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Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed

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... Não busco entender aqui por que certos esquemas desenvolvidos para "melhorar a condição humana" (Scott, 1998), como o caso do Programa Fome Zero, não deram certo, ou ainda foram transformados em outros programas. Acredito que ao darmos atenção à construção de modelos para compreensão do mundo, ainda que estes pareçam ser muitas vezes ineficazes, podemos encontrar sua efetividade, como sugere Akhil Gupta (2012), no próprio ato de produzir o Estado enquanto unidade. ...
... Retomando as principais análises do Programa Fome Zero, que buscam compreender, assim como propõe Scott (1998) que o governo usou "como mecanismo para trazer à vida suas visões políticas" (Shore, 2012), e assim o compreendendo como um actante (Latour, 1986), parece central darmos atenção ao fato de que quando um conjunto [de métricas e indicadores] se estabiliza como uma formação discursiva, ele fornece um complexo de conhecimentos e práticas em torno dos quais certos tipos de problemas e soluções se tornam concebíveis enquanto outros ficam submersos, pelo menos por um tempo (Foucault, 1991, p.102, tradução nossa). ...
... Para James Scott (1998), essa forma de simplificar objetos complexos como parte da tecnologia estatal pode ser comparada à atividade de produção de mapas sintéticos. Segundo o autor, esses mapas "não representariam com sucesso a atividade real da sociedade retratada, nem seria essa sua intenção; eles representariam apenas aquela fatia que interessava ao observador oficial" (Scott, 1998, p. 3, tradução nossa). ...
Thesis
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Em 2014 a Organização das Nações Unidas para Alimentação e Agricultura (FAO) noticiou com grande destaque a saída do Brasil do Mapa da Fome. Esse feito foi celebrado no país como resultado de um conjunto de iniciativas e programas sociais implementados desde 2003 sob égide do Programa Fome Zero. Mais de quinze anos após sua criação, o programa ainda é tema de discussão, apesar de ter sido diluído em diversas políticas de segurança alimentar, e até mesmo políticas de distribuição e geração de renda, recentemente encerradas. A saída do Brasil do Mapa da Fome é aqui entendida como um "evento paradigmático" a partir do qual busquei desvelar as práticas de produção da fome como principal objeto de atenção e gestão na trajetória das políticas sociais no âmbito do Programa Fome Zero. Ao recuperar os discursos mobilizados na construção do "Paradigma de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional" para a produção da fome enquanto um problema social e sociológico, busco questionar as maneiras em que a fome é enquadrada na construção prática de uma política pública que precisa definir, medir e avaliar. Também é central o questionamento dos usos e efeitos dos discursos e saberes que produziram determinado enquadramento deste fenômeno. Por entender que é analiticamente produtivo não definir a fome a priori, esta tese lança luz aos processos tecnopolíticos de sua transformação na categoria de "Insegurança Alimentar". Através de uma etnografia da prática de "dar forma à fome", que tem como lócus principal a produção de um Arquivo Fome Zero, busco explorar os diferentes dispositivos políticos que conformaram categorias centrais na instituição de uma nova forma de governamentalidade no país. Noções como as de direitos, assistência e necessidade são trazidas à baila buscando tensionar a relação entre um "governo da fome" e um "governo pela fome" e a "cidadanização" de certos sujeitos. É através da atenção a esses movimentos de mutação e estabilização que consigo evidenciar a maneira em que a fome se tornou conhecida, definida e se consolidou como um problema de ordem pública, do Estado, criando sujeitos e populações. Mostro também como ela foi sendo informada por dispositivos, aparatos e disputas epistemológicas, ao mesmo tempo em que era alijada das experiências concretas de uma população. Levando a sério a premissa metodológica de olhar para os processos de (con)formação da fome através da etnografia das principais políticas voltadas para seu combate, pude enxergar como se deu a transformação da fome em uma metáfora e os efeitos dessa estabilização. Abstract: In 2014, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) reported with great prominence the removal of Brazil from the Hunger Map. This achievement was celebrated in the country as the result of a set of social initiatives and programs implemented since 2003 under the aegis of the Zero Hunger Program. More than fifteen years after its creation, the program is still subject of discussion, despite having been diluted in several food security policies, and also distribution and income generation policies - those which were recently terminated. Understanding Brazil's removal from the Hunger Map as a "paradigmatic event", I sought in this dissertation to unveil the practices of hunger production as the main object of attention and government in the trajectory of Zero Hunger social policies. By recovering the discourses mobilized in the construction of the "Paradigm of Food and Nutritional Security" in direct relation to the production of hunger as a social and sociological problem, I seek to question the ways in which hunger is framed in the practical construction of a public policy that needs to define, measure, and assess in order to exist. It is also central the questioning of the uses and effects of discourses and knowledge that produced a certain framework for this phenomenon. Precisely by understanding the productivity of the non-definition of hunger, this research sheds light on the technopolitical processes of its transformation into the category of "Food Insecurity". Through an ethnography of the practices of "framing hunger", which has as its main locus the production of the "Zero Hunger Archive", I seek to explore the different political mechanisms that conformed central categories in the institution of a new form of governmentality in the country. Notions such as rights, assistance, and needs are brought to the forefront in an attempt to tension the relationship between a "government of hunger" and a "government through hunger" and the " citizenization" of certain subjects. It is through the attention to such movements of transformation and stabilization that I am able to show the ways in which hunger has become known, defined and consolidated as a problem of the State. Creating, thus, subjects and populations and being enacted by mechanisms, apparatuses, and epistemological disputes, while it has been removed from the concrete experiences of a population. By seriously considering the methodological premise of looking at the processes of (con)formation of hunger through the ethnography of the Zero Hunger policies, I was able to show how hunger was transformed into a metaphor and the effects of this stabilization.
... Still, their main difference from the Western perspective was in seeking to blend the middle-class peasantry and the urban middle-commercial group into a patronage front (Sunar, 1990;Szyliowicz, 1962). State-led development agendas since the high modernist aspirations drove the nation's foundation (Scott, 1998), predicated by the assumption that the inclusion of a larger population into the formal employment market accompanied high economic growth. Despite populism and strong public support, centrally planned large-scale development projects created budget deficit problems triggering external sourcing and privatization (Harris and Islar, 2014;Ignatov, 2005;Jongerden, 2010). ...
... Historically, Turkey's resource management is susceptible to misaligning a well-intentioned scheme with state paramountcy, top-down implementation, historically-implanted clientelism, corruption, unequal social relations, and elite captures, especially in the countryside (Adaman et al., 2019;Cinar, 2016;Harris, 2005;Jongerden, 2010;Sayarı, 2014;Scott, 1998). To amplify this notion with some empirical substances, Harris (2005) discovered that among 126 water users, 60% of farmers agreed that the elections of the water board chairman were unfair. ...
... Within this economic, social, and institutional background, in 1992 and 1997, following the recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development and Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests in Europe, Turkey began preparing for the National Forestry Programme (NFP) in 2001 (Carbone and Savelli, 2009;EFM, 2004;MCPFE, 1993;Schanz, 2002). In Scott's (1998) words, the NFP was a well-intentioned scheme that aimed to improve the well-being of its subjects. Contrary to the NFP's genial rhetoric, at the project's initiation, the eco-government impetuously placed resource-dependent people in the center of a public inquiry (Goldman, 2001a(Goldman, , 2001b. ...
