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Null Objects in Latin and Greek and the Relevance of Linguistic Typology for Language Reconstruction
... Luraghi (1997;1998a;b; has demonstrated that Latin and Greek null objects are conditioned either by discourse (referring to highly topical and non-focused information) or syntactically (occurring in syntactic environments that trigger the omission of weak direct objects) and that there are communicative differences between null objects and clitics. Luraghi (2004) has argued that the syntax of null objects can be better understood in connection with other types of anaphoric devices (e.g., pronouns and clitics) and has provided evidence for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European null objects. Horrocks and Stavrou (2010) have examined the reasons for the presence of "aspectual" cognate objects 3 only in some languages and explored the differences among Modern English and Ancient and Modern Greek cognate object constructions. ...
This paper examines the historical development of null objects (e.g., *He took the loaf and held Ø between his hands) and cognate objects (e.g., He sang a song) in English. We will demonstrate that English lost definite/referential (and indefinite) null objects (only generic null objects are possible in present-day English, e.g., They have the ability to impress and delight φ/ ) but extended the range of cognate objects (which is now also possible with activity/event nouns, e.g., He smiled a disarming smile). Cross-linguistic diachronic comparison (using data from the history of the Greek language) reveals that the historical devel- opment described is language-specific and that both directions of change (loss or rise) of null and cognate objects are possible. We will test the hypothesis that there is a connection between the availability of such (de)transitivization processes and changes that affect the syntactic representation of aspectual distinctions. More precisely, we will examine the hypothesis that in English, both the loss of definite null objects and the rise of cognate objects with activity/event nouns are linked to the grammaticalization of the viewpoint (pro- gressive) aspect (be + V + ing). We will show that the grammaticalization of the viewpoint aspect in English has not affected the development and loss of null object constructions. However, the grammaticalization of the viewpoint aspect appears to have progressed in parallel with activity/event-noun cognate objects.
This thesis investigates the syntax of so-called ‘dative’ arguments in Greek and the role of their abstract Case feature in their licensing, from a generative/minimalist perspective. The main claim of the thesis is that dative arguments of all types originate low, i.e. within the maximal projection of the root, in accordance with universal linking principles, and that all apparent variation regarding their realisation and their A-/A’- behaviour can be parameterised in terms of their Case feature and the way it is valued. The secondary claims/premises on which the main claim depends are:
(a) a distinction between syntactically inactive and active inherent Case features, which are both possible for dative argument DPs, with purely structural Case being a third possibility cross-linguistically attested;
(b) the assumption that minimality effects in phi-Agree must be relativised to Case features;
(c) a movement analysis of dative shift;
(d) a novel view of applicatives as elements that simply attract dative arguments to their specifier for Case-related reasons, rather than introducing/selecting them. On this view, applicatives are last resort elements and their possible heights of attachment are derivable from the event structure of the predicate. This theory of Appl attachment, coupled with a thematic hierarchy that distinguishes goals from non-goals (and experiencers) with respect to their base position derives the full typology of dative arguments.
In support of these assumptions, this thesis draws on evidence from person restrictions in transitive contexts with datives and beyond (Chapter 2), which seem to be best accounted for if the argument affected by the restriction is treated as a (defective) intervener between the dative and an applicative head; the interference of (different types of) datives themselves with agreement relations in various configurations, in Greek as well as cross-linguistically (Chapter 3); the A-/A’-properties of dative arguments of all types in Greek and Romance and novel diagnostics for unpronounced copies with syntactic or interpretive effects (Chapter 4); the diachronic and cross-dialectal behaviour of dative arguments in Greek (Chapter 5), which confirms some empirical correlations that necessitate the assumptions listed above, most notably the generalisation that both (i) the strong Person Case Constraint, and (ii) minimality effects in Agree across datives imply the availability of active Case on indirect object DPs, which is minimally manifested by the existence of the dative-shifted/double-object construction.
Ancient Greek and Early Vedic are pro-drop languages which allow for referential null objects. In this paper we give an overview of the various conditions under which null objects are licensed and compare their use in both languages. In Greek and Vedic null objects occur frequently in conjuncts, be it clauses or sentences. They are also attested with participles embedded into finite sentences. A third type is the syntactically unrestricted discourse conditioned null object, which is typically an anaphora. In Vedic, however, it can also be used cataphorically and with extratextual reference.
Both “pleonastic” clitics instead of referential null objects and cognate objects in the Septuagint and the New Testament have been analyzed as resulting from contact between Greek and Hebrew. We examine the hypothesis of Hebrew interference and argue that the syntactic characteristics of Hebrew of referential overt objects and activity/event noun cognate objects are not transferred directly to Greek. We propose a second hypothesis according to which language contact (between Biblical Hebrew and Greek) results in semantic changes and these semantic changes affect transitivity. The semantic changes related to language contact concern the aspectual features of Greek: the development of the verbal aspect in Greek from expression of situation-type oppositions to expression of viewpoint (+/ − perfective) aspect oppositions can explain the changes observed in transitivity in Hellenistic Greek.
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