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From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000

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... An example illustrating the pertinence of this issue is discerned in the perspectives of eminent intellectuals in Singapore concerning social change within their nation. Lee Kuan Yew (2000), who led Singapore's government until 1990, orchestrated societal dynamics for three decades, resulting in what was referred to as the Singaporean "economic miracle." In his publication "From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965-2000," Lee Kuan Yew (2000 delineates the intricate trajectory traversed by Singaporean society encompassing socio-economic, political, and cultural transformations that culminated in its prosperity. ...
... Lee Kuan Yew (2000), who led Singapore's government until 1990, orchestrated societal dynamics for three decades, resulting in what was referred to as the Singaporean "economic miracle." In his publication "From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965-2000," Lee Kuan Yew (2000 delineates the intricate trajectory traversed by Singaporean society encompassing socio-economic, political, and cultural transformations that culminated in its prosperity. The author identifies several challenges encountered by Singapore post-independence: 1) external national security -seeking recognition as an independent state and acquiring UN membership; 2) internal national security -safeguarding civil order; 3) a pivotal economic challenge -ensuring a respectable standard of living for the populace. ...
... Guided by these realities, Lee Kuan Yew arrives at a significant realization that for a city-country positioned on one of Southeast Asia's myriad islands, the conventional path is untenable. At any cost, Singapore had to evolve into a unified, formidable nation capable of adeptly adapting to transformations -a nation that could effectively address the very quandaries others aimed to outperform them in (Yew, 2000). ...
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The significance of the issue lies in the observation that the experience of implementing neoliberal market reforms during the 1990s in Ukraine reveals that disregarding the contributions of Ukrainian scholars led to detrimental consequences for socio-economic transformations. This study focuses on the theories of social change developed by Ukrainian scholars. The aim of this article is to consolidate and structure the concepts put forth by Ukrainian scholars that contribute to the theory of social change within post-Soviet Ukrainian society. The methodology employed to examine the theory of social change in the context of post-Soviet Ukrainian society encompasses systematic, logical, historical, dialectical, and civilizational approaches and techniques. The findings of the research indicate that the theory of social change necessitates an interdisciplinary methodology. The primary criterion for evaluating the nature of social change is its orientation toward upholding societal cohesion. The emergence of crisis phenomena that present challenges to society serves as an indicator of social change. An essential element in understanding social change is an awareness of the socio-cultural distinctiveness of a given society. Effective management of social processes relies on the integration of theoretical principles with practical applications. Several domains have emerged in the evolution of the theory of social change within post-Soviet Ukrainian society, including economic, demographic, civilizational, political, and security-oriented aspects. An analysis of indigenous concepts of social change within post-Soviet Ukrainian society highlights certain characteristics. Ukrainian social researchers consistently grapple with the task of constructing a comprehensive perspective on Ukrainian society. Amidst the multitude of social changes, a central issue pertaining to various concepts of social change has gradually arisen—the examination of the trajectory that society follows. Notably, a significant portion of scholars, predominantly economists, have regarded the economy as the primary determinant shaping the nature of social change. The practical significance of these findings resides in the synthesis and organization of the concepts formulated by Ukrainian scholars, which contribute to the framework of the theory of social change in the context of post-Soviet Ukrainian society.
... Rata-rata juga penulisan membincangkan topik ini dalam konteks gagasan Malaysia yang menjadi sebahagian dari bab dalam buku seperti Esa (2020), , Adam (2004), Andaya (1984) dan Ongkili (1985). Perihal yang menarik seperti Lee Kuan Yew (1998Yew ( & 2000 turut menulis sendiri pengalamannya ketika proses pembentukan Malaysia. Sementara Esa & Ationg (2020) telah membincangkan isu dan cabaran Singapura ketika dalam Persekutuan Malaysia sehingga penyingkiran pulau Singa ini pada tahun 1965. ...
... Rata-rata juga penulisan membincangkan topik ini dalam konteks gagasan Malaysia yang menjadi sebahagian dari bab dalam buku seperti Esa (2020), , Adam (2004), Andaya (1984) dan Ongkili (1985). Perihal yang menarik seperti Lee Kuan Yew (1998Yew ( & 2000 turut menulis sendiri pengalamannya ketika proses pembentukan Malaysia. Sementara Esa & Ationg (2020) telah membincangkan isu dan cabaran Singapura ketika dalam Persekutuan Malaysia sehingga penyingkiran pulau Singa ini pada tahun 1965. ...
... Antara mereka yang mengiringi Tun Abdul Razak ialah Tan Siew Sen (Menteri Kewangan), Cecil Sheridan (Timbalan Menteri Perdagangan) dan Aziz Yope (Peguam Negara). Rundingan ini diadakan atas jemputan kerajaan British yang mahu melihat perisytiharan Malaysia dapat dilakukan pada 31 Ogos 1963 (Esa, 2011, Paridah, 1998 Rundingan ini berlangsung selama hampir 13 jam dengan dua kali pertemuan; Pertemuan terakhir berlangsung semalaman yang menyaksikan 'tekanan' kepada kedua-dua belah pihak untuk mencapai kata putus (Yew, 1998;Yew, 2000a). Menurut Lee Kuan Yew, beliau telah membuat persiapan rapi sebelum menghadiri mesyuarat tersebut, termasuklah membawa bekalan makanan (roti sandwic) yang mencukupi untuknya. ...
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After independence, the leaders of the Federation of Malaya government paid attention towards the realization of the idea of Malaysia. The leader of the federal government was led by the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman-Tun Abdul Razak. The idea involved three regions, namely the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. However, efforts to realize the idea raise several issues that need to be addressed by the leaders of the Federation of Malaya government in a wise and wise manner. The issues also involved all the regions or states involved, including Singapore. Thus, this paper will discuss the role played by the leaders of the Federation of Malaya government in addressing the Singapore issue to resolve the turmoil so that this idea can be implemented successfully. The approach in this study is qualitative by using historical disciplines based on primary and secondary sources. The study period began from May 1961 to September 1963 as this period had great significance in the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. The findings found that there were several issues involving Singapore such as British colonial strategic interests, addressing Communist threats, political problems and racial composition. Nevertheless, the issues faced were successfully resolved when Singapore became part of the Federation of Malaysia which was declared on 16 September 1963.
... These methods allowed Singapore to rank as the least corrupt country in Asia with a score of 9.18, ahead of Hong Kong, Japan, and Taiwan. Transparency International (based in Berlin) placed Singapore in seventh place worldwide in 1998 for the absence of corruption (Yew 2000). ...