Article
This paper provides perspectives on the processes and consequences of large-scale ecotourism development for environmental ends in Bozbük and Kazıklı, two small forest communities on Turkey’s West Southern Aegean coast. We employ a green grab framework to link various actors’ operations and various scales operating in communities. To unpack these treatments, we asked two questions: 1) How do various actors negotiate green grabbing to subordinate indigenous land claims to their interests? 2) How do various scales arrange green grabbing to mediate indigenous land claims? In addition to these questions, we try to understand how green grabs are motivated by political networks, labor-capital mobilization, and environmental regulations. This model provides more specific treatments of economy and policy orientations on various scales and more detailed empirical examinations of actor orientations in resource transformations.
... D'abord, en s'appuyant sur l'exemple du développement de l'irrigation, cet article propose d'articuler des approches de la territorialité qui sont encore souvent mises en opposition (Murphy, 2012 ;Fall, 2012 ;Bassett et Gautier, 2014 ;Ghiotti, 2018), à savoir une approche stratégique centrée sur le contrôle des territoires, des ressources et des populations (Sack, 1986) et une approche relationnelle démêlant les rapports de pouvoir entre différents acteurs autour des ressources (Raffestin, 1980). Ensuite, et de manière liée à ce premier point, l'article revient aussi sur les façons de lire les tensions pour la matérialisation des projets territoriaux autour de l'eau, qu'il s'agisse d'une lecture techno-politique portant sur le rôle politique des grands programmes d'aménagement centralisés (Scott, 1998 ;Swyngedouw, 1999 ;Harris, 2012 ;Menga et Swyngedouw, 2018) ou d'une lecture plus sociotechnique révélant les processus locaux (mais pas moins politiques) d'appropriation de l'eau (Aubriot, 2013 ;Mollinga, 2014 ;Valadaud et Aubriot, 2019). À travers ce double débat, cet article montre ainsi l'intérêt d'ancrer la political ecology of the state dans la matérialité de l'eau. ...
... L'« internal territorialization » renvoie notamment au processus à travers lequel une institution étatique, à l'intérieur de ses frontières nationales, établit un contrôle sur les ressources naturelles et sur les personnes qui les utilisent (Vandergeest et Peluso, 1995 ;Peluso et Lund, 2011). Les grands projets hydrauliques perpétuent une logique technocentrique (Scott, 1998 ;Menga et Swyngedouw, 2018 ;Rusca et al., 2019). Les infrastructures ont en effet une fonction politique pour des États en quête de légitimation, la consolidation de leur pouvoir passant par le façonnage de nouvelles géographies nationales (Swyngedouw, 1999 ;Crow-Miller et al., 2017 ;Perreault, 2021). ...
... D'autre part, une lecture plus sociotechnique à partir des pratiques locales autour des gölet met en évidence des arrangements trouvés pour leur gestion et révèlent des expériences plus ordinaires de l'État par les irrigants ( Figure 6). La terminologie des « tactiques » et « stratégies » (de Certeau, 1990) est parfois reprise dans une perspective techno-politique pour distinguer les stratégies des acteurs dominants et les tactiques des dominés qui vont contourner au quotidien les politiques qui leur sont imposées (Scott, 1998 ;Harris, 2012). Si l'on suit cette idée, la mise en politique de l'objet technique via la planification des « 1000 gölet en 1000 jours » et l'imposition de règles de gestion de l'eau établies au niveau national révéleraient en effet des stratégies de légitimation étatique. ...
Article
Both political ecology and Francophone geography study the mutually constitutive processes of resource-making and state-making. To this end, much research study the dynamics of domination and resistance at work during contested projects. This article shows that an approach through the materiality of irrigation can be complementary by revealing the less visible power relations of everyday politics. Studying the practices around technical objects – in this case small-dam reservoirs in Turkey – makes it possible to analyze together the processes of territorialization and the shaping of state-society relations. Territorialization is here understood as being both strategic and relational and irrigated areas can then be read as spaces of co-production of public action.
... Such positioning explains why they would undertake a pivotal role in post-disaster intervention, an area that until recently was considered beyond the expertise of religious actors (Bulmer and Hansford, 2009), reflecting a bias in the literature and in practice to construe development (McGregor, 2010;Jones and Petersen, 2011;Tomalin, 2012;Dalton, 2013) and humanitarianism (Wilkinson, 2020;Samson and Warganegara, 2021) as secular. Using a Foucauldian approach to describe "the how of resettlement" (Rogers and Wilmsen, 2020: 263), I then detail the activities of CDO's Catholic trustees, extending Scott's (1998) thesis to investigate how Catholic trustees "saw like a church." In deciding how, where, and for whom to intervene, these trustees exercised old and new types of pastoral power (Foucault, 2003a), guided by a Christian social mission (Calderisi, 2013;Williams, 2015), in their governmental interventions (Foucault, 2003b). ...
... James Scott's (1998) Seeing Like a State presents a useful, albeit heavily critiqued, way of thinking through the operationalization of government. He contends that states ascribing to high modernism aim to remake society and ecology to conform to a rational plan, which inevitably goes awry. ...
... The rational plans devised for CDO's post-disaster efforts echo an historical pattern in which states attempt to expand state spaces and neutralize non-state spaces (De Koninck, 1996;Scott, 1998). In CDO, the relocation sites demonstrate an attempt to reduce the perceived threat posed by the impenetrable and illegible neighborhoods of the urban poor, and to transfer residents into productive and settled state spaces. ...
Article
In post-disaster situations where there is a weak government, opportunities arise for so-called non-state actors to re-imagine, re-create, and govern portions of society and landscapes. The process of resettling survivors is an improvement project in which certain actors and institutions assume the functions and authority of a shadow state. This paper studies the activities of Catholic trustees in disaster relief and resettlement in Northern Mindanao, Philippines after Tropical Storm Sendong, and asks how and to what ends they engage with purportedly secular humanitarian efforts. It is based on fieldwork in Cagayan de Oro, which used an ethnographic approach and qualitative methods. The intentions motivating trustees’ interventions, and the selection of activities, reveal clear Christian undertones. This unsurprising finding suggests Catholic trustees “saw like a church”; there was a demonstrated intent to govern, in the Foucauldian sense of governmental rationality, guided by the exercise of old and new pastoral power, largely mirroring a Christian social mission. Through their actions, trustees (re)asserted the historical hegemonic position of the Catholic Church in Philippine society. This framing of disaster management challenges mainstream secular discourses and practices of development and disaster management and their treatment of faith-based organizations as just another development actor.
... Although often futile (in the sense that land is often seized precisely because the claimant is more powerful), organized resistance movements have had some notable successes. Examples are agrarian movements involving guerrilla warfare against oligarchies in Latin America (Stavenhagen, 1970;Teubal & Ortega Breña, 2009), the deployment of "weapons of the weak" (covert but powerful resistance to domination through non-cooperation or cultural resistance) (Scott, 1998) to undermine elite control and act in defense of land and resources, and international and national coalitions in support of Indigenous land rights that have been helpful in achieving formal statutory Indigenous land claims (e.g., Anaya & Grossman, 2002). 1 ...
... Across all three regions of the Global South, national governments carried forward eighteenth-and nineteenth-century state ownership over forest estates; the aim was to assert control over resources deemed strategic and to occupy remote areas for the protection of national borders (Peluso, 1992;Scott, 1998;Fay & Michon, 2012). Appropriation of forests as part of the national estate caused tenure security and displacement for Indigenous Peoples in remote regions. ...
