form an important natural corridor in Central Europe, allowing migrations of both animals and humans between the Danube valley and the North European Plain. The paper examines the relationship between mammoth bone deposits and Gravettian settlements along this corridor, basing on contextual archaeological evidence in general, and on zooarchaeological analyses of the individual sites: Dolnı́ Věstonice I–II, Milovice G, and Kraków Spadzista Street (B).Mammoth bone accumulations from these areas can be interpreted as butchery places on the death locations (as in Milovice G) and as butchery places on death/hunting site (as in Kraków Spadzista Street (B)). At these sites, Gravettian people may have seasonally gathered, taking advantage of landscape geomorphology and marshy conditions to organize collective mammoth hunts. The long-term occupations, as recorded at the Moravian sites with their exceptional archaeological evidence, support this idea. The mammoth-dominated sites probably result from specialized mammoth hunts as well as from other means of exploitation of these animals during peculiar environmental stresses, both seasonal (e.g., the palaeoecological changes during the end spring thawing period), and long-term in nature (the declining features of the mammoth population, as shown in Kraków Spadzista Street (B)).
An assessment of the CITES Monitoring the Illegal Killing of Elephants (MIKE) programmeÊs 2001-2009 carcass database suggested that the trade in elephant meat, especially in the central African sub-region, may be an important factor underlying the illegal killing of elephants. The dynamics, scale and impact of the trade in elephant meat are not well understood and more information is required in order to improve the information in MIKEÊs database and for the Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS), as well as to assist with the development of appropriate management solutions. In 2010 the IUCN/SSC African Elephant Specialist Group (AfESG) undertook a study on behalf of MIKE to investigate the elephant meat trade as a factor in illegal killing in four Central African countries. The results strongly suggest that elephant meat represents an important incentive for poachers to hunt elephants, but that it is secondary to ivory as a driver of illegal elephant killing. Since the potential income from the meat of a single elephant can exceed that from ivory, however, the elephant meat trade problem needs to be monitored closely and should receive increased attention by range State governments and wildlife conservation organizations.
More than 125 carcasses and skeletal remains of wild bison, moose, and whitetail deer were examined in the field. Most were from closely documented episodes of predation, mass drownings, or other natural causes of death. Predictable and unusual kinds of bone and carcass utilization by timber wolves and bears are described. The variables emphasized include sectioning of carcasses by feeding predators, distribution and dispersal of bones at kill sites, gnaw damage to bones in homesites, kill sites and scavenge sites, potential or observed survival of bones at sites of prey carcasses, and the patterns of scatter or accumulation of skeletal remains in moose and bison ranges due to predation or other natural causes of death. Variations in gnaw damage to bones and utilization of carcasses by carnivores reflect significant aspects of predator-prey interactions, and can be deciphered by ecologists interpreting either fossil or modern assemblages of bones.Key words: carnivores, prey carcasses, taphonomy, North America, paleoecology, archeological interpretation
Ungulates often gnaw on animal bones, antlers, horns, and ivory in order to maintain certain nutritional requirements. The resulting modifications to bones and other skeletal elements have been variously described and reported, but are largely absent from most taphonomic reference works. Previous accounts of such gnawing behaviors have been restricted to smaller ungulates. Here we provide detailed description of large ungulates gnawing on bones from similarly sized animals, namely giraffe, camel, and cattle, from Africa, Australia, and North America. Large ungulates will often select fresh bones for gnawing, but will also target dry and weathered bones. Surface modifications are variable, ranging from tooth depressions, punctures, and grooves, to scooping out damage, polishing, and splintering. Similar features are prevalent in carnivore- and porcupine-gnawed bone assemblages, but the effects of large ungulate gnawing can be readily distinguished from those taphonomic agents. Ungulate gnawing may also vary in relation to body size, in that smaller ungulates impact skeletal elements differently than larger ungulates.
It has become commonplace to talk about humans hunting mammoths, and overhunting is thought to
have been one of the causes of the mammoth extinction. However, definite evidence of mammoth kills
by humans remains surprisingly scarce. Here we show convincing evidence of mammoth hunting in the
Siberian Arctic between 29 000 and 27 000 14C years BP. Our data set, from the Yana Upper Palaeolithic
site (Siberian Arctic), includes the following: fragments of lithic points and ivory shaft embedded in two
mammoth scapulae; two identical holes made by projectiles in a mammoth scapula and a pelvic bone;
mammoth tongue bones found in the cultural layer far away from the main mammoth bone accumulation,
indicating the consumption of fresh mammoth meat; and a narrow mammoth bone size distribution,
implying hunting selection based on animal size. The data suggest that Palaeolithic Yana humans
hunted mammoths sporadically, presumably when ivory was needed for making tools. Such nonintensive
hunting practiced by humans over millennia would not be fatal to a sustainable mammoth
population.