... The first step was amending outdated laws to ensure that the judicial body laid out no room for compromise or bending of the law; Yew (2000) writes of how the PAP government altered the archaic 1937 anti-corruption law and widened the definition of gratuity to include anything of value to ensure the integrity of public servants. The PAP government incremented the maximum fine for corruption from S$10,000 to S$100,000 and giving false or misleading information to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was made an offence subject to imprisonment and a fine of up to S$10,000 (Yew 2000). ...
... The first step was amending outdated laws to ensure that the judicial body laid out no room for compromise or bending of the law; Yew (2000) writes of how the PAP government altered the archaic 1937 anti-corruption law and widened the definition of gratuity to include anything of value to ensure the integrity of public servants. The PAP government incremented the maximum fine for corruption from S$10,000 to S$100,000 and giving false or misleading information to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was made an offence subject to imprisonment and a fine of up to S$10,000 (Yew 2000). The laws created even provided for instances when the government was noncompliant, thus placing the law above legislators; the CPIB's independence of action was guaranteed by the Constitution, with provision for the elected President of Singapore to open the doors for the investigation to proceed should the government of the day block CPIB (Hin 2011). ...
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Prior to the covid-19 pandemic, Uganda was growing steadily, with a GDP growth of 7.5 per cent in 2019 (World Bank 2020). However, the consistent growth has not changed the economic conditions of the people. There comes a time when African scholars must look past the common remedy which suggests only improving governance will stimulate further economic development; they must address the real issues hampering further economic development. How can Uganda ensure that economic development is increased by the Government to a point where it reflects in the life of the everyday Ugandan? In this essay, I will discuss the necessary steps Uganda must take to increase economic development to promote the economy's and its participants' economic well-being.
... At the same time, Singapore's quite spectacular trajectory from third world to first (Lee 2000) under PAP rule has involved 'law for development ' (Harding & Carter 2003: 191), with sustained economic growth and social stability. For the PAP, the delivery of prosperity has been its primary legitimising imprimatur (Low 1998;Tan 1999;Austin 2008) but, and this is an important qualification, the careful adherence to strategically selected facets of 'rule of law' has been an important partner to prosperity in the PAP's construction of its legitimacy (Rajah 2012). ...
... Singapore's formative decades have been strongly directed at the project of a reformative 'cleaning' in one way or another. The project of nation-making has been enmeshed with the project of becoming and staying 'clean' from the ideological pillar of clean, corruption-free government (Lee 2000;Quah 2009), to major infrastructural programmes like public health and housing, 9 to the programmatic socialisation of the citizenry through public campaigns (the Keep Singapore Clean Campaign, the anti-spitting campaign, the Courtesy Campaign). ...
Article
One of the funny things about living in the United States is that people say to me: ‘Singapore? Isn’t that where they flog you for chewing gum?’ – and I am always tempted to say yes. This question reveals what sticks in the popular US cultural imaginary about tiny, faraway Singapore. It is based on two events: first, in 1992, the sale of chewing gum was banned (Sale of Food [Prohibition of Chewing Gum] Regulations 1992), and second, in 1994, 18 year-old US citizen, Michael Fay, convicted of vandalism for having spray-painted some cars was sentenced to six strokes of the cane (Michael Peter Fay v Public Prosecutor).1 If Singapore already had a reputation for being a nanny state, then these two events simultaneously sharpened that reputation and confused the stories into the composite image through which Americans situate Singaporeans.
... Extant ancient and recent history records show how purposeful leadership can transform fortunes for the better. One example comes to mind: Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew (2012). It was not the prayer points of Singapore citizens that achieved this feat, but rather their collective commitment to electing their leaders. ...
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Background: Prayer and political participation are two important elements of the Christian faith and the state. However, the importance of prayer in democracy-building is one that is widely misconstrued among Christians in Nigeria. Lack of adequate knowledge of the role of prayer and political participation often generates false traditional conceptions that undermine democracy-building through collective political participation.Objectives: The study aims to clarify the misconceptions surrounding the role of prayer in democracy building and to awaken the consciousness of Christians to their civic responsibilities. It also seeks to highlight the importance of prayer and political participation for the consolidation and growth of democracy in Nigeria.Method: Descriptive and analytical methods are employed in the study. Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s paradigm on prayer and protest formed the theoretical framework.Results: The study reveals that while prayer is important, it cannot replace the role of active political participation in electioneering and other civic responsibilities.Conclusion: Active participation in political processes and related civic duties in addition to prayer is crucial for democracy building and sustenance in Nigeria.Contribution: This study adds novel insights by addressing the misconceptions surrounding the role of prayer and political participation in democracy building among Christians in Nigeria.
... However, then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and his government took it as a challenge to start a new chapter in the Singapore story. He later wrote about how this crisis galvanized the government and the people to come together, and over time propelled Singapore from the third world to the first [2]. ...
... 13 Elections reveal the PAP's popularity to the public, but are not used to signal its strength. The PAP's success has been attributed to its ability to deliver economic growth, maintain political stability, and effectively manage the city-state (Tan, 2007;Huff, 1997;Yew, 2012;Wong and Huang, 2010;Morgenbesser, 2017). Over the years, the PAP's share of the popular vote has fluctuated, reflecting changes in public sentiment. ...
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Authoritarian regimes adopt ostensibly democratic institutions for undemocratic purposes. Existing research emphasizes five different functions of elections under authoritarianism, driven by idiosyncratic assumptions about the type of dictator and the structure of information. In this paper, we connect the different functions through a three-actor “game-free” model where all aspects of the regime are determined endogenously, assuming only that elections can reveal new information. Signaling, information acquisition, power-sharing, cooptation, and peaceful exit all emerge as special cases in our model. The framework also integrates the two goals of authoritarian power-sharing with other elites and authoritarian control of citizens. We illustrate the model with examples of elections and non-elections in Brunei, Singapore, USSR, Romania, Mexico, and Benin.
... 145 Apart from that, no senior government official or politician has been prosecuted for their involvement in the two scandals. 146 150 It is submitted in this paper that Tanzania has not attained that level of anti-corruption determination. The late President Magufuli was determined to fight corruption and maladministration at all government levels. ...