Book
This open access book presents a nuanced and accessible synthesis of the relationship between land tenure security and sustainable development. Contributing authors have collectively worked for decades on land tenure as connected with conservation and development across all major regions of the globe. The first section of this volume is intended as a standalone primer on land tenure security and its connections with sustainable development. The book then explores key thematic challenges that interact directly with land tenure security, followed by a section on strategies for addressing tenure insecurity. The book concludes with a section on new frontiers in research, policy, and action. An invaluable reference for researchers in the field and for practitioners looking for a comprehensive overview of this important topic.
... In fact, as is the case in the spatial segregation of arrivals through the shelters, they can even undermine it. In his seminal book Seeing like a State, Scott (1999) famously reveals how centrally managed social plans often misfire as their schematic vision fails to appreciate the complex interdependencies of everyday social order. Formal integration infrastructures similarly oversimplify and rationalise arrival, rather than treating it as a complex and continuous process of becoming that requires holistic approaches. ...
... They refer to the number of people as well as precise values of the room size, conferring information to a privileged outside observer. Through this they evoke JamesScott's (1999) critique of 'seeing like a state' where the state attempts to render space as legible as possible for effective control rather than for those on the ground who must experience it. Internal spatial configurations are aligned towards the shelter's efficient management. ...
Thesis
During the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015 German chancellor Angela Merkel made the historic decision to welcome over one million refugees into the country. Throughout Germany municipal governments created a diverse range of temporary accommodations to house the arrivals, most notably in cities due to a lack of affordable housing. At the end of 2019 in Berlin, over 20,000 refugees were still living in institutional refugee shelter. These structures have come to be key mediators of the ways in which these newcomers have arrived in the city. Refugee shelters have primarily been understood in the context of the rich literature that has developed in recent decades around the ‘camp’ as a complex socio-spatial and political phenomenon. Yet the proliferation of different forms of refugee shelters especially in urban areas requires new theoretical lenses to shed new light on these structures. This thesis focuses on an alternative body of literature that considers the way urban infrastructures shape migration. It considers Berlin’s institutional shelters as part of infrastructural complexes to reveal how infrastructures shape the nature of refugee arrival in the city. It engages with emerging theoretical work on infrastructure and migration as well as presents empirical data obtained through eight months of on-site research that focuses on the quotidian experiences of refugees from their perspectives. It consists of three parts which examine the directional, contradictory, and entangled nature of infrastructure through its construction, calibration, operation, and location in relation to refugee arrival. The first part deepens understandings on the diverse ways that infrastructures sort and channel arrival trajectories to undermine the autonomy of refugee newcomers. The second part analyses the internal spatial dynamics of the shelters to explore the ways their contradictory functions as infrastructure blur the conceptual boundaries between camps, shelter, and housing and limit possibilities to inhabit domestic spaces. The third part explores the ways the urban locations of infrastructure shape everyday encounters and the development of relationships between newcomers and the city. While infrastructures can provide the potential to find stability within the city for refugees to move on from becoming forcibly displaced, the thesis argues that Berlin’s institutional shelters operate as infrastructures which undermine this process and exacerbate the uncanny and unsettling nature of arrival. Instead, refugees find the greatest scope for autonomy in their arrival through existing infrastructures of the city, especially the more informal ‘bottom up’ forms created and operated by existing migrant communities.
... Although often futile (in the sense that land is often seized precisely because the claimant is more powerful), organized resistance movements have had some notable successes. Examples are agrarian movements involving guerrilla warfare against oligarchies in Latin America (Stavenhagen, 1970;Teubal & Ortega Breña, 2009), the deployment of "weapons of the weak" (covert but powerful resistance to domination through non-cooperation or cultural resistance) (Scott, 1998) to undermine elite control and act in defense of land and resources, and international and national coalitions in support of Indigenous land rights that have been helpful in achieving formal statutory Indigenous land claims (e.g., Anaya & Grossman, 2002). 1 ...
... Across all three regions of the Global South, national governments carried forward eighteenth-and nineteenth-century state ownership over forest estates; the aim was to assert control over resources deemed strategic and to occupy remote areas for the protection of national borders (Peluso, 1992;Scott, 1998;Fay & Michon, 2012). Appropriation of forests as part of the national estate caused tenure security and displacement for Indigenous Peoples in remote regions. ...
Chapter
Full-text available
In this chapter, we explore the forces that have shaped the current challenge of securing land tenure for those with little voice, power, and means. Focusing on the Global South, we identify trends in the ebb and flow of land tenure security and insecurity, distinguishing between those tied to agricultural-based societies and forest-dependent populations where relevant. We spotlight the broad arc of history tied to land access: the widespread acquisition of land by the powerful dating several centuries back, the partial restoration of local land access beginning in the mid-twentieth century (e.g., post-colonial governments, agricultural land reform and redistribution movements, and forest management devolution), the land-grabbing phenomenon and violence of recent years, and the current uncertainty over future directions for tenure security.
... This is commonly described as elite capture, which is a growing critique of SF project implementation in Indonesia (Fisher et al., 2018). (Allen et al., 2018;Li, 2002;Scott, 1999). Commoditization of either public goods or common pool resources becomes very difficult in practice (Farley & Costanza, 2010) and often leads to unacceptable outcomes according to local notions of fairness and equity (Pascual et al., 2010). ...
... Although the values were relational, the government framed them as instrumental and further imposed state control. in assisting real-world policy-making is in the ways that governments tend to simplify, categorise, and approach local engagement (Li, 2002;Scott, 1999 (Reed et al., 2020). The key is transparent and multi-stakeholder collaboration, which is conceptually popular but complex and challenging in its application (Barletti & Larson, 2019;Bouamrane et al., 2016;Fisher et al., 2017;Riggs et al., 2018). ...
Article
Studies found that rapid decline of biodiversity and ecosystems globally have adversely affected an estimated 1.6 billion rural people whose livelihoods both directly and indirectly depend on forests. To halt the loss of forests and other natural ecosystems that simultaneously support rural livelihoods, various external programmes have been developed and applied, including market‐based and rights‐based approaches. However, rapid biodiversity and ecosystem decline continues, and better incentives or more secure rights have not always led to local community participation and improved livelihoods. This suggests the need to better explain local communities' motivations in nature stewardship. We conducted a study of local communities in two villages in Sulawesi who voluntarily maintain forests but showed resistance to participation in formal Social Forestry programmes. The study aimed to identify motivations and underlying reasons of community preferences, guided by two research questions: (i) how did local people value forest landscapes? and (ii) how did those values interact with externally driven Social Forestry programmes? We applied the Relational Values concept to understand a community's relations with the forest (or its elements) and land and identified points of value divergence. Data collection involved in‐depth semi‐structured interviews, focus group discussions framed by the principles of Appreciative Inquiry, participant observation and land use/land cover change analysis. Our findings show that people value their forests in relation to their identity, ancestral heritage, sense of place and spiritual values. We also identified the points of value divergence and their underlying reasons of resistance towards externally driven forestry programmes. This study thus contributes to the broader conceptualisation of values in conservation and community participation by providing empirical evidence on the importance of the Relational Values framework in understanding the motivation and behaviour of nature stewardship and in the evaluation of value conflicts. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog.
