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Constructing A Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order

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... Source:Fieldwork (Narine 2002;Acharya 2012). Notes:The process of establishing regional organizations in Southeast Asia exercise of power" (McGrew 2003;Pitsuwan 2011). ...
... The concept of ASEAN regionalism has led to many positive changes. At the same time, these changes in the current globalization and power shifts have somehow opened the region up to new conflict and security issues (Acharya 2012). ...
... Although several attempts to establish regional cooperation have failed due to conflict and disagreement of several Southeast Asia countries, it led to the idea of greater regional cooperation in the context of the peace region that exists to this day, which is the establishment of ASEAN 1967. FIGURE 1. ASEAN Timeline Source:Fieldwork (Narine 2002;Acharya 2012). Notes:The process of establishing regional organizations in Southeast Asia Intrinsically, the purpose of this study is to analyze ASEAN regionalism in terms of ASEAN security cooperation by using the liberal institutionalism approach.The liberal theory rests on a ''bottom-up'' view of politics, in which the demands of individuals and societal groups are treated analytically before politics. ...
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The concepts and functions of The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are different from those of other regional and international institutions, organisations, and bodies. This paper aims to analyse the concept of regionalism practiced by using the liberal institutionalism theory approach, which has successfully driven ASEAN to remain strong as an organisation based on mutual relations in every aspect of politics, economy, culture, and society. This analyses the connection between ASEAN regionalism and the liberal institutionalism theory approach, which has driven ASEAN through security cooperation until this day. ASEAN continues to operate as a regional organization that has grown from its regional cooperation through regionalism. This study discusses the various approaches on liberal institutionalism applied in interpreting ASEAN regionalism, especially in the context of economic, political, and social security cooperation. The link between globalisation, the theory of liberal institutionalism, and the process of regionalism have been given significant attention, as many factors are interconnected between the subjects in the context of this study. Most of the data acquired for this study have been extracted from books, journal articles, reports by the ASEAN Secretariat, as well as library sources, in line with the need for suitable methodologies to conduct this research.
... Yet this forceful opposition towards interregional 'dialogues' on human rights and against the establishment of regional human rights regimes, vehemently voiced at least until the Asian financial crisis in 1997, is puzzling judging by ASEAN's own international rhetoric for upholding indigenous concepts and strategies for promoting human rights in Asian contexts distinct from the Western/European models. Moreover, ASEAN's institutional inertia in the field of human rights also contrasted with its positive international image by the end of the Cold War as the most successful Southern regional organization, which has gradually developed its own regional norms and a culture of cooperation known as the 'ASEAN Way' (Acharya 2001, Acharya & Johnson 2008, Busse 2000, Haacke 2003, Hund 2004, Loewen 2006. Furthermore, ASEAN's rejection of human rights throughout the 1990s has called into question the political will and ideational resources of this organization for launching and sustaining a regional human rights regime that either fully embraces the international one or proves to be able to adjust the latter so as to suit ASEAN's regional context and its cultural specificity. ...
... For Acharya (2000bAcharya ( , 2001Acharya ( , 2002, however, the impact of 'new' regionalism is deeper and more transforming than is assumed by economic approaches to regionalism. In his view, the 'new' regionalism possesses a 'sovereignty-eroding potential' that would have significant consequences for statehood. ...
... Thus, the first task that the new national elites had to tackle was the building and development of nation-states. Due to this context, nationalism became a strong force in Asia's national and international politics (Acharya 2000(Acharya , 2001Rüland 2000a;Stubbs 2008;Weatherbee 2005a). Fears of external intervention by Western powers in the region and the domestic politics of the young nation-states were only matched by the concerns of regional leaders that internal communist insurgencies would threaten not only the domestic political status quo but also the intraregional peace as a result of the insurgents' infiltration of neighboring borders. ...
Thesis
Die Doktorarbeit analysiert den Einfluss der Europäischen Union auf andere regionale Organisationen wie den Südostasiatischen Staatenverbund im Bereich der Menschenrechte und geht insbesondere der Frage nach, wie die interregionale Interaktion im Bereich der Menschenrechte zu der Bildung von regionalen Identitäten in Südostasien führt. Die Arbeit trägt in diesem Sinne zu der Forschung über die Diffusion von Ideen und Normen in der internationalen Politik bei. Jedoch relativiert diese Studie die eindimensionale Betrachtung der EU als „normative Macht“ und attraktives Modell des regionalen Regierens, die durch ihre Außenpolitik die „Soft-Macht“ besitzt, ideelle Veränderungen in den Ländern und Regionen des globalen Südens hervorzurufen. Stattdessen knüpft die Dissertation an die Regionalforschung über Südostasien an, welche die relative Autonomie der lokalen und intraregionalen Ideen, Akteure und Machtstrukturen betont. Zwischen diesen beiden konzeptionellen Polen entwickelt diese Arbeit eine Zwischenposition, die verstärkt den Fokus auf die Interaktion zwischen den normativen Machtansprüchen der EU und den intraregionalen Dynamiken im Bereich der Institutionalisierung auf regionaler und nationaler Ebene von Menschenrechten legt. Der Erfolg der EU-Menschenrechtsbemühungen ist von der Entwicklung regionaler und menschenrechtskonformer Identitäten in Südostasien/ASEAN abhängig. Dieser Prozess kann nur durch die Einbindung der lokalen Akteure und ihre Deutungsmuster sowie durch Berücksichtigung ihrer strategischen Interessen gelingen. Deshalb hat die EU in diesem Kontext weit weniger Einfluss als man in der bisherigen Forschungsarbeit zur EU-Außenpolitik anzuerkennen bereit war. Jedoch zeigt die Forschungsarbeit, dass die kontinuierliche Auseinandersetzung zwischen der EU und ASEAN im Rahmen ihrer interregionalen Dialoge durchaus zu einem Umdenken in Bezug auf die Akzeptanz der Menschenrechte in ASEAN geführt hat. Der Stand der intraregionalen Veränderungsprozesse variiert jedoch zwischen den unterschiedlichen lokalen Akteuren wie auch den einzelnen Staaten. Im Zuge dieser intraregionalen Verhandlungsprozesse ist es einigen staatlichen Akteuren, Staaten und der zunehmend transregionalen Zivilgesellschaft gelungen, auch einige regionale Beschlüsse zu erzwingen oder durchzusetzen, wodurch die Institutionalisierung des Menschenrechtenschutzes im ASEAN-Raum vorangetrieben werden konnte. Die Dynamik steht aber sehr am Anfang und es ist noch ungewiss inwieweit die Gruppe der regionalen Akteuren, die tatsächlich den regionalen Menschenrechtenschutz in ASEAN ausbauen wollen, sich innerhalb der ASEAN-Gemeinschaft konsolidieren und ihre Ideen umsetzen können.