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Tanzania is rapidly expanding its energy sector through several projects, including the development of natural gas fields and construction of power plants. Policy wise, the energy sector is considered as an enabling sector that will transform Tanzania's economy by facilitating manufacturing, transportation, trade, and social and economic activities. However, as prospects of benefitting from the energy sector increase, so do the challenges of managing it. Corruption is among the critical challenges of energy governance globally, especially in developing countries like Tanzania. This paper examines two corruption scandals in Tanzania's energy sector, namely the Richmond and IPTL/Escrow scandals, to illustrate how the government handled them, and to discuss their implications for its anti-corruption strategy. Analysis and discussion are based on the documentary review of official reports, press reports and scholarly publications. There are three main findings in this paper. First, the mismanagement of procurement procedures is a corruption hideout which can have corrosive impacts on energy projects. Secondly, the ineffective response from the anti-corruption agency to corruption scandals spoils anti-corruption efforts. Thirdly, the limited prosecution of individuals implicated in grand corruption scandals undermines the seriousness to fighting this evil. Accordingly, this paper recommends the implementation of strong checks and balances in procurement and prohibiting retrospective consent to the assignment of contractual rights and obligations in energy projects. Further recommendations include the adoption of strategies to enhance public participation in anti-corruption work, ensuring the serious investigation and prosecution of individuals implicated in corruption, and enforcing severe sanctions to deter corrupt behaviour.
... Fourthly, the inclination to perceive the management of common areas/common properties through a commodified lens (akin to goods-based transactions within a capitalist framework) necessitates an alternative approach emphasising self-help over market dependency (Berry, 2013;Choe & Yun, 2017;Euler, 2018). Lastly, a scarcity of support from external stakeholders (e.g. government support) exacerbates the plight faced by residents (Lee, 2000;Woolcock, 1998). The task of self-organising common areas and properties within low-cost housing indeed presents a complex challenge (Vergara et al., 2019) as it requires local management's technical, sociocultural, and organisational competencies. ...
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There are perennial challenges facing the self-organisation (collective action) of low-cost (social) housing, particularly socioeconomic constraints, complexity in management, and insufficient stakeholder support. Despite numerous housing research focusing on the physical and institutional aspects to address the collective action dilemmas, detailed analyses of the roles of social capital are relatively few. Thus, this review attempts to elucidate and synthesize significant insights utilising Schwitter's social capital framework, focusing on factors conducive to the effective self-organisation of low-cost housing communities. To this end, the review process adhered to Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) guidelines, where twenty-eight (28) studies were ultimately selected for in-depth analysis. The review suggested that social capital, primarily discussed at two levels (individual and community) encompassing social networks, trustworthiness, and obligations, the collective impact of system control, system trust, and system morality, plays a role in overcoming poverty, overcoming passivity due to individual apathy, assisting local management in rules enforcement, cultivating social relations to transcend market-oriented organisation, and fostering collaboration with external stakeholders in community development. Apart from conceptualising social capital theories in low-cost housing, the findings offer policy insights and practical strategies to policy-makers and local communities.
... The was held at Changi Naval Base in Singapore on 2 and 3 August, and the actual exercise consisted of three parts: port and shore activities, maritime exercises and exercise summaries. The smooth holding of the China-ASEAN maritime exercise was due to two reasons: First, the current situation in the South China Sea has generally stabilized and improved, ASEAN countries have become more active in cooperation with China, especially Vietnam, the Philippines and other claimant countries have adjusted their policies in the South China Sea and returned to the track of dialogue, consultation and cooperation with China, which has created a good atmosphere for the exercise to be carried out.[6] Second, with the development and changes of the situation in the South China Sea, China and ASEAN countries have actively explored promoting confidence-building measures in the South China Sea in recent years to manage differences, avoid miscalculations and prevent crises.4.2. ...
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Since China put forward the "Maritime community with a shared future" initiative, it gradually strengths national strategic planning and layout in the field of maritime security. The large area of maritime contiguity shared by China and the ASEAN countries calls for the close partnership in each others maritime security cooperation. This thesis mainly aims to study how maritime security cooperation between China and ASEAN countries can be carried out under the "Maritime community with a shared future" initiative, what obstacles exist, and how to optimize cooperation plans in the future. On the basis of existing case studies of maritime security cooperation between China and ASEAN countries, the research firstly summarized the trends of maritime security cooperation between the two sides, and then confirmed that the establishment of "Maritime community with a shared future" initiative has led maritime security cooperation between China and ASEAN into a new age, especially in the in-depth cooperation in the field of traditional maritime security and the expansion of cooperation in the field of non-traditional maritime security. The results are of great practical significance: they are conducive to deepening the maritime security interaction between China and ASEAN countries, as well as stabilizing the security environment in Southeast Asian seas.
... For example, Cape Town may need better vertical institutional alignment and horizontal coordination, where governance considers local resource concerns (LaVanchy et al. 2019;Cole et al. 2021) and collaboration occurs across organizations at the same institutional level. In contrast, Singapore may need to consider the responses of society in its future planning (Tortajada and Wong 2018), as generations who do not remember the 'old Singapore' become dominant (Lee 2000). Phoenix may need more engagement by the energy sector for greater collaboration across all three WEF nexus sectors (Jones and White 2021). ...
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Water–energy–food (WEF) nexus governance provides a framework for integrating across resource systems. However, there has been limited examination of WEF nexus governance in practice and a need for comparison of different WEF nexus governance systems. Thus, this study seeks to understand the institutional structure of WEF nexus governance in practice to create cross-cutting themes of the structures that lend themselves towards integrated WEF nexus governance. We conducted an institutional analysis of a multi-case study using interviews and document analysis for three cities: Phoenix, Cape Town, and Singapore. Institutional analysis allows us to examine the multiple levels of governance between water, energy, and food actors in the cities. The results of our study show that WEF nexus governance is limited in practice, but still present. However, the specific structure of this WEF nexus governance is different for each individual city. We identify three cross-cutting themes for WEF nexus governance that may be helpful for nexus governance in practice: horizontal coordination within institutional levels, overcoming challenges of scalar fit for coordination across WEF nexus sectors, and the contribution of bottom-up participation for fully integrated WEF nexus governance.
... However, the political leadership of Singapore, and specifically the then PM Lee Kuan Yew, considered this problematic. While Lee shared his amazement over the free medical care that the NHS offered in his time as a law undergraduate at Cambridge University (K.Y. , he held a pessimistic view of human nature and behaviour, and firmly believed that Singaporeans would abuse the system of free healthcare and welfarism from the state (K.Y. Lee, 2000). ...