... El sustento jurídico de la titulación colectiva a comunidades afro e indígenas se deriva de la adhesión de Colombia al Convenio 169 de la OIT en el cual se establecen derechos territoriales a estas comunidades. En el caso de las comunidades campesinas, fue durante el gobierno de Ernesto Samper (1994-1998 que se creó la ley 160 de 1994 en la que se establece la existencia de Zonas de Reserva Campesina. Con dicha ley se pretendía impedir la concentración de tierras en los espacios declarados como zonas de reserva y se determina que las tierras baldías debían ser adjudicadas a los campesinos. ...
... Gráfica 2. Evolución de la tasa nacional de homicidios, 1946-2009Fuente: SalasSalazar (2010) Adicionalmente, el dinero del narcotráfico logró penetrar las estructuras del poder político y económico del país y es así como para la década de los noventa, incluso el presidente de laRepública, Ernesto Samper (1994-1998 fue investigado (mas nunca juzgado) por el llamado proceso 8.000 13 .(Revista Semana, 1997) En cuanto a su incidencia directa en la estructura agraria del país, puede identificarse una afectación tanto en la estructura de la tenencia de la tierra como en el uso productivo de los recursos. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Mi pregunta de investigación es la siguiente: ¿Cómo el conflicto socio-ambiental derivado del proyecto La Colosa, reestructura en términos jurídico-políticos el control territorial del Estado colombiano? Esta pregunta se deriva de mi supuesto inicial en el que considero que el Estado es una construcción permanente y no lineal; es el resultado de tensiones, contradicciones, negociaciones y alianzas entre los distintos actores y enmarcadas en distintas escalas territoriales. Uno de los ámbitos en los cuales se expresan dichas tensiones es el control territorial, no sólo en términos de derechos de propiedad, sino en la dimensión jurídicopolítica que establece el acceso, uso y gestión del territorio, pues es en la disputa por el control territorial donde se revelan diversos actores, con diversos intereses y diversos usos de las herramientas jurídico-políticas y donde se produce entonces, a partir de la interacción, una transformación tanto de los actores involucrados como de las prácticas y las representaciones del Estado desde su nivel local hasta el nivel nacional.
... The constitutive stream is concerned with the role of knowledge in constituting the world. Scholarship within this stream focuses on how humans and non-humans are assembled into human concepts such as statehood (Scott, 1998) or the reciprocal categories of nature and culture (Latour, 1993). While concepts and categories are not pre-existing and immutable, they nonetheless shape interaction. ...
... However, while state and economic actors may be powerful, some studies show how such actors, despite their capacity to inscribe, redefine, and categorise, sometimes fails to realise their vision (e.g. Scott, 1998). This runs counter to scholarship that argues that, eventually, technologies and/or sociotechnical systems will come to reflect the interests of the powerful (e.g. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
In 2017, the Norwegian Government flagged its interest in automated vehicles, and established legislation that allowed for automated vehicles to be tested on public roads. Proponents of automated vehicles claim that such vehicles represent an opportunity for making road transport greener, safer, and more efficient, as well as a considerable opportunity for industrial development and economic growth. This thesis takes innovation processes relating to automated vehicles as a starting point for understanding the roles ascribed to new technologies in and beyond the transport sector. The thesis is composed of three articles and an overarching essay. The first article concerns the translation of a set of generalised expectations into a more specific vision of how the development of automated vehicles might benefit the Norwegian state, and, by extension, what future automated vehicles might render possible. The second article concerns public expectations regarding automated vehicles in Norway as expressed through a public hearing, how these expectations are reflected in innovation practices, and how the practices shape further expectations. The third article focuses on the temporal aspect of innovation, and contrasts technology innovation with policy innovation in order to draw out the implications of the two approaches to shaping the future of transport. The overarching essay analyses, synthesises, and draws conclusions from across the three articles to enable a discussion of the transformative role often ascribed to technology. Whereas the importance of technology should not be discounted offhand, transport innovation in Norway is configured in a way that ultimately promotes the continuation and preservation of established transport patterns in particular, as well as society more generally. The expectation that future technology will help ameliorate or even solve the problems associated with today’s transport system allows present-day action to be deferred indefinitely. However, expectations are always associated with considerable uncertainty. Hence, it is crucial not only to ask what benefits new technologies might bring, and to assess any such claims critically, but also to plan for a future in which expectations for new technologies might not be realised.
... Roy is critical of upgrading approaches (including resettlement) where through Modernforms "what is redeveloped is space, the built environment and physical amenities rather than people's capacities or livelihoods" (150). Roy's use of the term was inspired in JamesScott (1998) who used the term 'high-modernist' to describe approaches based on "a sweeping, rational ...
Thesis
This dissertation traces the history of urban informality in Santo Domingo, the capital of the Dominican Republic. Concurrently, it examines the resettlement of La Barquita, a large barrio (local term for informal settlement) that occupied flood-prone land for over four decades. As the oldest existing city in the Americas, Santo Domingo is an ideal setting to investigate the largely untheorized intricacies between historical and contemporary informal urbanization and interventions aiming formalization. There, extreme climate events and longstanding political legacies rooted in colonialism, imperialism, authoritarianism, and neoliberalism have converged to perpetuate a culture of socio-spatial exclusion spanning over five centuries. La Barquita became Santo Domingo's most infamous barrio, a site at the intersection of poverty, informality, crime, and environmental risks. In 2012, in the aftermath of Hurricane Isaac, the central government announced the resettlement of this community. Replacing the old barrio, La Nueva Barquita (the new Barquita), with over 1700 apartments distributed across 54 hectares, was the result of a design competition juried by a panel of local and international architects. As the apotheosis of interventions in the city's barrios, the state promoted this project, completed in 2016, as a 'historic' event and as a model to be replicated across the country. Using data obtained from surveys to 102 resettled households, this study discusses respondents' perceptions of their new community and the impacts of the relocation on their socioeconomic standing. It is found that while respondents largely endorse their new built environment, the resettlement resulted in reversed economic mobility and significant disruptions to community ties. To mitigate these negative impacts, residents are turning to subtle modes of informality, challenging the neoliberal formal order imposed upon them. Several arguments are advanced in this dissertation. First, challenging local hegemonic narratives that informal settlements are places with no history, I demonstrate that Santo Domingo’s barrios have been permanent and vital communities for over five centuries. As places of everyday life for a large part of the city's population, their urban history is irrespective of negative comparisons to the planned city. A second argument, by way of La Nueva Barquita, is that, in resettlement sites, high-quality architecture and urban design alone are unable to ignite socioeconomic progress. Third, I argue that it is only through historical analysis that we can fully grasp recent interventions in Santo Domingo's barrios. This study reveals how the state used historical narratives to advance the intervention in La Barquita, how residents' place-based memories facilitated and hampered their adaptation in the resettlement site, and how the name La Barquita metamorphosed from being associated with planning failure and environmental vulnerability into a national brand mediating how barrio interventions are approached. The socio-spatial actuality in Santo Domingo's barrios, and in La Nueva Barquita, cannot be dissected through binary interpretations of good or bad, positive or negative, formal or informal. These are complex territories where the politics of history, urbanism, and resettlement often come together in unexpected ways. At the crossroads of multifaceted discourses within the fields of architecture, urban studies, history, and Dominican studies, Santo Domingo's barrios and La Nueva Barquita tell us a lot about how questions of urban development, citizenship, and nationhood are constantly shaped and interrogated—through formal and informal built environment developments—in postcolonial cities of the Global South.