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter conceptualizes the types of institutional strategy and constructs a theoretical model based on agent-centered historical institutionalism to understand the timing of its strategy shifts. This theoretical model analyzes how the member states of a regional security institution perceive and assess their immediate security environment and create or change the institutional strategy. Since member states’ perception is generally affected by the regional distribution of power, the chapter emphasizes the importance of analyzing the regional strategic environment as well as agent’s decisions. The methodology of the analyses is briefly discussed through case studies on the role of ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions regarding the SCS issue. The chapter also provides an overview and assessment of the general trend of the strategic environment in the SCS from 1990 to 2020 over four phases: 1990–2002, 2003–2012, 2013–2016, and 2017–2020. These four phases will be used as a principal indicator to understand the change and continuity of institutional strategies employed by ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions.
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter examines the institutional strategy of each ASEAN and ASEAN-led institution in the four phases, 1990–2002, 2003–2012, 2013–2016, and 2017–2020: (1) ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting (AMM), (2) ASEAN Summit, (3) ASEAN–China dialogues, (4) ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), (5) East Asia Summit (EAS), and (6) ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting (ADMM) and ADMM-Plus. All these frameworks are important because they, either formally or informally, discuss the traditional-security issues, including the South China Sea disputes. Moreover, these institutions experience different institutional growths, and the specific timing and function of their institutional development highlight the divergences in the evolution of institutional strategy. ASEAN+3 and ASEAN-PMC are excluded in the analysis because the ASEAN+3 has not been actively discussing the South China Sea issue while ASEAN-PMC only began to touch on the issue since the mid-2010s.
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter discusses the validity of the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of institutional strategy by providing a quick overview of all the cases. It also compares the six cases and analyzes how the institutional division of labor among ASEAN member states was operationalized. The conclusion then discusses the future of the role of ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions vis-à-vis the SCS situation as well as the strategic implications of an emerging geographical concept—the Indo-Pacific.KeywordsInstitutional strategyStrategic institutional webSouth China SeaIndo-PacificASEAN
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
Chapter
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Does ASEAN play a role in managing security issues in Southeast Asia and beyond? This chapter introduces the book’s core argument that, since the 1990s, ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions have individually devised and/or shifted their own institutional strategy to manage the great-power politics pertaining to the South China Sea disputes, and that each institutional strategy aims to constrain great powers’ behavior and avoid being entrapped by their strategic competition so as to ensure member states’ interests. Strategy creation or shifts generally occur when member states perceive a change in the strategic environment relating to the South China Sea. But when ASEAN faces difficulty changing its strategy, it establishes a new institution to expand its strategic tools, which assumes a different functionality, geopolitical scope, and raison d'être. In doing so, ASEAN nurtures a quasi-division of labor among its institutions to manage the great-power politics in the South China Sea.
... Since ASEAN's establishment in 1967, there has been no major conflict among member states despite the political and military tensions among them (Kivimaki, 2012;Mahbubani & Sng, 2017;Natalegawa, 2018). While ASEAN has yet to resolve the fundamental interstate problems, it has facilitated stability through conflict management (Acharya, 2014;Collins, 2007;Koga, 2014;Scott, 2012). Second, they argue that the diffusion of ASEAN's institutional norm, the "ASEAN Way," transcends Southeast Asia to East Asia and beyond through ASEAN-led institutions. ...
... There was disagreement on many issues, but the AMM's political process created opportunities for member states to come together, discuss issues, and find a way to facilitate cooperation and avoid conflict. ASEAN's institutional norms, or the "ASEAN Way," such as the principles of non-interference, informal consultation, and consensus decision-making, were useful for these purposes (Acharya, 2014;Koga, 2010). ...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter chronologically explores the strategic trend of the SCS situation from 1990 to 2020 over four phases: 1990–2002, 2003–2012, 2013–2016, and 2017–2020. The main purpose of this chapter is to understand the timing of changes in the subregional power configuration in the South China Sea in a more nuanced way. Of course, environmental changes are not the sole determinant of institutional strategy shifts among regional security institutions. However, without understanding the subregional trends in the context of China’s increasing military and economic capabilities, it becomes difficult to clarify the responses or non-responses of ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions to the changing environment.
... In contrast, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is based on the principle of market liberalism as a provider of growth and social stability (Nesadurai 2006). The ASEAN Regional Forum was seen to be a way to socialize ASEAN's neighbors into the norms of the ASEAN Way of regional cooperation (Acharya 2001), while Europeanization is based on the use of conditionality in the EU's enlargement and association processes (O'Brennan 2016). Since the 1990s, there has been a steady surge in regional integration initiatives globally. ...
... The vision emphasized better energy cooperation via interconnected electric grid and gas pipeline networks across the region, depending more on renewable energy and promoting energy efficiency in the future. Hence, the ASEAN Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation (APAEC) 1999-2004 was formulated and subsequently updated for -2025). Thus, current cooperation in the energy sector within the region is directed by APAEC 2016-2025. ...
Book
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Asia and Europe have taken differing approaches to economic integration, with Asia choosing loose economic cooperation based on bilateral and regional economic agreements, such as on trade, investment, and financial integration, and Europe choosing to strengthen institutionalization. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is the only regional grouping pursuing integration toward a common market in Asia, while Europe is otherwise integrated through the European Union and its single currency. Economic Integration in Asia and Europe highlights the important economic integration trends and processes in the two regions. Covering wide-ranging perspectives on regional economic integration, this book provides extensive explanations on how integration has progressed globally and generated benefits for trade, economic growth, and regional development, drawing from the experiences, lessons learned, and best practices from Asia and Europe. The discussions are based on analytical approaches, regional comparisons, and case studies, with the goal of deepening economic integration in support of higher endogenous growth. The book aims to derive policy implications and recommendations that readers can utilize as a reference for the design of policy frameworks and research on economic integration. It offers an essential resource for government officials, policy makers, and scholars and comprises 27 chapters in six main parts: perspectives and approaches, fiscal and monetary integration and safety nets, disintegration, regional initiatives and case studies, energy and the environment, and financial inclusion and legal approaches.