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This article uses a process‐tracing approach to understand changes in Singapore's health sector from the start of self‐rule in 1959 to the end of the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2022. Singapore is a developmental state recognized for its effective management of healthcare costs and its lack of political freedom. In both respects, the ‘Singapore model’ is of interest to other cities and nations. The standard narrative is one of technocratic proficiency in a context in which civic freedoms are heavily constrained, but this article identifies the surprisingly important role of social voices at key moments. It finds episodes in which effective changes to social policies are not the product of a state embedded in an organized society, but rather are influenced by the independent organizational capacity of certain social groups providing inputs to state elites on social grievances and policy needs. Effective policy changes require a responsive state elite that — even if it is technocratically dominated, as is the case in Singapore — can listen to social claims and provide answers that are not repressive. The article conceptualizes these dynamics as ‘grievance politics’ and shows their role in explaining health reforms. It contributes to understanding global health systems and policy making in developmental states by a fruitful cross‐fertilization with social movement studies.
... The idea of implementing bilingualism or multilingualism has seems to form an ideal picture to the nation that they will be able to maintain and preserve their identity and at the same time learning a language which enables them to target a wider market (Lee 2000). ...
Conference Paper
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This paper will describe the language policies and the impact of the policies on language learning and teaching in three selected ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries-Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. As these three ASEAN countries are formed by multiracial and multilingual communities, therefore a range of factors such as complex linguistic and cultural factors are involve in language policies planning and implementation. The language policies towards minority languages in Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei are examined and the renewal efforts of these countries are also discussed. Language implementation in these countries shows how the learning of minority languages can take place in three different communities that shared the same national language which is Malay. The findings indicate that many language policies that have been implemented in these country are mainly affected by the world development or the effect of globalization and reality still potray that there are numerous side effects followed by the changes of policy and syllabus.
... This nostalgia laments the relocation of the vast majority of kampung residents into high-rise public housing blocks from the 1960s to 1980s, during which these communal values were seen to have been lost (Chua, 1997;Gonzaga, 2019). Such understandings of kampung life counter the state narrative that these relocations were a foundational part of Singapore's social progress by eliminating the unsanitary and impoverished environments of many kampungs, and replacing them with urban public housing (called 'HDB flats' in local terminology) that provided modern facilities for sanitation, electricity, and water (Lee, 2000). Hence, HDB flats and the kampungs that used to stand in their place can be understood as memory sites in Nora's (1989) sense, where place memories and meanings are contested. ...
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This paper explores how some older residents in B Town, a residential estate in northern Singapore, engage in community building through their ‘serious leisure’ and ‘devotee work’ participation in a resident landscaper program. Using data from ethnographic fieldwork conducted from February to November 2020 with participants aged from 60 to 81, I analyze how they built connections with each other, and the wider B Town community, through their participation. Particularly, I examine how the shared identity marker of being former farmers in now-evicted kampungs (villages) before the 1980s drew them together, and informed their continued involvement as resident landscapers. The ‘kampung spirit’ that they built up through the program enabled the construction of not only social connections, but also exclusionary mechanisms that prevented more older adults from engaging in the activities. These findings highlight participants’ agency, and complicate static and/or monolithic conceptualizations of ‘aging in place/the community’ and ‘active aging’.
... This shows that the teaching profession receives a contextual meaning. Singapore's first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew's (2000) 729-page classic piece, "From Third World to First World: The Singapore Story from 1965-2000" fundamentally explains that Singapore's success story stems from the Singaporeans' shared familiarity with policy concepts and goals that enabled them to be clear, coherent, committed, and focused in pursuit of such goals. Lipschitz (2016), another beneficiary, has the following to say about Singapore's story: ...
Article
This conceptual article argues for a co-owned contextual interpretation of the concept of quality education to create communal familiarity, co-agency and coherent communication necessary for its institutionalisation. The article analysed education policy documents including the current 2018-2030 education strategic plan which provides a blueprint for the development of education. The analysis revealed that quality education is an important policy concept that enjoys rhetoric. The 2018-2030 education strategic plan canonises quality education for its potential to equip Ghanaians adequately to meet the needs of the twenty-first century. However, quality education has failed to receive context-based conceptualisation perhaps because of the complex nature of the phrase. Drawing from Wittgenstein’s (1953) warning against imprecise use of language, the article argues for a co-owned contextual interpretation of quality education to facilitate its successful implementation in Ghana. The article then shares how the Leadership for learning and the Singapore triad models of interpreting and applying policy concepts can benefit communal familiarity and application of policy concepts. The Ministry of Education should organise workshops for stakeholders to provide a co-owned interpretation of quality education, draw an action plan and educate the Ghanaian citizenry to understand and align their efforts towards its achievement.
... Medical infrastructure that could monitor infectious diseases and survey the population was part of what Lee called Singapore's 'Third World to First' transformation. 52 Western observers have criticised Singapore for its illiberal government in contrast to its openness to foreign capital and labour. 53 But the medico-technocratic achievements in the post-1965 period were remarkable. ...
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War Memorialization and Nation-Building in Twentieth-Century Southeast Asia explores how three Southeast Asian countries—the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore—have utilized war memorialization in their nation-building efforts. Set against the backdrop of colonialism, world wars, independence struggles, and the Cold War, the book interrogates how these nations’ war experiences have shaped national myths and legitimized state narratives. Examining the role of state-sponsored monuments and memorials in these countries, the author sheds light on their impact on national identity formation, state legitimacy, and citizen unity. Through these three distinct case studies, the book highlights the complexity and diversity of memorialization practices within the region, their intersections with state agendas, and the international context that backdropped the region’s nation-building projects. Utilizing war monuments and memorials as its primary data source, the author explains the temporal dynamics of peace and conflict and the significance of tangible history in these nations. He critically examines the transition from heroic to victimhood narratives in war memorialization and its implications for memory cultures and societies at large. A unique study of the commemoration of war experiences in Southeast Asia, this book offers a nuanced understanding of how war memories and memorialization practices have shaped, and continue to influence, Southeast Asia’s political and social landscapes through the cases of the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore. It will be of interest to researchers studying Southeast Asian Studies, History, and International Relations.