... A broader discussion of this remains beyond the scope of this paper, but there is suggestive evidence in favor of this proposition. For instance, James Scott has written widely on state projects of making nature and society 'legible' through techniques such as scientific forestry and propertisation of land (Scott, 1998), and this approach has also been influential in the literature on oceanic space-making. ...
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How did the Arctic seabed become a political space despite its almost complete inaccessibility to humans? While we can explain the causes of this in geopolitical and economic terms, theorizing the process is more difficult. This article argues that spatial constructions of the Arctic seabed emerge from the interaction among human actors, technologies, and the material environment. This interaction generates representations which are then fed into the overall process of spatializing the seabed. By highlighting the role of technology, this paper offers a way of relating human agency and materiality in the construction of oceanic space. The case study of bathymetry in the ongoing disputes over the Arctic continental shelf illustrates how technological and scientific advancements are embedded into global politics and themselves cause evolutions in the spatial construction of the seabed.
... As noted by Kelly and Peluso (2015, p. 488), "large-scale land allocations have been part of, and enabled by, much longer historical trajectories of state land acquisition, control, commodification and frontier making". Indeed, for the state, as Scott (1998) argues, increasing the legibility of illegible populations (for example, through land titling, mapping, census, taxation) is crucial to asserting and strengthening its political control and legitimacy. Regarding large-scale agro-investments in Africa, scholars have showed that the state's involvement in land deals is not purely developmental or economically motivated: it is also often intertwined with the state officials' desire to strengthen their political and territorial authority over the periphery (Lavers, 2012a(Lavers, , 2012bBélair, 2018;Nalepa et al., 2017;Wolford et al., 2013;Lavers and Boamah, 2016;R. ...
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While literature on land grabbing and land formalisation respectively has literally exploded the past decade, few studies analyse the practical processes taking place at their confluence, or provide an analysis at an aggregate level. This paper is based on 27 months of in-depth empirical investigation of thirteen large-scale agro-investments across four regions in Tanzania. It explores how four key legislative acts and policies related to land formalisation and land acquisition for large-scale agro-investments unfold on the ground, their implementation and combined effects. We show that land formalisation and acquisition are intrinsically linked: the former paving the way for investment in all thirteen cases. Moreover, rather than fulfilling development policy expectations of land tenure security for smallholder farmers, employment and poverty reduction in rural Africa, we demonstrate that, in Tanzania, these combined processes rather foster village land dispossession, investors’ land acquisitions, and a (re)centralisation of land control. Therefore, we argue that the conjoint implementation of policies associated with land formalisation and land investments have adverse consequences for rural farmers whose land is formalised and then set aside for investment ultimately leading to a formalised rural land dispossession. Our unique aggregate analysis thus provides solid support to the existing critique towards the parallel implementation of land formalisation and large-scale agro-investments, and the interlinked reform of the land legislative framework, all strongly supported by global development bodies.
... Local farmer knowledge, including practices and priorities, has commonly been overlooked in extension knowledge systems (Biggs, 1990;Scott, 1998). Linear dissemination of input-oriented solutions and technologies has until recently been a dominant agricultural extension mode (Koutsouris, 2018;Leeuwis, 2004). ...
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Effective extension systems are vital to smallholder agriculture. Education on sustainable management involves complex interactions and communication flows among information providers and practitioners. Farmer practice is often overlooked within extension knowledge systems, resulting in incompatible recommendations and barriers to sustainable agriculture. This study investigates the diversity of smallholder agricultural practices, with a focus on maize-legume systems in Tanzania, including seasonal cropping patterns and management, as well as linkages to extension recommendations and information flows. We used a mixed methods approach to assess the state of extension and farmer practice around maize-legume production in Tanzania. Household and plot-level survey data (n = 220) and focus group discussions (n = 5) and extension information was ascertained through interviews with key stakeholders (n = 12) and a survey of village-based extension advisors (n = 193). We found legume management practices were highly local. In the Southern Highlands for example, farmers produced from one to three bean crops per year, using a range of planting arrangements. Further, extension recommendations often did not take into account the varieties, fertilizer or plant spacing used by farmers. This comprehensive study of extension knowledge systems in Tanzania highlights the persistent disconnects that occur at multiple levels, acting as a barrier to sustainable intensification of smallholder farming.
... Natural and social phenomena are not simply 'out there,' knowable in some objective way [18]. Instead, experts act as agents who make the natural and social world legible to policymakers [19,20,21]. By assembling physical phenomena, artifacts, practices, and ideas into seemingly coherent governance objects, experts populate the world with problems that states and IOs then act on [22,23,24]. ...
Conference Paper
While the knowledge produced by experts has been widely recognized to play a salient role in shaping policy on technological issues, the interaction between AI expertise and the evolving AI governance landscape has received little attention thus far. To address this gap, the present paper leverages insights from STS and International Relations to explore how different expert communities have constructed AI as a governance problem. More specifically, it presents the preliminary results of a qualitative frame analysis of 90 policy documents published by experts from industry, civil society, and the research community. The analysis finds that AI expertise is a highly contested field, as experts not only disagree on why AI is problematic and what policies are required, but, more fundamentally, about which artifacts, ideas, and practices make up AI in the first place. The paper proposes that the epistemic disagreements concerning AI have political consequences, as they engender protracted ontological politics that jeopardize the development of effective governance interventions. Against this background, the findings raise critical questions about the prevailing tendency of governance interventions to target the elusive and contested object 'artificial intelligence.
... Choices and strategies of visibility and obscurity depend on the context, on the authorities' ambitions and resources, and on people's available options. People in Indonesia have often aimed to strike a balance between not being governed and being dominated (Scott 2009), while still being legible to the state for its recognition (Scott 1998). This has not always been possible. ...
... The local actors during a gold rush, like Nancy Peluso's (2017) "smallholders" in Indonesian agricultural practice, also fall into politicised but non-rigid categories in which they engage in various, fluid, and interchangeable labour and social practices. This is a convincing argument that inverts (Scott, 1998) conception of a hegemonic state seeking to legitimise itself through simplified and readable plans of dominance and control. In Zimbabwe, the state is involved in daily negotiations, relations, and contests, both as an institution and, more significantly, through individuals affiliated with it. ...
Article
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Numerous studies concur that artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) has had a significant impact on Africa's livelihoods, environment, urbanisation, agriculture, and other aspects of life. Rarely acknowledged is its effect on the politics of work and labour, as well as on political actions and behaviours in general. In Zimbabwe, ASM is perhaps more connected with and has reshaped broader societal processes, human actions, and the greater political economy than in other southern African nations. This paper offers a dissection of a gold-mining rush, the common ASM occurrence and workplace in order to comprehend how the various actors in mining rush sites perceive “work” and concomitantly “labour” in contexts where the structures and strictures of production and control are informal, flexible, contingent, situational, indeterminate, and frequently evasive of state and institutional confines. How then are political subjects fashioned under such conditions? The study is based on five months of ethnographic field research conducted in the gold-rich Kwekwe District in Zimbabwe's Midlands province between 2021 and early 2022.
... More specifically, it is Mumford's claim that humans were forced to develop a myth of control, the 'Myth of the Machine', whereby, as opposed to concreteness discussed above, people in societies are cajoled, or coerced, into limiting their degrees of thermodynamic and semiotic freedom by being conscripted into playing, or being, a part in this abstract mythical machine. Scott (1998) builds on Mumford (1966) to enumerate how efforts to control via abstract concepts like the state have had negative consequences. This risks the other side of the "death state" coin: over-coherence. ...