When, why, and how early humans began to eat meat are three of the most fundamental unresolved questions in the study of human origins. Before 2.5 million years ago the presence and importance of meat in the hominid diet is unkown. After stone tools appear in the fossil record it seems clear that meat was eaten in increasing quantities, but whether it was obtained through hunting or scavenging remains a topic of intense debate. This book takes a novel and strongly interdisciplinary approach to the role of meat in the early hominid diet, inviting well-known researchers who study the human fossil record, modern hunter-gatherers, and nonhuman primates to contribute chapters to a volume that integrates these three perspectives. Stanford’s research has been on the ecology of hunting by wild chimpanzees. Bunn is an archaeologist who has worked on both the fossil record and modern foraging people. This will be a reconsideration of the role of hunting, scavening, and the uses of meat in light of recent data and modern evolutionary theory. There is currently no other book, nor has there ever been, that occupies the niche this book will create for itself.
Cambridge Core - Anthropology: General Interest - Discordant Village Voices - by Stuart Marks
Authentic petroglyph portrayals of Columbian mammoths and a possible bison at the Upper Sand Island rock art site along the San Juan River in south-eastern Utah in the United States are described and illustrated. Evidence is presented supporting their authenticity, including rock varnish and wear observations and comparisons to nearby Puebloan and Historic period petroglyphs, depiction of anatomical details not commonly known to the public, depiction of relatively small tusks (which differs from typical public perceptions), and the presence of accompanying motifs produced in a similar previously unknown style. The most likely dating of the motifs is between 13000 and 11000 years BP.
The experimental butchering of an elephant using chipped stone tools modeled after implements from Clovis sites is discussed. A description of the stone tools produced and utilized for this work is presented, along with an evaluation of the performance of the tools. Physical and anatomical observations are also reported for the elephant and ralated to hunting and butchering considerations. lmphcat1ons of the results of the experiment are discussed and applied to the current understanding of Clovis elephant exploitat1on.
In 1978 I examined skulls, mandibles, and teeth of the Dent site mammoth sample in storage at the Denver Museum of Natural History (DMNH)-now the Denver Museum of Nature and Science- and on exhibit in museums in Cleveland, Ohio, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Skulls, mandibles, and isolated teeth in the DMNH were assembled into dentitions that, with the skeletons in Cleveland and Pittsburgh, represented thirteen individuals. Age at death for these individuals was assigned on the basis of cheek tooth progression through the jaw and occlusal wear, using criteria for Loxodonta africana (African elephant) provided by Laws (1966). Individual ages of Dent mammoths were thus reported in African Elephant [Equivalent] Years (AEY) (Saunders 1980).
More than 12,000 years ago, in one of the greatest triumphs of prehistory, humans colonized North America, a continent that was then truly a new world. Just when and how they did so has been one of the most perplexing and controversial questions in archaeology. This dazzling, cutting-edge synthesis, written for a wide audience by an archaeologist who has long been at the center of these debates, tells the scientific story of the first Americans: where they came from, when they arrived, and how they met the challenges of moving across the vast, unknown landscapes of Ice Age North America. David J. Meltzer pulls together the latest ideas from archaeology, geology, linguistics, skeletal biology, genetics, and other fields to trace the breakthroughs that have revolutionized our understanding in recent years. Among many other topics, he explores disputes over the hemisphere's oldest and most controversial sites and considers how the first Americans coped with changing global climates. He also confronts some radical claims: that the Americas were colonized from Europe or that a crashing comet obliterated the Pleistocene megafauna. Full of entertaining descriptions of on-site encounters, personalities, and controversies, this is a compelling behind-the-scenes account of how science is illuminating our past.
The Eastern Gravettian technocomplex is a widespread entity that dominated Central and Eastern Europe between some 28,000 and 10,000 B.P. (Kozlowski 1986, 1990; Otte 1982). This poorly understood entity contains within it a number of archaeological cultures that show affinities to each other and are classified into the Willendorf, Pavlov, Kostenki, and Avdeevo cultures and grouped into various larger-sized cultural entities. The reasons for the similarities between them are poorly understood and generally involve postulations about some sort of a west-to-east population movement (Grigor’ev 1968; Kozlowski 1986, 1990; Tarasov 1979). Here I argue that a new understanding of these archaeological entities can be gained by embedding them into the natural world in which the hunter-gatherers who made the inventories functioned, specifically by considering the one species, mammoth, that played a significant role in their adaptations.