... This take off point informed the majority of constructivist scholars studying ASEAN who posit that ASEAN is a nascent security community whose central focus is to build a burgeoning identity in Southeast Asia promoting peace, stability and regional autonomy (Acharya 1997(Acharya , 2000(Acharya , 2001(Acharya , 2004(Acharya , 2005. Derived from this analysis is the supposed success of ASEAN in exporting its internal norms and socializing external actors within the context of its newer members as well as external partners (Ba 2005, Busse 1999, Stubbs 2008. ...
... As such constructivist variables should be seen as second order phenomenon which are ordered by power relations and interests which emanate externally and are driven by internal needs. According to Acharya (2001) ASEAN's purpose for its member states is to retain regional autonomy and uphold sovereignty. The exercision of power and final authority within member states as regional autonomy by definition seeks to allow a maximum of state behavior without external interference. ...
Article
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The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights set up in 2009 signaled a path breaking achievement for human rights. It was the first of its kind, in the last region of the world to adopt a mechanism for human rights protection. However, with the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration of 2012 hopes of a robust and effective regional mechanism for the promotion and protection of human rights in Southeast Asia were essentially dashed. The perplexing question to which an increasing number of academics and scholars are asking is why establish a mechanism that only promotes and offers little or no human rights protection? This paper seeks to provide a theoretical framework for future research and analytical conceptualization of regional human rights and its attendant mechanisms in ASEAN. Beginning with a critique of mainstream theories realism and constructivism, this paper will move on to offer a blended version of regime analysis for studying AICHR. Hopefully this will provide clarity and a theoretical pathway for future substantive research on the absence of human rights protection in the newly established regional human rights mechanism.
... Australian Journal of International Affairs vol.70, nº 4 (2018), 342-357. 4 Acharya, Amitav (2014): The end of American world order, Cambridge. Polity Press, p. 57. 5 Ruggie, John Gerard: "Multilateralism: the anatomy of an institution." ...
Article
El interés de América Latina por África se renovó a comienzos del presente siglo. Las transformaciones globales, el liderazgo de Brasil y la emergencia del regionalismo impulsaron una asociación basada en el diálogo político y la cooperación cuyo objetivo era alcanzar una mayor incidencia sobre el sistema internacional. Sin embargo, el déficit de interdependencia, la debilidad de la institucionalización interregional y la vulnerabilidad de los actores involucrados limitaron el alcance de esta estrategia sin alcanzar su verdadero potencial. En un escenario de incertidumbre que anuncia cambios en el orden mundial y consolida una gobernanza fragmentada, la posibilidad de restablecer esta relación encuentra nuevos incentivos. El artículo analiza los factores catalizadores de este proceso concluyendo que, pese a la oportunidad, su materialización sigue sin contar con las condiciones ni capacidades necesarias para competir geopolíticamente por África
... One of them is the unresolved territorial issues between the post-Soviet Central Table I were able to unite to a certain extent around common interests, to form a significant geopolitical player in the system of regional international relations [11]. The history of Asia's development and new developments in the post-Soviet period have predicted the intensification of external threats and challenges. ...
Article
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The Central Asia as geopolitical region is in the system of international relations located at the crossroads of civilizations. As the concept of "Central Asia" is not fully and systematically studied in the scientific literature yet, there are conflicting discourses in the scientific community. From this point of view, the scientific analysis of the concept of "Central Asia" in the modern system of international relations is very important. In recent years, the Central Asian region (according to the concept of five states "Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan") has become not only a region of common interests of the international community, but also of growing geopolitical importance. In our opinion, it depends on two main reasons. First, the region has a strong natural material base and a strategic location. Secondly, it is a continuation of the fact that the emerging state institution in Central Asia is rapidly adapting to the realities of the new millennium and successfully integrating into world politics and economics.
... Whilst the previous section discussed the analytical framework, this section applies this framework to analyse an empirical case study which examines the EU's diffusion of security- related norm-cluster in ASEAN. The existing literature on ASEAN regional integration and comparative regionalism tends to support the view that ASEAN has become a regional model in its own right rather than being a reflection of any European paradigm (Acharya 2009). Considering the major differences between the EU and ASEAN states in terms of economy, history, political regime type, and geopolitical environments, the consensus view is that "anything comparable" to the EU is unlikely to develop in ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific region (Narine 2009, p. 3). ...
Article
The concept of Normative Power Europe (NPE) has sparked widespread debate over the EU’s external relations and its role in world politics. Whist the EU studies community has engaged with the NPE literature and studied EU norm-entrepreneurship at theoretical and empirical levels, the NPE literature suffers from two major shortcomings: first, it falls short in uncovering the multifaceted nature of EU diffusion objects across different policy areas; second, the effectiveness of EU norm diffusion remains underexplored. To remedy these limitations, this article aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of the EU’s projection of normative power by drawing on analytical tools from diffusion literature. By doing so, this research argues that the EU’s projection of normative power in relation to other international actors can be conceptualised as a process of diffusion of EU norm-clusters in various policy areas. It also reconceptualises the impact of the EU’s normative power as varying diffusion outcomes. By undertaking an empirical case study of the EU–ASEAN security cooperation, this research adopts the analytical framework to unpack the EU’s projection of normative power and diffusion of security-related norm-cluster in relation to ASEAN.
... It is also suited in the context of the explosion of multilateral cooperation mechanisms in Asia from the beginning of the twenty-first century to the present. From President GWBush (2001-2009) to D. Trump (2017-2021 and present (2021), when President J. Biden continued to pursue the Free and open Indo-Pacific strategy with a comprehensive awareness of security challenges; multilateral security cooperation will be the "way of working of the US with the world" 10 in the future. There, Southeast Asia will continue to be the US area to deploy a solid military-security presence for two major goals: freedom of navigation and control of regional order, against all hegemony ambitions to change the status. ...
Article
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The purpose of this article is to clarify the issue of the US multilateral security cooperation in Southeast
... For Ba (2009, 76), ZOPFAN served to 'reaffirm common principles' within ASEAN, acting as 'a common commitment to one another' during an uncertain period in the region's history. Acharya (2001) adopts a similar approach, viewing ZOPFAN as an early example of ASEAN norm development designed to regulate member state behaviour and enhance regional order. However, evidence suggests that ZOPFAN is more an example of regional state divergence than commonality. ...