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This paper will develop the concept of semiogenesis – a process of novel sign generation – and how instances of this process, such as agency, relate to their built environment and beyond. Section two will build on Hoffmeyer’s discussion of swarms, specifically the idea of overlapping swarms and its manifestation in the creation of termite mounds, in order to introduce three types of structure. Building upon this real-world example explored in section two, the third section will present a heuristic for semiogenesis: a neuromorphic dynamic system model grounded in information and thermodynamic theory. Through the lens of this heuristic model, the penultimate section will more rigorously characterize the similarities and differences between termite and human agency in their respective built milieus.
... First, the Thai state has simplified equivocal and unorganized parcels into formal categories of land which the state can properly control and utilize through taxation according to imposed rules and regulations. In other words, land and landowners have been governed under invented statecraft binding to the nationstate system (Scott 1998;Leonard and Narintarakul Na Ayutthaya 2003). Second, the titling program can be seen as the market-led land governance (Chiengkul 2015) in which an individual land title fully enables a landowner to sell a land as well as use land as a collateral, as needed, in a market economy (Leonard and Narintarakul Na Ayutthaya 2003;Thai Land Reform Network and Local Act 2010;Hall et al. 2011). ...
Book
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The first volume of Solidarity through Cross-Border Regionalism: Alternative Practices across Southeast Asia showcases 12 case studies that cut across various themes and contribute to an alternative vision of Southeast Asia.
... This pattern is not unique to Europe (Fletcher, 2019;Scott, 2008Scott, , 2009Scott, , 2017Sulas & Pikirayi, 2020) and the form and its benefits have continued well into contemporary times. In Europe this vision persists, kept alive in part by a widespread nostalgic view of rural life. ...
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How can we transform urban environments to encourage durability and mediate the social price of myriad risks and vulnerability? Our work here is to build a bridge from archaeology to mainstream architectural and design theory. The study of places, landscapes, and regions links the two fields. Architecture can be shaped and enhanced by the long-term cultural and geographic perspective afforded by archaeology; architecture can offer archaeology a ride into the future. We hope that our efforts are novel enough to be inspiring and connected enough to allow existing concepts to be furthered. The bridge unites three domains: material, social, and aesthetic. We look to the past to find material technologies—new engineering and conceptual solutions to an array of problems—and the past obliges with many examples. However, these technologies in their material aspects are only part of the story. The archaeologist sees them as playing a role in a system. This system, while mechanically functional, is also profoundly social: it includes administrative structures, but also innumerable other kinds of relationships—kin groups, neighborhoods, genders—that mirror the embedded relations between humans and nature. As in architecture, systems include semantics and aesthetics: not only are these forms pleasing to the eye, but they also tell stories of history and place and give identity and meaning to the lives in which they are enmeshed. This multi-functionality and multi-vocality are inherent in past systems.
... Similar to the NPP government in the early 2000s, the newly elected National Democratic Congress (NDC) government also faced identical political and financial incentives to restore the lagoon and service the loan secured for the KLERP. After the 2008 elections, the newly appointed mayor of Accra embarked on an ambitious eviction and demolishing exercise to clear the Old Fadama/Agbogbloshie area, an initiative directly aligned with the newly elected government's 'authoritarian high-modernist' (see Scott, 1998) plan to beautify the Accra cityscape. This beautification vision was also in line with the ESIS recommendations, codified into the city's Master Plan in 2002. ...
Article
This article puts the ‘communicative turn’ in planning into conversation with polycentric governance to offer three lessons for communicative and collaborative planning. These lessons probe the nexus of institutional-cultural contexts and (1) stakeholders’ agency to initiate, enter, and exit discursive arenas, (2) incentives and interactions among actors, and (3) information and power (a)symmetries within communicative-action-based planning processes. The empirical moments for these lessons are evinced using an ecological restoration planning project in a Global South context. The conceptual and empirical dialogues foreground Southern critiques of the limits of normative planning concepts, especially when they are decoupled from historically contingent asymmetric power structures and socio-economic differences within planning cultures.
... First, the Thai state has simplified equivocal and unorganized parcels into formal categories of land which the state can properly control and utilize through taxation according to imposed rules and regulations. In other words, land and landowners have been governed under invented statecraft binding to the nationstate system (Scott 1998;Leonard and Narintarakul Na Ayutthaya 2003). Second, the titling program can be seen as the market-led land governance (Chiengkul 2015) in which an individual land title fully enables a landowner to sell a land as well as use land as a collateral, as needed, in a market economy (Leonard and Narintarakul Na Ayutthaya 2003;Thai Land Reform Network and Local Act 2010;Hall et al. 2011). ...
... A broader discussion of this remains beyond the scope of this paper, but there is suggestive evidence in favor of this proposition. For instance, James Scott has written widely on state projects of making nature and society 'legible' through techniques such as scientific forestry and propertisation of land (Scott, 1998), and this approach has also been influential in the literature on oceanic space-making. Cadastral systems and cartography are essential tools of space-making and statecraft, both on land and at sea (Branch, 2011). ...
Article
How did the Arctic seabed become a political space despite its almost complete inaccessibility to humans? While we can explain the causes of this in geopolitical and economic terms, theorizing the process is more difficult. This article argues that spatial constructions of the Arctic seabed emerge from the interaction among human actors, technologies, and the material environment. This interaction generates representations which are then fed into the overall process of spatializing the seabed. By highlighting the role of technology, this paper offers a way of relating human agency and materiality in the construction of oceanic space. The case study of bathymetry in the ongoing disputes over the Arctic continental shelf illustrates how technological and scientific advancements are embedded into global politics and themselves cause evolutions in the spatial construction of the seabed.
... Inspired by critical border studies, the ways in which borders are engaged with in this book is intended to challenge their ontology and propose an alternative to 'seeing like a state' (Scott 1998). This entails a critical shift from 'borders' to notions of 'bordering practice', and the 'performance' through which bordering practices are produced and reproduced (Parker and Vaughan-Williams 2012). ...
... Another thread emphasizes that digitalized ICTs can better provide personalized information and advice. For administrative convenience [32], the agricultural extension department's traditional fertilization technology information services are often "blanket advice", almost without considering the heterogenicity of the household and the environment. The effectiveness of traditional extension approaches has been limited because of information that is not sufficiently tailored to farmers' needs [33,34], and the response to such recommendations has generally been poor [35]. ...
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The literature about how Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) influence farmers’ adoption of sustainable agricultural technology is emerging, studies regarding the effects of particular smartphone-based digital extension services on farmers’ sustainable agricultural technology practices are limited. This study investigates the relationship between a digital extension service (“Zhe’ yang’ shi” WeChat application) and the adoption of soil testing and formula fertilization, a precision fertilization technology. A household choice model is constructed to explain the impact of the application. Based on a household-level data set from a survey of 400 farmers in Zhejiang in 2022, empirical results show that the use of the “Zhe’ yang’ shi” WeChat application significantly increases the adoption of soil testing and formula fertilization. We also discuss the heterogeneous effect by different production scales. The findings enrich the literature regarding ICTs’ influence on farmers’ behavior in adopting sustainable agricultural technology. It provides a valuable example for developing countries to promote sustainable agriculture through digital technology.