Four factors are suggested for the loss of mammoth and the disappearance of a series of other species: 1) changes in environment, including climate; 2) the loss by species of resistance and of the ability to adapt quickly; 3) disruption of population structure; 4) direct and indirect influence of man. -after Authors
Wildebeest drownings produce dense bone deposits over large surface areas adjacent to lakes and rivers in the Serengenti ecosystem of East Africa. Drownings occur during the annual wildebeest migration when animals cross rivers and lakes on their way to wet season pastures. Drownings involve both small and large numbers of adult and newborn wildebeest and can occur in a single event or a sequence of small and large events during the wet season.Signature criteria from surface skeletal remains produced by modern drownings that may, as an integrated set, help to identify them in the fossil record include: (1) the predominance of adults from a single species and the variable representation of newborns and yearlings; (2) the presence of intact elements from all adult skeletal groups; (3) assemblages dominated by axial elements and long bones; and (4) negative correlations between the representation of long bones and their marrow wet weights; assemblages from large drowning events possess weak negative correlations while small events possess strong negative correlations. The application of these criteria requires a landscape sampling strategy, because the drowning event's signature can be spread out over hundreds or thousands of metres of river or lake front. Consequently, localized samples from a large drowning may be affected differently by carnivores, flowing water, trampling, weathering, and/or burial and not possess all of these signature criteria.Drownings represent important scavenging opportunities for a wide variety of consumers because of the number of carcasses they can produce. Their occurrence in rivers and lakes also gives them some seasonal and spatial predictability. Under these circumstances, it is possible that water-restricted early hominids may have gained relatively early access to large animal carcasses without recourse to hunting or confrontational scavenging. Early access to carcasses would have been facilitated by the simultaneous presence of many drowned individuals over a large area, because these conditions act to reduce inter- and intra-specific competition for carcass foods among consumers. Later access to carcasses could still have provided hominids with a wealth of nutritious long bone marrow and cranial contents.
Examines the ecology and behaviour of modern elephants to create models for reconstructing the lives and deaths of extinct mammoths and mastodonts. The sources for these models are long-term studies of elephants Loxodonta africana in Zimbabwe, which are described with respect to the implications of anatomical, behavioural and ecological similarities between past and present proboscideans. The first section deals with the classification of fossil and living forms; the physical appearance of mammoths, mastodonts and modern elephants; and a model for understanding mammoths and mastodonts from the social structure and habitat use by modern elephants. The second section has two chapters on actualistic studies of mass deaths and mass kills, and the final section looks at the meaning of sites from the world fossil record, and at the extinctions in North America at the end of the Pleistocene. A lengthy appendix details methods for age determination, and is followed by an extensive reference list and index. -J.W.Cooper
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A modern African elephant carcass was monitored taphonomically on a shallow lakeshore during dry and wet seasons of 2010–2011. The young adult female died on the lakeshore during the hot dry season of early October 2010. African lions were first to scavenge on the carcass, feeding on the intestines and inner organs that were accessed through the anus. Spotted hyenas also scavenged on the fresh carcass, with an emphasis on the feet and leg bones; one foot was scavenged with the toes eaten and metapodials half chewed. In addition, hyenas chewed on exposed leg bones resulting in bite mark damages in the softer bone spongiosa and bite scratches on one humerus joint. Following an initial scavenging phase by large and small carnivores where the fresh meat and softer material was eaten and the majority of the bone damage occurred, the desiccated remains were abandoned on the lakeshore as a more or less intact carcass with the thick hide covering the mostly articulated skeletal elements. The carcass was briefly revisited and secondarily scavenged by hyenas in mid-November 2010 when the first rains softened the remains. During the seasonal flood from December 2010 through May 2011, the carcass was submerged. By the beginning of the following dry season in June 2011, the remaining skeletal material lay scattered over an area of 20 × 25 m. The main concentration of bones, however, including most of the larger bones and two articulated sections of the vertebral column, remained within a 10 × 10 m area where the carcass had last been scavenged. Although the elephant died of natural causes, the skull was damaged on Day 2 post-mortem when wildlife authorities removed the single tusk. In late September 2011, nearly one year post-mortem, no additional bone damage attributable to scavenging by large predators could be found, although some of the smaller bones were missing. Following the scavenging period, environmental factors e.g., flooding, temperature and humidity changes resulted in additional carcass scattering and damage, including cracks and flaking in some bones.