Article
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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) pursuit for a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) first began during the Cold War, at a time of intense superpower rivalry in Southeast Asia. ASEAN reaffirmed the importance of this principle in 2020, amid growing concerns of instability in the Asia-Pacific region as a result of increasing tensions between the United States (US) and China. Through an examination of the ZOPFAN principle, this paper seeks to develop a greater understanding of ASEAN’s ability to respond to periods of geopolitical crisis and Great Power rivalry. It asks whether a ZOPFAN in Southeast Asia has ever been successfully realised, and what is the likelihood of one being achieved in the future. As analysis of recent security challenges will show, ZOPFAN falls short as both a framework for regional security and as an expression of regional autonomy. This raises serious questions about ASEAN’s coherence in the post-Cold War era, and its ability to uphold regional order in light of renewed Great Power security competition.
... Due to its increasing significance in regional and world politics, more and more books and publications are on ASEAN, including on the overall organization, its history and role in fostering regional integration, 13 its inner workings, 14 its comparison with other regions or regional bodies, 15 and its successes or failures. 16 Most treatments, although not all, of ASEAN, however, are written by Western experts or experienced practitioners from the more developed or original member states of ASEAN, usually from Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia. ...
... This condition is against Indonesia's political interests. in participating in maintaining world peace and order including regional stability as mandated in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (Acharya, 2014). In the 2007 Indonesian National Defense Doctrine, the achievement of defense targets in realizing world peace and regional stability is part of the national defense mission which all the time it has been fought for by Indonesia as part of the international community which is under global and regional influence (Laksmana, 2011). ...
Article
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This research tries to explain Indonesia’s effort in the South China Sea conflict resolution process. The South China Sea conflict can lead to regional instability. Indonesia can’t directly resolve the conflict because Indonesia is not a claimaint state. But, Indonesia can encourage claimant states to resolve their conflicts peacefully. As the largest country in ASEAN, Indonesia has an obligation to maintain the stability of the region. The type of this research is descriptive qualitative with data collection technique through interview and literature study. The results concluded that Indonesia's efforts in establishing the situation through confidence buiding measures and cooperation has been able to dampen the source of conflict and keep the region stable. Indonesia has managed conflict even though it is still very far from the possibility of conflict resolution.
... Dominant functional theories of cooperation-such as neo-functionalism (Haas 1958;, (liberal) intergovernmentalism (Moravcsik 1998), and neoliberal institutionalism (Keohane 1984;Koremenos, Lipson, and Snidal 2001;Zürn 1992)-view ROs primarily as a response to c onflicts or problems of collective action resulting from economic or security-related interdepend ence within an organization. Constructivist or transactionalist approaches, on the other hand, emphasize the role of communication and collect ive identities (Acharya 2001;Adler and Barnett 1998;Deutsch 1957;Katzenstein 2005). They posit that organizations develop in response to changing social processes and structures. ...
Book
How and under what conditions does the European Union (EU) shape processes of institution building in other regional organizations? Interorganizational Diffusion in International Relations: Regional Institutions and the Role of the European Union develops and tests a theory of interorganizational diffusion in international relations that explains how successful pioneer organizations shape institutional choices in other organizations by affecting the institutional preferences and bargaining strategies of national governments. The author argues that Europe's foremost regional organization systematically affects institution building abroad, but that such influence varies across different types of organizations. Mixing quantitative and qualitative methods, it shows how the EU institutionally strengthens regional organizations through active engagement and by building its own institutions at home. Yet, the contractual nature of other regional organizations bounds this causal influence; EU influence makes a distinguishable difference primarily in those organizations that, like the EU itself, rest on an open-ended contract. Evidence for these claims is drawn from the statistical analysis of a dataset on the institutionalization of 35 regional organizations in the period from 1950 to 2017 as well as detailed single and comparative case studies on institutional creation and change in the Southern African Development Community, Mercosur, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the North American Free Trade Agreement. The book is freely available for download under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license from the following OUP website: https://fdslive.oup.com/www.oup.com/academic/pdf/openaccess/9780198823827.pdf
... It is even more fascinating that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-a group of small and middle powers-took a leading role in shaping the institutional architecture of the Asia-Pacific region. Diverse institutional responses of ASEAN member states such as balancing, hedging, bandwagoning, and various forms of socialization are normally linked to the structural conditions of regional security environment, e.g., enduring systemic uncertainty, economic interdependence, anticipated shifts in the balance of power or norms (Emmers 2003;Khong 2004;He 2008He , 2009Acharya 2009Acharya , 2011Ba 2006Ba , 2009Kuik 2016;Shekhar 2012;Yongwook 2013;Haacke 2019). The notable work of Kei Koga (2018) synthesizes this variety of ASEAN institutional strategies under one analytical framework. ...
Article
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This paper develops an analytical framework to explain how regional organizations engage institutional strategies in regional role location process. It argues that ASEAN employed institutionalization as a role bargaining tool in relations with China and other great powers in ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM Plus) between 2007 and 2019. The shifts in ASEAN approach to institutionalization were triggered by modifications in China’s role claims, yet the choice of particular institutional responses reflected ASEAN’s own role conception and expectations for appropriate role enactment for itself and for China. By manipulating the institutional processes of ADMM Plus ASEAN successfully sustained its foreign policy roles as a ‘central actor’ and ‘security promoter’ as well as discouraged China from consolidating the undesirable for ASEAN role of regional ‘co-leader’ within ADMM Plus.
... In both ASEAN and the EU, decades of regional integration and historical reconciliation processes have created a certain degree of trust (Mayer 2015). This is reflected, for instance, in the establishment of nascent and mature security communities in the respective regions (Acharya 2014;Deutsch et al. 1957). However, the initial self-help reactions in both regions demonstrate how easily trust can fail and initiate the selffulfilling prophecy of realism. ...