... This was the accepted approach to forest management as recently as 30 years ago in several areas of the world (Arnold , 1998Wunsch and Olowu 1995). The policies that flowed from coercive control emphasized the 'scientific' exploitation of forests within a context of economic return (Richards and Tucker 1988;Scott 1998). We now know that such an approach can be ineffective in forest management, not only because of the costs involved, but because local communities will often simply not buy into the centralized state programme. ...
... In particular, we build on Skocpol et al's (1985) idea that the effectiveness of state interventions must be understood by treating the state as a group of autonomous actors with incentives. This is complemented by Scott's (1998) idea that the organizational culture of public agencies creates "state maps of legibility" of the societies that they administer (p. 3). ...
Technical Report
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This paper, "Understanding India’s self-help groups: an organisational anatomy of functionality in a district in Madhya Pradesh", presents the findings of a qualitative research study on the functioning of women’s self-help groups in one district in Madhya Pradesh.
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This chapter contributes to the literature on surveillance in education toward the development of a new branch of studies in educational surveillance that foregrounds the intersections of surveillance with international education, internationalization in higher education, and the global competition for international student enrollments. This study examines the literature on the Student Exchange Visitor Information System (SEVIS), a web-based data collection system that provides a pervasive surveillance mechanism to track the activities and locations of non-immigrant international students studying in the United States. Through a qualitative content analysis, I identified key themes evident in the literature; the findings serve as a measure of the current (though dated) state of research on SEVIS while also identifying that which is not examined or discussed in this scholarship. Often taken for granted as a background necessity for national security and labor market protection in relation to hosting international students, SEVIS is regrettably under-examined from student-centered, student affairs, and critical surveillance studies perspectives. In presenting the findings of this literature analysis, this chapter provides a research agenda for future empirical study of SEVIS and the surveillance of international students.
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Heuristics are fast and frugal rules of thumb, used to simplify complex decisions. First, the paper identifies two schools of thought in heuristics scholarship, one of positive and one of negative heuristics. Second, the paper explains why heuristics work, based on Occam's razor. Third, it outlines five steps for teasing out project leaders' tacit heuristics, illustrating each step with real-life examples. The five steps emphasize the role of Aristotelian phronesis in developing effective heuristics. Fourth, the paper gives examples of project leaders who have deliberated about their heuristics and made them explicit. Finally, the author presents his own heuristics to illustrate in detail how heuristics can work in practice to improve project leadership. Readers are encouraged to develop and improve their own heuristics, and guidance is given for how to do this.
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Un'etnografia critica incentrata sulla voce dei beneficiari del Reddito di Cittadinanza in un’area marginale, ossia sulla voce di quei soggetti che vivono in una condizione di doppia marginalità – personale e territoriale, nella società.
Article
Theory has occasionally shaped agrarian transformations. Utilitarian theory, for instance, influenced British colonial land revenue policies, while modernization theory spurred, via the Green Revolution, the development of capitalist farming across the global South. Yet scholarship, when it has probed the mediation of theory in agrarian change, has largely centred on the intellectual activities of Western figures. In this paper, I examine an under‐appreciated theorizing actor: landlords in the global South. I explore landlords' concept‐work in the former “Punjab Frontier,” a region where Baloch chiefs collaborated with the British Raj to acquire localized magisterial powers, a paramilitary apparatus, and immense “landed estates” (jagirs). To overcome various crises, certain chiefs engaged with various imperial concepts—namely, property, race, progress, contract, and freedom—and re‐arranged their estates. By showing how these elites creatively embraced these concepts to maintain a colonial‐fortified hegemony, I also challenge those who overstate the emancipatory and decolonial possibilities of theory from the South.
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Fleur Johns argues that the contraposition of a ‘bottom-up’ approach of politics of prototypical technique rather than the ‘top-down’ politics of the master plan or normative principle no longer seems as straightforwardly radical as it appeared when James C Scott posited the value of local knowledge or métis against grand plans of high modernization, just over 20 years ago. This paper seeks to follow Johns’ call, ‘to capture and probe some of the effects of sensibility, rationality or style widely reproduced in the details of development work’. It draws upon fieldwork in Nairobi to open up a discussion of a shift in sensibility from a ‘bottom-up’ or ‘postliberal’ approach to a framing of open-ended encounter. The paper critiques this imaginary of relational encounter by engaging contemporary work in critical black studies. It suggests that the problem of critique is that it reproduces the problems of governing imaginaries, continually seeking to rework the human subject via adaptive capacities, sensitivities to difference and openness to alterity, while leaving intact the coloniality of being, the antiblack world.
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This paper is an exploration of the multiple meanings that the invention of the brick – this simple artefact that has permitted the raising of complex and durable buildings – has brought to civilisation and to humans in their relationship with the world. I suggest that bricks may have brought a number of novel experiences to society, whose meanings are important for the understanding of the modern condition and its emphasis on rationalism, replicability, precision, standardisation and modularity among other principles. I also point out that bricks, along with rectangular types of packaging, are eminently liminal objects that entail a peculiar form of violence. Published in: International Political Anthropology, (2022) Vol. (15) 1, 27-35, DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6774430
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Percer une brèche dans le mur d’hostilité et d’ignorance qui entoure tout ce qui touche à la Russie au sortir de la guerre civile. Cet exercice de séduction lancé par la VOKS — la Société soviétique pour les échanges culturels avec l’étranger — en direction des intellectuels, des artistes et des scientifiques, se heurte à d’extraordinaires résistances en Suisse, comme dans la majorité des pays occidentaux, et rapidement en Union soviétique-même. Ce triptyque s’ouvre sur la mission du Dr S. J. Bagotski. Installé à Berne depuis l’été 1918 en tant que délégué de la Croix-Rouge soviétique et d’autres organisations de secours, il initie les pratiques de la diplomatie culturelle soviétique. Le livre retrace les réseaux que tisse la VOKS en Suisse. Divers acteurs locaux s’improvisent passeurs culturels : individus, sociétés d’amitié, d’étude ou d’échanges culturels avec la Russie nouvelle. Enfin, l’ouvrage présente le guide de la culture soviétique. Au-delà de l’étude des formes d’expression et des valeurs véhiculées, l’auteur reconstitue les étapes du transfert des objets culturels soviétiques, des bureaux de la machine propagandiste aux salles de lecture et de spectacle helvétiques.
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Land registration has a magnetic appeal to politicians, state officials, and practitioners. The objective of this paper is, in dialogue with the other papers of this special volume, to highlight some of the main assumptions and misconceptions on which land registration programs are often developed, the problems that they cause if not carefully implemented, and the conditions in which they can actually improve people’s lives. This paper, based on my doctoral research (2020), does not aim to be a comprehensive literature review on existing knowledge regarding land registration nor an analysis of land registration in Timor-Leste, but aims instead to highlight a number of key authors and ideas on land registration that can contribute to the dialogue about this topic in Timor-Leste.
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This article explores the Marxist-feminist critique of capitalism of the International Feminist Collective (IFC) of the1970s and its Wages for Housework (WfH) campaign. WfH theorists, including Mariarosa Dalla Costa, Selma James, Silvia Federici, Marie Mies and Claudia von Werlhof, combine Marxist and feminist perspectives to articulate a compelling critique of capitalism designed to unite the entire working class, including both waged and unwaged workers. I argue that, despite the movement’s seemingly narrower slogan, the WfH demand was an implicit argument for an unconditional, individual, and universal basic income. Like other historical precedents of contemporary basic income movements, the WfH campaign was unsuccessful in achieving its policy goal. Despite its failure, its identification of unwaged housewives as workers, its extension of the concept of the housewife to precarious workers in the globalized economy, and its identification of the strategic deficiencies of mainstream working class and feminist movements are critical to contextualizing contemporary debates on basic income and to the development of successful strategies for contemporary working class movements.