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In this chapter, we attempt to connect the dots to the discussion that precedes this volume and refer to some relevant water, energy, and food (WEF) nexus contexts that are not adequately covered in this volume, such as issues of privatization and overconsumption. This chapter is presented from a perspective of what needs to be done in the context of the problems analysed in relation to WEF. In relation to WEF security, future scenarios and solutions are discussed focusing on technical innovations, such as remote sensing and artificial intelligence (AI). The chapter concludes with the message that not only competence, technology, and skills but also attitudinal changes and shifts are essential for sustainable futures. The collaborative synergies among education, political will, and technical innovation under the framework of WEF nexus security will be essential to achieve healthy citizens, peaceful societies, and a healthier planet.
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The author attempts to substantiate the hypothesis that Singapore, during the years of Lee Kuan Yew’s tenure as Prime Minister (1965-1990), pursued a pragmatic foreign policy course that was innovative for a small power. It was based on a hedging strategy in interaction with the United States, Singapore’s major partner, and maintaining equidistant relations with others important states in the region and around the globe. This politics also allowed Singapore to enter the XXI century with notable diplomatic achievements, the most important of which was an ability to maintain very close relations with both Washington and Beijing. As the geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific region becomes more complex, the Singaporean leadership, despite continuing attempts to preserve foreign policy balance between its main partners, appears to be gradually moving towards alignment with Washington contrary to the principles of multi-vector foreign policy laid down by its Founding Father. Thus, Singapore, which at one time set a trend towards greater independence in foreign policy in spite of physical limitations, in the current realities, on the contrary, prefers a more traditional behavioral model for a smaller power in dealing with bigger counterparts.
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The article offers a retrospective analysis of S. Huntington’s concept of the clash of civilizations, examining the scholar’s predictions concerning the development scenarios of Russian-Ukrainian relations of the post-Soviet period in the context of wars along the fault lines between civilizations. It characterizes the structure of civilizations, patterns of intercivilizational interaction, and specifics of the identity crisis manifestations in cleft and torn countries. The paper concludes that the predicted conflicting scenario of Russian-Ukrainian relations caused by the confrontation between Western and Orthodox (in S. Huntington's terminology) civilizations is coming true. In the civilizational context, the article explores approaches to deterring Russia, reflected in the documents of RAND Corporation analysts and a lecture by CIA Director W. Burns, delivered at the Ditchley Foundation. Considering Huntington’s provisions about the core role of the Russian state for the Orthodox civilization, as well as the centuries-old tear of identity and public consciousness of Russia, the author believes that the most important task of the state identity politics is nationalizing the Russian elite, overcoming the ideological gap between the nationally-oriented "deep people" and the Western-centric elite groups.
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The article reviews the monograph "Singapore: Economic History" by Mariya G. Osipova, research fellow of the Centre for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The author has managed to show consistently, step by step, the economic development of Singapore during two centuries, disclose both objective and subjective circumstances that led to the transformation of Singapore from a British colony into an innovative and financial hub of the world. At the same time, M.G. Osipova can be called a pioneer in the study of Singapore's economic development in the post-Soviet academic space. It is noted that the value of the monograph is not only to disclose the mechanism of rapid economic growth of Singapore in a short historical period, but also to conclude that the main secret of its "economic miracle" is the creation of a unique national economic model, based on the careful consideration of specific historical conditions of development of Singapore society, its national, religious and cultural characteristics.
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This article investigates the relationship between the quality of political and economic institutions and economic growth. The study aims to empirically test the hypothesis of an interdependence between institutional quality and GDP growth rates following the global economic crisis of 2008 2009. The analysis focuses on the period of stable global economic growth from 2010 to 2018, with the upper boundary set at the onset of the COVID 19 crisis. To assess the quality of political institutions, each country’s average ’’Democracy Index’’ ranking over the nine-year period is used. Economic institutional quality is measured via the country’s average position in the ‘’Ease of Doing Business Index’’ over the same timeframe. Economic growth rates are determined by calculating the average ranking of countries over nine years according to World Bank data. Correlation analysis reveals that, in the post-crisis period, countries with lower positions in both indexes experienced the highest growth rates, while those leading in these rankings displayed comparatively lower economic growth. These observed differences may be attributable to the low-base effect in some rapidly growing countries and the effective economic policies of their elites. In contrast, the case of Russia highlights a unique pattern, where a low «Democracy Index» position correlates with a low economic growth rate, and a relatively favorable «Ease of Doing Business Index» position corresponds to lower growth – a paradox that may be explained by the severe negative impacts of the global economic crisis, anti-Russian sanctions, and ineffective economic policy. The findings underscore the need to further develop research methodologies at the intersection of political science and economics to deepen our understanding of the relationship between institutional quality across different sectors and macroeconomic performance dynamics.
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This chapter offers a comparative analysis of Chinese schools in two Southeast Asian nations, those of Brunei Darussalam and Singapore. These small sovereign nations share a special relationship that is reflected, among others, in their currency peg agreement that reinforces their friendly and close cooperation. While their economic exchanges are well-documented, this chapter focuses on the cultural aspects of Chinese language education in both nations. Chinese schools’ motivations, appeal and outreach to the national populations have yet to be examined across these two nation-states. Considering China’s global rise, the growing influence of Mandarin Chinese can also be witnessed across these Southeast Asian nations. In comparing and contrasting the case studies of Brunei Darussalam and Singapore, this chapter discusses the educational choices of parents and students, language policies that shape and inform their choices, and Chinese schools’ relevance to them. Using interview data, policy papers and analyses of public discourses, multiple factors and key indicators that contribute to an increasing relevance of Chinese schools in Brunei Darussalam are highlighted. In contrast, challenges to the relevance of Singapore’s Chinese-medium schools, largely Special Assistance Plan Schools, are foregrounded. Ultimately, critical insights into teaching for the global rise of Chinese language are provided.