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The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is one of the greatest challenges of our lifetime. Quite appropriately, the pandemic has been declared a non-traditional security (NTS) threat in many countries in Europe and Asia. Beyond its detrimental effect on public health, COVID-19 is testing the international resolve to cooperate and represents a particularly tricky challenge to regionalism. Due to the nature of pandemics, regional pandemic management is imperative. However, the two most successful regional organisations, the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), have not been able to match the resolve of their individual member states, and there is a substantial gap between timely and robust national pandemic management and inadequacy at the regional level. This is a paradox that merits further investigation. To what extent and why diverged early national and early regional responses to COVID-19? This article identifies a causal relationship between robust national pandemic management as a result of early securitisation and ensuing paralysis on regional level, a process which I call the ‘selffulfilling prophecy of realism’—a vicious cycle of national self-help responses paralysing regional cooperation. This article contributes early to the impact of COVID-19 on regionalism by analysing EU and ASEAN pandemic management efforts, investigating what has hindered or facilitated successful regional cooperation and identifying room for meaningful interregionalism.
... В настоящее время Ассоциация стран Юго-Восточной Азии (АСЕАН) является единственным действующим интеграционным институтом, объединяющим все государства региона (Бруней, Вьетнам, Индонезия, Камбоджа, Лаос, Малайзия, Мьянма, Сингапур, Таиланд, Филиппины), за исключением Восточного Тимора. По мнению многих как российских, так и зарубежных исследователей, АСЕАН довольно успешно продвинулась вперед в различных аспектах регионального интеграционного взаимодействия, включая усилия по сокращению социально-экономической асимметрии, обеспечению безопасности в Юго-Восточной Азии и улучшению социального ландшафта региона [1][2][3][4][5][6]. Вместе с тем, несмотря на определённую степень успешности курса, в частности, в области взаимной торговли (создание зоны свободной торговли между членами организации), существует круг проблем, попытки решения которых в Ассоциации на данный момент носят скорее декларативный, чем практический характер. ...
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Every nation in Asia has dealt with COVID-19 differently and with varying levels of success in the absence of clear and effective leadership from the WHO. As a result, the WHO’s role in Asia as a global health organization is coming under increasing pressure. As its credibility is slowly being eroded by public displays of incompetence and negligence, it has also become an arena of contestation. Moreover, while the pandemic continues to undermine the future of global health governance as a whole, the highly interdependent economies in Asia have exposed the speed with which pandemics can spread, as intensive regional travel and business connections have caused every area in the region to be hit hard. The migrant labor necessary to sustain globalized economies has been strained and the security of international workers is now more precarious than ever, as millions have been left stranded, seen their entry blocked, or have limited access to health services. This volume provides an accessible framework for the understanding the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Asia, with a specific emphasis on global governance in health and labor.
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This chapter examines how China’s free trade agreements (FTAs) and Asia's FTA network more broadly provide challenges and opportunities for EU trade policy in the region. Trade relations in Asia are shaped first by geopolitics, namely the rise of China and its ‘assertiveness’ in pursuing projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Analysis of trade links between the EU and China shows that EU countries’ imports of Chinese goods outstrips EU exports to China. In institution-building, the EU and China's FTAs use much of the same language in drafting their trade agreements; however, EU agreements cover more issue areas and with stronger legal obligations than do China's agreements. Moving forward, the most important challenges for EU trade policy in Asia will be to ensure market access for European firms navigating the two mega-FTAs, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Among the EU's FTA partners, Japan, Singapore, and Vietnam are pivotal as members of both mega-FTAs. Finally, the successful conclusion of the EU-China Investment Treaty further challenges the EU to balance the pursuit of its economic interests with its broader strategic relationship with the United States.
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This chapter argues that ASEAN's mechanisms to tackle emerging infectious diseases (EIDs) have been developing gradually since the declaration made at the ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting (AHMM) in 1980. While the 2003 SARS crisis significantly enhanced ASEAN's cooperation to counter EIDs, ASEAN had already laid a foundation for such cooperation before 2003. This chapter shows that ASEAN has tended to focus on the regional rather than global level due to a lack of financial and technical resources and ASEAN's long-standing institutional norms. The recent intensification of great power rivalries, particularly between the United States and China, means that relying on external actors for medical support would entrap ASEAN in great power politics. As such, ASEAN needs to make efforts to build its capacity to respond to EIDs.
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Introducción a Teoría de Relaciones Internacionales y Polítical Global
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This book provides the first systematic analysis of new Asian regionalism as a paradigm shift in international economic law. It argues that new Asian regionalism has emerged amid the Third Regionalism and contributed to the New Regional Economic Order, which reinvigorates the role of developing countries in shaping international trade norms. To substantiate the claims, the book introduces theoretical debates and evaluates major regional economic initiatives and institutions, including the ASEAN+6 framework, APEC, the CPTPP and the RCEP. It also sheds light on legal issues involving the US-China trade war and the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as trade policies of Asian powers, the European Union and the United States. Hence, the legal analysis and case studies offer a fresh perspective of Asian integration and bridge the gap between academia and practice.
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Constituent instruments of international organizations constitute fictions of personality and community. With the ratification of the ASEAN Charter, ASEAN as an international organization now acts as an international person and presents itself as a community. This article examines these tropes of international organizations and critiques ASEAN's fictions of community through a reading of the language of community of its three organs-the ASEAN Economic Community, the ASEAN Political-Security Community, and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community. The article argues that ASEAN's notions of community reify objects in the economic realm, turn people into homo sacer in the political sphere, and marginalize the cultural in what is supposed to be the domains of the socio-cultural. In conclusion, the article proposes a new way of seeing ASEAN and the region. By connecting the trope of "work" to the concept of the "right to the region", the article offers a trope that allows a wider and permanent participation of Southeast Asian peoples in building their regional community.
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In line with the themes presented in the introduction to this special issue, this article explores what impact twenty-first century global politics has had on Thailand’s agency. It is argued that while multi-dimensional challenges of the current world order have posed fewer constraints on Thailand’s capability to achieve intended outcomes, internal political instability and the U.S. ambivalence towards Southeast Asia on the whole complicates how Thailand navigates its position amidst the U.S.-China rivalry. However, these complications should not be construed as factors that restrict agency. Despite maintaining a close relationship with China, Bangkok has managed to find various ways to enhance its ability to achieve intended outcomes in order to protect the country’s autonomy. Based on Thailand’s experience, this article reveals the importance of using more open-ended approaches that pay equal attention to factors that complicate, enhance and constrain weaker state agency at both the domestic and international levels. It also offers opportunities for further research into non-material sources of state agency.