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Cartography has been, in its pre-modern and modern production of maps, influential in determining how space and territory is experienced and defined. But advancements in telecommunications and geovisualization software, along with geoinformation systems and geoinformation science (GIS), have transformed cartographic practice from a tool of dominantly state apparatus to a scientific, commercial, and humanitarian enterprise. This is exemplified in the use of remote sensing (RS) techniques to acquire, process, and visualize images of the Earth. In the last decade, RS techniques have increasingly incorporated Artificial Intelligence (e.g., Convolutional Neural Networks) to improve the speed and accuracy of feature extraction and classification in remotely sensed images. This paper will investigate the use of CNNs in the classification of deprived urban areas referred to as “slums” and “informal settlements” in the Global South. Using a postphenomenological methodology, this paper shall analyze the role of classification and use of geoinformation in shaping how deprived urban areas are algorithmically classified. This analysis will reveal that besides the technical opportunities and challenges, attention needs to be given to three ethical areas of concern: how deprived area mapping using AI impacts the agency of communities, how there is a potential lack in the democratization of these RS technologies, and how the privacy and data protection of communities being mapped is endangered.
Article
Historically, Latvia has been integrated into several (multi‐) national state formations that have shaped agricultural practices. Beginning in 1991, newly independent Latvia reintroduced a family farming model and prepared to join the European Union. The ability of small farmers to adapt to and implement the new EU regulations that support farming either as efficient food production or alternatively as cultural landscaping has been contingent upon many socio‐economic and cultural factors. Today, most family farmers have only reluctantly formalized their practices to satisfy the requirements of the EU, while others have readily embraced the current discourses, policies, and laws to strategically access agricultural funds and scale up operations. We discuss these agricultural tensions by contrasting two forms of selective formalization: the reluctant “projectification” of a subsistence farm by founding a cultural NGO vs. the strategic founding of an “entrepreneurial” cooperative of sea buckthorn producers to access transnational markets and development subsidies.
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Models of global governance abound: expert governance, networked governance, algorithmic governance, and old-fashioned juridico-political governance vie for explanatory power. This article takes up style as a way of analysing configurations of governance that do not readily fit a particular model of governance. Style is particularly revealing when it comes to deliberately unspecified or over-specified, genre-busting, and bet-hedging ways of imagining governance. The UN’s use of the phrase ‘convening power’ is a case in point. This article looks at how the UN has styled itself as a convening power in the area of counter-terrorism governance. A visual analysis of promotional materials for the UN’s Counter-Terrorism Week suggests that the UN’s self-styling as a convening power is shaped by anxieties as well as aspirations.
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Neste ensaio busco delinear pontos de contato entre teorias e modelos do Estado e de análise de políticas públicas, no âmbito da Ciência Política, e uma concepção contextualista sobre o comportamento humano, no campo da Psicologia. A princípio são apresentadas a concepção contextualista e o conceito de agência de controle, esse visto como esforço oriundo dessa concepção para a investigação das dimensões societais e institucionais do comportamento; trata-se aqui de uma tentativa de aproximação com modelos teóricos sobre o Estado. Em seguida, a partir de literatura de referência são apresentados alguns dos principais modelos teóricos de análise de políticas públicas no campo da Ciência Política. Por fim, são destacadas convergências e divergências típicas de uma empreitada como essa, na expectativa de sinalizar caminhos para estimular o diálogo entre os campos do conhecimento interessados na política, nas políticas e no comportamento de atores políticos.
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Background Sustainable transport is fundamental to progress in realising the agenda of sustainable development, as a quarter of energy-related global greenhouse gas emissions come from the transport sector. In developing countries, metropolitan areas have adopted the agenda to better serve the urban population with safe, affordable, and environmentally-friendly transport systems. However, this drive must include relevant indicators and how their operationalisation can deal with institutional barriers, such as challenges to cross-sectoral coordination. Objective This study aims to explore context-specific indicators for developing countries, focusing on the case of the Jakarta metropolitan area. Methods Expert judgement was used to assess the selection criteria. The participants were experts from government institutions, non-government organisations, and universities. Results The findings show that safety, public transport quality, transport cost, air pollution, and accessibility are contextual indicators for application in developing countries. Similarities are shown with the research results from other indexes/sets of indicators for developing countries, for example, the Sustainable Urban Transport Index (SUTI) of UN ESCAP. However, some of these indicators leave room for improvement, such as the balance between strategic and operational levels of application. Conclusion Therefore, this research suggests that global sets of indicators should be adjusted before being implemented in particular developing country contexts.
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In the 1980s, criticisms of radical conservation methods led to the emergence of community-based approaches to conservation. This policy reset by conservation institutions, states and researchers was based on the principle of devolving management rights to "communities". Drawing on a cross-reading of this strategy within two community management programmes, in Nepal (ACAP) and in Zimbabwe (CAMPFIRE), this article seeks to explain how it was conceived in the context of the methodological framework developed by the School of the Commons, but also to show how such "communities" enable individuals and groups to become part of local power networks renegotiated around development and conservation. At the same time, the article seeks to understand how these public policies, although operating through different forms of territorial control exercised by the central government, sustain the advance of two ecological fronts that contribute to the redeployment of that control.
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Dans les années 1980, les critiques des perspectives radicales de protection de la nature ont fait émerger des approches de conservation communautaire. Cette redéfinition des politiques par les institutions de conservation, les États et les chercheur·euse·s s’est appuyée sur des processus de décentralisation des droits de gestion au profit de « communautés ». À partir d’une lecture croisée de cette catégorie au sein de deux programmes de gestion communautaire au Népal (ACAP) et au Zimbabwe (CAMPFIRE), cet article a pour but d’expliciter la façon dont elle a été pensée dans le contexte de diffusion du cadre méthodologique de l’école des Communs, mais aussi de montrer comment cette « communauté » permet à des individus et à des collectifs de s’insérer dans des réseaux de pouvoir locaux renégociés autour du développement et de la conservation. Dans le même temps, il vise à saisir la façon dont ces politiques publiques, même si elles n’interviennent pas sur les mêmes formes de contrôle du territoire par l’État, contribuent à la progression de deux fronts écologiques qui servent à son redéploiement.
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Amidst an unprecedented swell in global protest, scholars and activists wrestle with the question of why protests succeed or fail. I explore a new answer: more cohesive crowds, where protesters agree on their demands, are more likely to win concessions than less cohesive crowds. Drawing on psychology and linguistics, I theorize that cohesive demands are more comprehensible and thus persuasive. I test this theory with a multimethod approach. First, I use cross‐national data from 97 protests to estimate the relationship between crowd cohesion and subsequent concessions, applying natural language processing to measure cohesion in participants’ self‐reported motivations. Second, a survey experiment in South Africa tests the causal effects of crowd cohesion and assesses comprehensibility of demands as the mechanism driving concessions. Third, case studies of two British protests demonstrate the theory in real‐world settings. My findings suggest that activists can improve their odds of success by coordinating around a common goal.
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