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Although there is evidence that Singapore has been utilising social design and its principles to tackle social issues via national campaigns, the extent to which they are used, as well as their social acceptance are still primarily unknown. This study will address the issue of whether planned national campaigns in Singapore take place in an environment where “conditions of success” as outlined by Lazarsfeld and Merton’s classic study of Monopolisation, Canalisation and Supplementation (M-C-S) are well met. For the purpose of investigation, this study has a three-pronged approach; It looks at the message, then at the messenger, then its intended audience. First, case studies of national campaigns crafted in Singapore were studied to see if they fulfilled conditions of success required for effecting behaviour change. Second, semi-structured interviews with the crafters of the message, ranging from industry practitioners to policy makers, were conducted to determine campaign methodology, rationale and social acceptance. Mini focus group discussions were also conducted with the receivers of the message in order to understand if the national campaign’s messages are socially accepted. Findings are then analysed using a comparative analysis as defined in the Grounded Theory as Method (GTm) approach. The findings reveal the pivotal role of the M-C-S framework in shaping impactful social campaigns in Singapore. Monopolisation emphasises capturing attention amidst information saturation, with the significance of a clear and dominant narrative highlighted through interviews, focus groups, and case studies. Canalisation stresses the importance of consistent messaging and behavioural nudges for enduring impact, with repetition within reason, high relatability, early education, and empirical rationality identified as key components. Supplementation acts as a bridge between awareness and actionable results, fostering community engagement and dialogue while maintaining a balanced approach between hardware and heartware. Beyond the M-C-S framework, the study uncovers essential determinants that enhance campaign resonance in Singapore. The significance of cultural relevance, inclusive community engagement, flexibility, intentional engagement strategies, and trust in governmental entities emerge as influential factors. Tailoring campaigns to local contexts, embracing evolving social norms, and harnessing intentional corniness as a disruption strategy are explored, with the importance of trust highlighted alongside the need for transparency and diverse perspectives.
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The first step of a long journey is easier said than done, for it requires a clear vision, a strategy, and commitment. As Sam Walton seems to suggest, the hard part of his immensely successful venture was not the physical exertion from building the shop in Newport for the grand opening on July 2nd 1962, but the 20 years prior to that when he was planning and strategising—doing the “home work”.
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This chapter investigates further the slowdown in growth in the Caribbean and introduces the popular Middle-Income Trap (MIT) hypothesis to explain the slowdown. The MIT hypothesis says that middle-income countries tend to grow more slowly than both low- and high-income countries. The hypothesis has a certain logical appeal as it seems to make sense that middle-income countries will be squeezed between the more technologically advanced and the less technologically advanced that have the advantage of lower wages. The notion of a trap and the fear of economic stagnation tend to resonate with worried policymakers who usually need no prompting to engage in trap-talk. A test suggests that the MIT hypothesis is not confirmed in the Caribbean but rather the explanation for slow growth lies in lack of economic diversification. For the tourism-intensive Caribbean, this has been a major weakness. The chapter provides empirical support for the argument that tourism cannot lead the path to faster growth. Policymakers should also be concerned that the Caribbean population is ageing fast (faster in some countries like Barbados) and the demographic changes will affect productivity and growth. Not least in the list of concerns are the many obstacles and disincentives that make the investment and entrepreneurial environment less attractive than that of other regions of the world.
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In 2023, the World Bank classified Guyana a “high-income country” after it met the Gross National Income (GNI) per capita threshold of 13,845percapitaormore,basedon2022GNIpercapitaof13,845 per capita or more, based on 2022 GNI per capita of 15,050. Guyana became an overnight sensation, racing at a ferocious pace and grabbing global media headlines like “world’s fastest growing economy”.
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The economic development trajectory of Nigeria, since its transition to democratic governance on May 29, 1999, has witnessed sharp oscillations under different elected leaders. While some of the leaders, in the face of negative exogenous variables, leveraged the country’s abundant human and natural resources to positively advance it on the economic development ladder, others faltered in the selected performance indices. The observed differential in performance metrics seems to point to the pivotal role of quality leadership in the economic development process. To validate this view in the context of Nigeria’s democratic experience, this exploratory longitudinal study used an expost facto research design and qualitative research methodology which involved the review of existing literature and secondary data from Nigeria and Rwanda over a 24-year period spanning 1999-2022. The findings from their comparative performance analysis in 4 development indicators, reinforce the findings of previous studies that leadership can make or mar the economic performance of nations. Accordingly, it recommends that the electorate in Nigeria should diligently appraise political office seekers based on universally acceptable leadership criteria of competence, capacity and character, rather than the subjective criteria of ethnicity, tribe, region and religion, before exercising their franchise as their choice has long term implications for the nation’s economic development. It also recommends a review of the country’s constitution to provide for independent candidates as the structures of existing political parties have tended to inhibit the emergence of credible candidates.
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Prebendalism is a pattern of political behaviour where political offices are contested for and utilised to enrich its holders and their cronies. On account of this, the struggle for electoral positions may assume desperate dimensions, with political violence highly implicated in the mix. This article studies the patterns of election-related violence in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa and Rivers State, Nigeria. Using a qualitative methodology, it observes that similar factors occasioned the inordinate spate of assassination and political violence in KwaZulu-Natal in 2016, and the election-related killings in Rivers State in the build-up to the 2015 local elections. In both localities, politicians fete to patronage networks that are desperate to see political patrons emerge victorious while leveraging on violence. Secondly, both localities share a common identity as former hotbeds of political violence and thus suffer from the debilitating vestiges of an entrenched culture of violence. While South Africa's transition to democracy was marked by high levels of violence in KwaZulu-Natal between the African National Congress (ANC) and Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Rivers State was the epicentre of Nigeria's Niger Delta insurgency. The study, therefore, maintains that when prebendalism intersects with the availability of violent non-state actors, the likelihood of electoral violence is often high.
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Armed conflicts between governments and indigenous inhabitants in Singapore, Taiwan, and Vietnam have deep roots in historical tensions and the marginalization of minority groups. This qualitative study explores these factors and evaluates government strategies for conflict resolution, focusing on disparities in settlement, education, employment, and community engagement. Government actions such as military operations, peacebuilding, and comprehensive programs were analyzed. Singapore's strategies, including community engagement and socio-economic development, fostered stability and inclusivity. Taiwan's reconciliation efforts, including apologies and democratization, reduced conflict and promoted indigenous rights. Vietnam's initiatives for ethnic minority development underscored its commitment to peace through inclusive approaches. Historical contexts in these countries, marked by ethnic tensions, colonial legacies, and ideological divisions, shaped significant violence and social divisions, necessitating robust security measures and reconciliation efforts. Lessons learned emphasize diplomacy, international cooperation, and socio-economic integration for lasting peace. Governments must prioritize dialogue, inclusive policies, and sustainable development supported by international partnerships. Effective conflict resolution integrates socioeconomic development and reconciliation efforts, crucial for building resilient societies and fostering peace among Indigenous populations.