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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been responding to external demands and expectations, including moderate steps towards becoming a more norm-oriented organization, and developing its image as a responsible actor engaging in international and regional relations. For example, it has been issuing statements addressing relevant challenges, most often by criticizing them. A growing body of literature proves that this type of critical communication may bring desirable outcomes, e.g. the name and shame strategy. This strategy, however, does not align with ASEAN’s silent diplomacy. Thus, the aim of the article is to analyse how ASEAN structures its communication when criticizing others and their actions. Does ASEAN, considering its ‘uniqueness’, name and shame? And, if so, what is the pattern of the criticism? The author argues that ASEAN produces three types of critical narratives: universal shaming, reasonable criticism and considerate affirmation resulting from a narrative trap of responding to international and regional pressure. Each narrative explains and improves the organization’s image, although not comprehensively, and is utilized to strengthen its role as a peace promoter. But this image is tarnished by the questionable performance of ASEAN in the area of peace promotion. The article’s argument is substantiated by an analysis of ASEAN’s narratives of non-compliance with norms.
Article
Almost six decades since the emergence of Track Two diplomacy, a form of informal and unofficial dialogues between conflicting parties facilitated by scholar‐practitioners, scholarship on the field has grown exponentially. Originally conceived of as a discreet complement to Track One official negotiations between armed actors in conflict, Track Two has become an established and professionalized form of broader conflict resolution. Specific scholarship on Track Two has occupied the liminal space between theory and practice, in which theoretical propositions are often born out of observations from practical applications in empirical cases. Analyzing how Track Two theories reflect these paradigms can give greater insights into the theoretical evolution of the field and where it is headed. This begets a need to regularly and systematically survey the relevant literature on Track Two given the large‐scale changes occurring in its practice. This article discusses the evolution of Track Two theories as embedded in conflict resolution paradigms, namely, strategic bargaining and problem solving; conflict transformation; and liberal and post‐liberal peacebuilding. In particular, I focus on how the recent "normative turn" in conflict resolution literature has impacted Track Two scholarship. Following the analytical framework of a mediation process applied to Track Two scholarship, I organize relevant literature into “generations” and compare what are identified as the main constitutive components of a Track Two initiative in order to understand how the theories have evolved in this second generation of literature. My analysis finds that conceptions of Track Two have moved from “narrow” to “broad”: influenced by a normative imperative toward more inclusive and participatory peace processes in conflict resolution, activities labeled as Track Two have expanded from small, discreet dialogues between unofficial actors to include more robust forms of civil society inclusion and participation.
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The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.
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The progression of genocide cases against Myanmar through the international justice system highlights the absence of an Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) response to the Rohingya crisis. This article argues that ASEAN's lack of intervention is undermining its legitimacy, and hence, centrality. The article begins by demonstrating that ASEAN's principles of noninterference and consensus have in the past been flexibly interpreted, and then asserts that to maintain legitimacy and centrality, ASEAN must do three things: it must be seen to be doing something commensurate with the gravity of the situation; it must demonstrate capacity to forge unity among its members; and it must demonstrate institutional integrity by adhering to its human rights commitments. The final part of this article then explores two ways in which ASEAN could more constructively respond to the Rohingya crisis: through the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights; and the ASEAN Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance. 国际司法系统对缅甸种族灭绝事件的研究进展强调了东盟对罗兴亚危机缺乏响应。本文主张,东盟的不干预正在削弱其正当性,并因此削弱其中心性。本文首先证明,东盟的不干预原则及共识在过去被灵活诠释;随后认为,为保持其合法性和中心性,东盟必须完成三件事:其必须作出与情况严重性相称的行为;其必须证明有能力团结其成员;其必须通过遵守其人权承诺来证明制度诚信(institutional integrity)。本文最后一部分探究了东盟能从两方面以更具建设性的方式响应罗兴亚危机:通过东盟政府间人权委员会和东盟人道主义援助协调中心。 La progresión de los casos de genocidio contra Myanmar a través del sistema de justicia internacional pone de relieve la ausencia de una respuesta de la ASEAN a la crisis de los rohingya. Este artículo sostiene que la falta de intervención de la ASEAN está socavando su legitimidad y, por tanto, su centralidad. El artículo comienza demostrando que los principios de no injerencia y consenso de la ASEAN se han interpretado de manera flexible en el pasado, y luego afirma que para mantener la legitimidad y la centralidad, la ASEAN debe hacer tres cosas: se debe considerar que está haciendo algo acorde con la gravedad de la situación; debe demostrar capacidad para forjar la unidad entre sus miembros; y debe demostrar integridad institucional adhiriéndose a sus compromisos de derechos humanos. La parte final de este artículo explora dos formas en las que la ASEAN podría responder de manera más constructiva a la crisis de los rohingya: a través de la Comisión Intergubernamental de Derechos Humanos de la ASEAN; y el Centro Coordinador de Asistencia Humanitaria de la ASEAN.
Article
There seems to exist a general consensus on how to conceptualize cooperation in the field of international relations (IR). We argue that this impression is deceptive. In practice, scholars working on the causes of international cooperation have come to implicitly employ various understandings of what cooperation is. Yet, an explicit debate about the discipline's conceptual foundations never materialized, and whatever discussion occurred did so only latently and without much dialog across theoretical traditions. In this paper, we develop an updated conceptual framework by exploring the nature of these differing understandings and situating them within broader theoretical conversations about the role of cooperation in IR. Drawing on an array of studies in IR and philosophy, our framework distinguishes between three distinct types of cooperative state interactions – cooperation through tacit policy coordination (‘minimal’ cooperation), cooperation through explicit policy coordination (‘thin’ cooperation), and cooperation based on joint action (‘thick’ cooperation). The framework contributes to better theorization about cooperation in two main ways: it allows scholars across theoretical traditions to identify important sources of disagreement and previously unnoticed theoretical common ground; and the conceptual disaggregation it provides grants scholars crucial theoretical leverage by enabling type-specific causal theorization.
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Este artículo analiza las distintas dinámicas de cooperación que se pueden desarrollar entre los Estados en materia de seguridad. Para identificar y caracterizar cada una de ellas, se parte de dos preguntas: ¿por qué cooperan los Estados en materia de seguridad? y ¿cómo se lleva a cabo dicha cooperación? Una vez establecidas las diferencias entre ellas, el artículo se centra en el análisis de los elementos constitutivos de la dinámica cooperativa de seguridad. Tomando como base a los aportes del constructivismo, se analiza cómo las identidades y las normas juegan un papel crucial en el proceso de socialización que conduce a una relación pacífica entre los Estados. Con esto se busca evidenciar las distintas opciones con que cuentan los Estados para afrontar los retos del contexto global, especialmente en busca de disminuir conflictos y garantizar mayor estabilidad entre ellos.