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The diversity of knowledge surrounding behavioural insights (BI) means in the policy sciences, although visible, remains under-theorized with scant comparative and generalizable explorations of the procedural prerequisites for their effective design, both as stand-alone tools and as part of dedicated policy 'toolkits'. While comparative analyses of the content of BI tools has proliferated, the knowledge gap about the procedural needs of BI policy design is growing recognizably, as the range of BI responses grows in practice necessitating specific capabilities, processes and institutional frameworks to be in place for their design. This Element draws on the literature on policy design and innovation adoption to explore the administrative, institutional and capacity endowments of governments for the successful and appropriate integration of BI in existing policy frameworks. Further, we present three illustrative cases with respect to their experience of essential procedural endowments facilitating for the effective integration of BI in policy design.
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The enactment, monitoring, and enforcement of rules play a crucial role in determining the success of self-organisation in common properties within high-rise housing developments. However, maladaptation to these rules can arise from diverse factors such as the parcel holders' backgrounds, history, norms, and culture, leading to disrepair or the emergence of urban slums. This study examines two key issues: the influence of rules on the self-organisation of common properties, particularly in high-rise apartments, and the occurrence of maladaptation due to the forced relocation of urban squatters to new environments. Employing a mixed-method approach involving a questionnaire survey, interviews, and field observations, the findings underscore the significant impact of rules on self-organisation in high-rise housing. Furthermore, the forced relocation of urban squatters to unfamiliar environments comes at a heavy cost. The paper advocates heightened attention to soft human infrastructure, placemaking, and the introduction of commoning as a social practice to enhance adaptation to new living environments.
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Singapore’s transformation into a leading global financial center has been driven by deliberate government interventions aimed at stimulating market creation and development. The interventions have involved the formation and deployment of numerous semi-autonomous organizations as statutory boards and government-linked companies. An analysis of the establishment, powers, and roles of the Monetary Authority of Singapore, Temasek Holdings, and the Development Bank of Singapore indicates significant motivations regarding the fitness-for-purpose of such organizations in fostering financial sector development. In doing so, it situates them in the wider context of government and governance, locally and internationally, in terms of their astutely influencing policy decisions and facilitating policy implementation as justification for their continuing to contribute to the country’s economic and social progress.
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Based on the results from the preceding chapters, the section identifies several major policies in Singapore and Hong Kong and compares their impacts on the affordability and commuting of low-income workers. The self-organization model is adopted to explain the commuting and urban changes produced by interactions between policies and individual actions. These policies include land acquisition, land value capture, high land prices, public housing, the CPF system, and the suburbanization of poverty. All the abovementioned policies have contributed to causing income inequality, unaffordability, and wage stagnation that result in accessibility constraints and social segregation. In the self-organization model, fair governance and social justice theories are introduced to evaluate unjust policies. Implementing fair governance is the motivation for decision-makers within the two cities to amend the unjust policies as a way in which to improve the commuting of poor workers.
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Singapore is considered to have an authoritarian government, which imposes strict policies with a traditional Confucian culture to ensure the survival and economic growth of the city-state. The self-organization approach explains the commuting problems and income inequality produced by the policies and individual actions of poor workers. These policies include land acquisition, land sales, public housing, the CPF system, and the suburbanization of poverty. Based on data drawn from the 2020 Singapore Population Census, the policies have been found to cause commuting problems and exclude low-income Singaporeans from accessing mainstream activities of society. Commuting problems produce an imbalanced social environment. Since people want fair governance, implementing fair governance is the main motivation for the Singapore government to amend policies to return the social system to a balanced state and improve the commuting of the poor.
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This chapter investigates the impacts of the suburbanization of poverty policies present in Hong Kong and Singapore on the commuting behaviour of residents. Tuen Mun New Town in Hong Kong and Woodlands New Town in Singapore are chosen for investigation. The spatial mismatch commuting problems are mainly caused by business investors being reluctant to move to new towns and a concentration of low-income residents being present in the suburbs. Singapore’s government has developed industrial jobs near new towns to minimize the impacts of spatial mismatch, while a high share of new town residents in Hong Kong face spatial mismatch commuting problems. The self-organization approach is used to explain the commuting problems produced by the interactions between the suburbanization policy and individual actions. Drawing on data from the 2011 Hong Kong TCS and the 2020 Singapore Population Census, this chapter confirms that working residents in new towns face accessibility problems. Spatial mismatch problems produce an imbalanced social environment. Since people want fair governance, the implementation of fair governance is the main motivation for the Hong Kong and Singapore governments to amend the at-fault policies and return the social systems to a balanced state, thereby improving the commuting of low-income workers.
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Introduction. In the modern world, economic systems are rapidly changing and developing, requiring the implementation of innovations in all industries. Innovations are expected to contribute to transformative processes, stimulate productivity growth, increase competitiveness, and create new markets. However, innovation relationships may encounter obstacles such as the absence of resources, infrastructure, and legal frameworks. Ukraine has the potential to secure future growth through innovation, but the actual improvement in this area significantly lags behind expectations. It is necessary to conduct an analysis and develop effective strategies for using innovations to support the stable development of economic systems, taking into account the differences in the roles of business, government, and society. The purpose of the article is to investigate the impact of innovative relations on transformational processes in economic systems, analyze global trends in innovation development policy and their determination from the perspective of the systemic stability of the world economy, identify the main problems and risks associated with innovation management. Method (methodology). The study applies a systematic approach, analytical and synthetic methods, the normative legal base and statistical data of the of Global Innovation Index as the information basis. Results. The significance of innovative relationships for the development of economic systems, key problems and challenges they face have been discussed, and recommendations for stimulating innovation in the economy have been proposed. Conclusions. In summarizing the domestic and foreign experience in implementing innovative relations in the economic system, it is worth emphasizing the growing role of such relations in society. They strengthen traditional economic relations as a genetic environment for innovation and promote the development of key features of the post-industrial information economy. In this economy, under the influence of innovations, different scientific fields integrate into a single productive force, there is a transition from real to virtual and computer experiments in all spheres of human activity, and the influence of human labor on the object of labor changes. Innovative relations change the quality of economic growth, provide dynamic transformation of the structure of social wealth, transform the structure of social needs and the world market, significantly change the basis and factors of the competitiveness of the economic system, depending on the forms and types of ownership that develop. They also enhance the communicative-synergetic effect of the economic system and increase its potential for flexibility. The analysis conducted in the article identifies the key features of the post-industrial information economy, as well as the main problems and risks associated with managing innovations and their impact on innovative relations and transformational processes in economic systems.