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This chapter discusses Mischief Reef developments since the late 1990s. First, it examines China’s decision to reinforce its position on the reef in 1998 and of how the shifting regional balance of power in favor of China impacted approaches to the dispute. It considers fluctuations in Manila’s relationship with both the US and China. It also discusses the strategic context behind “Mischief Reef II” in 1998. The chapter looks at the factors that contributed to a relatively peaceful period of stability from the late 1990s until the late 2000s. The cautious optimism that followed an ASEAN-led “Declaration on a Code of Conduct” for maritime disputes in 2002 and progress on joint resource exploration is then examined. It shows how potentially dangerous incidents, “salami slicing” strategies and “cabbage tactics” by China in particular, and behaviour designed to emphasize and exaggerate claims continued to complicate this dispute. The chapter also examines the China’s extensive construction work on the reef, creating “facts in the water”, especially between 2013 and 2016. The import of a ruling against China’s legal claims and activities by an international arbitral tribunal in July 2016 also receives attention, illustrating the challenges involved in finding a legal resolution.
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The first content dimension of the Regional Human Resource Development (Regional HRD) ecosystem in Southeast Asia—the macro dimension—is made up of actors and forces that regulate and shape the ecosystem. These include cultural characteristics, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), government policy and regulation, and regional talent mobility. Whereas individual workers and employees and the organizations who invest in them play a direct role in HRD processes, the macro dimension is made up of components that more indirectly influence the implementation of HRD. Within the backdrop of a changing economic and technological landscape, culture shapes the paradigms that countries and individuals bring to HRD. Governments implicitly and explicitly shape National HRD strategies, policies, and regulations. ASEAN encourages its member countries to develop the region’s human resources and recommends regional qualification frameworks and mutual recognition arrangements for skilled labor. These all then influence regional talent mobility, which further affects HRD priorities and implementation regionally. The macro dimension of the Regional HRD ecosystem is dynamic, and it is situated within the broader international HRD ecosystem. This chapter describes this dimension and uses Vietnam an illustrative case of how these components interact.
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Southeast Asia is one of the most dynamic regions in the world given its political, cultural, and economic diversity. Part of its emergence as a region is due to the role of its regional organization, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and ASEAN’s guiding principle: the ASEAN Way. As the 11 countries of Southeast Asia (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam) have become increasingly interconnected economically and politically, the workforces of these countries have also become interconnected. A collective vision for human resource development (HRD) at the regional level (i.e., Regional HRD) is emerging with ASEAN playing a key role. Surrounding and influencing this vision is an evolving and sophisticated Regional HRD ecosystem made up of macro dimensional components such as government policy, meso dimensional components such as professional networks, and micro dimensional components such as individual workers. While these three dimensions make up the content dimensions of the ecosystem, there are also process dimensions that include emergence, convergence, divergence, and adaptation. This chapter introduces the region of Southeast Asia and ASEAN, discusses the concept of Regional HRD, and presents an ecosystems perspective of Regional HRD in Southeast Asia.
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Purpose This study aims to advance an international political economy (IPE) perspective that geo-political events can have long-lasting imprint effects on countries and their firms. The study also aims to explore the idea that shared political history and geography combine to create specific structural conditions that shape the international competitiveness of all firms in a region. In particular, the authors consider whether the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which asserted American influence in the Western Hemisphere, contributed to the creation of institutional structures across Latin America (LA) affecting the strategies of all firms to this day. The authors also illustrate the IPE perspective using the example of the contemporary international competitiveness of LA business groups. Design/methodology/approach The authors illustrate the IPE perspective using the example of the contemporary international competitiveness of LA business groups. The exploratory framework of this study leads to a proposition about the export performance of Latin American business group affiliates. The authors use firm-level performance data for 32,000 firms across emerging economies to explore the proposition empirically while controlling for alternative explanations. To do this, the authors draw on the World Bank Economic Surveys. Findings The authors derive a proposition that argues the Monroe Doctrine has had a long-run imprint effect on economic policymaking in LA, resulting in a common, persistent and negative impact on the international competitiveness of firms. The authors find strong and consistent evidence that in terms of export performance, all Latin American firms export less and group affiliates do not outperform independent firms, This finding contrasts with the results for all the other emerging market regions around the world. Research limitations/implications The main contribution of this study has been to suggest the potential importance of shared regional geopolitical history and geography in explaining firm-level outcomes. However, this study is preliminary and introductory, although the authors seek to control for alternative country-specific explanations of the results. The analysis considers the effects of one particular IPE phenomenon, the Monroe Doctrine, in one particular location: LA. Future work should seek to contrast LA with other geopolitical security and alternative IPE structures. They might also address the time dimension from a historical perspective: is imprinting in LA driven by the length of the Monroe Doctrine arrangements? Practical implications The most important managerial learning point concerns the relevance of geography and political economy factors for multinational enterprises strategy formation. There is widespread understanding that context is an important determinant of subsidiaries’ performance, and that strategies need to be constructed to take account of country-specific characteristics, most importantly, in emerging economies and institutional arrangements. This paper proposes that managers also need to take account of IPE structures, including security arrangements, and to consider the resulting regional as well as national context. Social implications The analysis suggests that not only the performance of firms, including emblematic firms, but also the socially beneficial spillovers that might be generated from them, are contingent on the regional as well as national characteristics. Thus, business groups in most emerging economies are found to yield better performance and to provide higher levels of social impact, including concerning ESG goals. However, the findings of this study suggest that the former is not true for LA, which, the authors argue, is a consequence of imprinting as a result of the Monroe Doctrine. Further work is needed to establish whether the latter effect is also not true, but if that is the case, then regionally specific policies may be required to address the resulting corporate social shortfalls. Originality/value The core idea is that geo-political events can have long-lasting imprint effects on countries and their firms: that shared political history and geography create specific structural conditions that shape the international competitiveness of all firms in a region. The authors explore this concept with reference to the Monroe Doctrine, asking whether its assertion of US influence across the Americas contributed to the creation of institutional structures across LA affecting the strategies of all firms to this day.