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Work on stratification beliefs expects disadvantaged individuals to believe less strongly in meritocracy because they are more likely to observe structural barriers to opportunity, and because meritocratic ideology runs counter to their self-interest. If they embrace meritocracy, they are understood as victims of a system-justifying ideology. By conceptualising belief formation as a cultural process, I argue that meritocracy belief among the disadvantaged may simply be pragmatic, rather than irrational. I use a narrative identity lens to analyse interviews with forty-one Singaporean youth, arguing that in the absence of other forms of capital, socioeconomically disadvantaged youth draw on narratives of meritocracy and family responsibility to construct agentic selves, telling stories in which they achieve success by relying on the chief resource available to them—themselves. These stories implicitly carry individualistic analyses of inequality, and serve as durable lenses through which disadvantaged youth interpret the successes and failures of those around them. Overall, a narrative lens pushes us to ask what cultural tools are available and useful to individuals in particular settings, and cautions against exporting assumptions about members of a social category beyond the context in which they were developed.
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China’s rise as a global economic power over the past four decades (1979–2019) is helping Asia in many visible and non-visible ways. Ever since the Communist Party at the third plenary session of the eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in December 1978 adopted the policy of reform and opening-up to the world, the size of China’s economy has increased by more than 36 times. China’s gross domestic product at 25 trillion USD in 2018 (on the basis of credible Purchasing Power Parity), is the largest in the world.
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This paper describes the development of an A.I. application for animal sound classification using pre-trained and custom-trained machine-learning models deployed on mobile devices. The research aims to address the challenges of traditional animal acoustic sound signal analysis, which is computationally intensive, requires a strong network connection, and is challenging to implement on low-cost microcontroller-based systems. By using Yet Another Mobile Network (YAMNet), a pre-trained model, and a custom-trained model, animal sounds and noises can be identified in real time, and the animal making the sound can be determined. The accuracy of the predictions is evaluated using a mobile device’s trained model against test datasets in three different modes. Although the animal scope is currently limited to birds found in Singapore due to dataset constraints, the system can be expanded to other animals and species as long as sufficient datasets are available, making it a promising solution for continuous real-time biodiversity monitoring.KeywordsSound RecognitionTensorFlow LiteYAMNetAudio Event ClassificationEdge Device Audio Classification
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Since government is the universally-accepted system that is responsible for midwifing the development and progress of nations and governance is mainly delivered through the making and implementation of public policy, it is imperative to develop a strategic policy view of the root-cause(s) of the bad governance that triggers the developmental disparities within and between nations which invariably engender national and regional instability across many corners of the globe. Developmental disparities within and between nations are especially important as the primary causes of national and regional conflicts as well as trans-national migration and sundry trans-national crimes such as human trafficking. In this article, I argue that public policy is so central to governance and pivotal to national development and progress that it must be recognized as the powerful force that can either unite polities around the pursuit of development and progress or leave them deeply-divided and starved of much-needed development. The crux of this argument is that national development and progress are impossible without national unity and regional stability. My second argument is that commitment to the practice of policy-led governance should be considered doubtful unless it can be proven by the prioritization of the institutionalization of Public Policy systems that are designed to, first and foremost, foster national unity and regional stability. The mission of this article is to introduce the novel concept of Public Policy Landscaping as the strategic means of making the governance landscape suitable for the development and deployment of the environmentally-sensitive public policy systems that can be relied upon to unite policy-led entities around the pursuit of national and regional development. Public policy does to the governance what landscape architecture does to natural land and this means that any neglect of public policy landscaping is bound to leave the governance landscape in a poor state that will invariably impede good policymaking and policy implementation.
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In today’s world, it is a common practice to devise strategic documents for the long-term development of territories, which requires not only theoretical and methodological approaches, but also a new individualized approach to the implementation of such strategies. In addition to setting goals, objectives, and measures for achieving a desired future for territories, the authors suggest using tailored approaches that take into account the territory’s unique characteristics in production, economy, and socio-culture. These measures should reflect the needs of specific groups, which are considered the basic social units of individualization in territorial development strategies. The authors emphasize the important roles of heads of regions and municipalities, as well as educated members of local communities in developing individualized strategies. They note that successful individualization requires the unity of administrative and managerial forces, along with social forces. The authors, however, caution against the “cobra effect”, which occurs when individualized strategies only satisfy the needs of a particular group, rather than all social groups in the territory. Overall, this study’s results are recommeded for national, regional and local governments seeking to create and update strategic development documents.
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This study aims to evaluate the potential for adapting the meritocracy, pragmatism, and honesty (MPH) model to the Nigerian context with the aim of promoting economic development in the country. The study begins by providing an overview of the MPH model and its success in Singapore. This is followed by an examination of the current state of the Nigerian economy and the challenges it faces. A comparative analysis of the MPH model in Singapore and the Nigerian economy is also conducted, highlighting key differences and similarities between the two contexts. The study also includes qualitative research methods, such as stakeholder interviews, to gain insights into the potential for adapting the MPH model to the Nigerian context and potential solutions for addressing corruption and improving the business environment. The results of the study suggest that adopting the MPH model in Nigeria could lead to increased economic growth, improved competitiveness, and reduced poverty and inequality. These findings provide valuable insights for policymakers, business leaders, and other stakeholders interested in promoting economic development in Nigeria.
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Singapore’s model of illiberal democracy has translated into a style of environmental governance that scholars describe as ‘authoritarian environmentalism’ (AE) for its top-down, non-participatory nature. AE in Singapore has given rise to a manicured, cosmeticized landscape in which nature is selectively integrated into urbanity to offer outside observers the impression of a ‘Garden City’. A gap in the literature exists regarding the response the grassroots environmental movement in Singapore has mounted to AE. This paper contends that the movement seeks to restore individuals’ personal connections to the land, both in its undamaged state and current degradation, in a bid to appreciate nature from whichever baseline one can remember. As a guiding structure, the paper references a framework developed by sociologist Kate O’Neill and identifies local examples of the variables ‘formal representation’ and ‘informal channels’. The former variable refers to movement participation in formal negotiations and policymaking. The latter variable describes solidarity-building with the aim of cultivating an organic, just transition to a green Singapore This paper argues that Singapore’s illiberal mode of governance limits the environmental movement’s access to channels of formal representation, compelling it to rely heavily on informal representation to achieve environmental change. This paper recommends a hybrid model of formal and informal representation as key to the success of the movement. For its emphasis on the influence of a country’s political context on its present-day environmental governance, this paper has utility as a reference point for other developmental states which exhibit interventionist, utilitarian policymaking.
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