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Europe has witnessed a brilliant era after the second World War; an era which is characterized with peace, development and changes in the state function. Today, Europe has reached to a level of peace and integration that other regions of the world see this region as a pattern and typical example, and try to benefit from the EU experiences. Hence, investigation of this experience can be an effective step in exploring the pattern of peace building in regional level with the promise that the world witness more peaceful regions around the world which can pave the way for living in a more peaceful world. This article using descriptive-analytic method discussed three issues: first: war, and its negative consequences, threat, the necessity of security, the role of peace in development and ideas are among the most important factors in the causes of the establishment of peace in EU region; second: the process of peace establishment in EU region has followed the following stages: the formation of peace idea; flourish of peace idea; intention to build peace and establishment of peace; flourish of settled peace and keep and dynamize peace; third: European peace is the result of regional integration which is caused new regional identity and regional security complex to be formed. Keywords: Peace; Europe; The causes and Process of Peace Establishment; Peace Building Strategy
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The first and only book of its kind, this book tackles how mutual legal assistance in criminal matters can develop within and between the ASEAN and the EU. Through this book the reader can gain knowledge on international cooperation in criminal matters, especially on mutual legal assistance, in the ASEAN and the EU, including its member states such as the Philippines, Malaysia, the UK, and Germany. This includes discussions on the regional organizations’ historical and socio-political underpinnings, each one’s existing mutual legal assistance mechanisms, and other considerations to further develop mutual legal assistance within and between the ASEAN and the EU.
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Since the Vietnam War (1955–1975), Western dominance in Southeast Asian geopolitics has seen a steady decline. Coupled with the post-Cold War period, there continued to be a system of watered-down American-led arrangements aimed at maintaining regional stability among Southeast Asian states. This was tempered further by the emergence of Association of Southeast Asia (ASEAN) regionalism in the late 1960s and the progressive fashioning of ASEAN constructs for regional stability. ASEAN over time evinced its own agency in crafting regional institutions and norms to leverage on the notion of “ASEAN centrality” in stabilising regional politics into the twenty-first century. Hitherto, the notion of hegemonic stability in the international relations literature implied that a major hegemon, such a European power like Britain or the United States, would undergird regional stability. Analysts have noted that a multipolar world has emerged in the post-Cold War era when the United States failed to seize the so-called “unipolar moment”. With the apparent decline of American hegemony, a new historic moment is in the offing. The changing character of global politics has allowed for a large measure of agency and flexibility in the foreign policy of small and medium states in the ASEAN formation. Hedging and balancing, as opposed to bandwagoning, have become new strategies in the foreign policy arsenal of Southeast Asian states. A constructivist perspective to the understanding of the emerging Southeast Asian geopolitics suggests that hegemonic stability underpinning a particular politico-economic structural neoliberal order may have been be disrupted by a period of “hegemonic instability” which is posited to be an historic moment currently articulating within the Southeast Asian region circa 2020.
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This research aims to elaborate further on Indonesia and Russia bilateral cooperation by utilizing defense relations in the Southeast Asia region. Indonesia's defense cooperation with Russia is a strategy of sustaining foreign and defense policy instruments abroad to achieve interests and protect national sovereignty. This study uses a descriptive analysis of qualitative approach, and done through literature-based relating to the problems that arise. Additionally, journals, related documents, and web sources are also used as supporting data. It employs neorealism approach in understanding bilateral defense relations. Thus, by strengthening Indonesian defense diplomacy, how Indonesia national interests is able to pursue closer defense cooperation with Russia, and how this collaboration contributes to Indonesian defense diplomacy regionally in encountering external threat. However, through the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting and the ASEAN Regional Forum, Indonesia's defense diplomacy utilized strategy which aim to generating mutual confidence, and reducing potential threats that can arise from the external threat. Indonesia, so far, has utilized its defense diplomacy by intensifying defense cooperation with Russia to foster a sense of mutual trust and enhancement effort in national defense capabilities to anticipate any potential external security threats. Indonesia's effort to enhance its regional power reputation for implementing foreign and defense policy at the international level, particularly at upgrading its national defense system. This research revealed that by strengthening economic cooperation and defense diplomacy, Indonesia would secure its defense cooperation with Russia and vice versa. As the most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, 3 rd world largest democracies and significant regional power, intentionally has a strategic interest in maintaining peace and stability.
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Objectives To figure out whether adaptation – specifically, Ernst B. Hass’ incremental growth model – is able to account for institutional changes of ASEAN in the shape of the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC). Methods Use Ernst Hass' theoretical arguments and propositions to examine some of ASEAN's internal and external factors that have an impact on the discussion, planning, and implementation of the APSC. Three variables -- the types of knowledge used by ASEAN leaders in making choices, their political objectives, as well as the manner in which issues being negotiated -- are found in historical documents and academic analyses and then operationalized in a simpler way. Results The selection of the incremental growth model is justified and the incremental growth model can serve as an innovative analytical framework for the institutional change in ASEAN. Conclusions ASEAN is in a dynamic context where increased expectations and pressure from within and outside are taking place all at once. The institutionalization of ASEAN security arrangements, originally led by the initiation of the ASC/APSC, means that ASEAN has started facing these expectations and pressure and moved on to enhance security cooperation to a certain degree. It is time for students of international relations to apply again the previous finding of adaptation through incremental growth and conduct further field investigations into the current evolution of the APSC.
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Around the world, states cooperate in Regional International Organizations (RIOs). Although most RIOs were created to foster cooperation between their members, most of today’s RIOs are also equipped with external policy competencies, allowing them to become active beyond their borders. This paper sheds light on the evolution of external policy competencies of 76 RIOs over time and between policy areas. It shows that RIO’s external policy competencies increase over time and that some cover a broader range of external policy fields than others. The paper draws on a rational choice framework and develops RIO- and policy-level hypotheses to account for observed variation. A multilevel analysis reveals that RIOs have more external policy competencies when they are more exposed to interdependence in their neighbourhood and when they also have many internal competencies.
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This paper will consider the structural nature of human rights regarding Rohingya as well as a discussion of the failure of transformative peace. The paper will proceed first by considering the national standing of Rohingya regarding citizenship/nationality then consider the context of Myanmar being an ASEAN member state and avenues for redress at the regional level. Next will be an analysis of Myanmar's international human rights obligations and lastly consider peace or the lack thereof from Galtung's theory of cultural and structural violence.
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