ArticlePDF Available


This article describes the Blueprints database of evidence-based programmes (EBPs) and its potential application in children's services in European countries. It outlines relevant aspects of the European context, including a tendency to be skeptical about programmes imported from the US, and the need for a pan-European source of information about EBPs across multiple outcome areas. It then describes the standards of evidence used by Blueprints, which cover intervention specificity, evaluation quality, intervention impact, and dissemination readiness. The criteria for determining that a programme is ‘Model’ and ‘Promising’ are outlined. The article then summarizes the process by which the standards were developed and some of the issues that were harder to resolve. It also sketches the process by which a programme reaches the Blueprints database, and provides three examples of programmes approved by Blueprints and implemented in Europe: a home-visiting programme for mothers of infants; a parent skills training programme; and a therapeutic intervention for families of chronic offenders. A brief indication is also given of how the wider pool of programmes reviewed fare against the standards of evidence. Finally, the article summarizes future directions for the work, with a particular emphasis on how Blueprints might become widely used in Europe.
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
Blueprints for Europe:
Promoting Evidence-Based Programmes in Children’s Services*
Blueprints para Europa:
Promoviendo Programas Basados en la Evidencia en los
Servicios de Atención a la Infancia
Nick Axford1, Delbert S. Elliott2, and Michael Little1
1The Social Research Unit, Dartington, UK
2University of Colorado, and Founding Director of Blueprints, USA
Abstract. This article describes the Blueprints database of evidence-based programmes (EBPs) and its
potential application in children’s services in European countries. It outlines relevant aspects of the
European context, including a tendency to be skeptical about programmes imported from the US, and the
need for a pan-European source of information about EBPs across multiple outcome areas. It then
describes the standards of evidence used by Blueprints, which cover intervention specificity, evaluation
quality, intervention impact, and dissemination readiness. The criteria for determining that a programme is
‘Model’ and ‘Promising’ are outlined. The article then summarizes the process by which the standards were
developed and some of the issues that were harder to resolve. It also sketches the process by which a pro-
gramme reaches the Blueprints database, and provides three examples of programmes approved by
Blueprints and implemented in Europe: a home-visiting programme for mothers of infants; a parent skills
training programme; and a therapeutic intervention for families of chronic offenders. A brief indication is
also given of how the wider pool of programmes reviewed fare against the standards of evidence. Finally,
the article summarizes future directions for the work, with a particular emphasis on how Blueprints might
become widely used in Europe.
Keywords: child well-being, Europe, evidence-based program, program evaluation.
Resumen. En el artículo se describe la base de datos de Blueprints de programas basados en la evidencia
(PBE’s) y su aplicación potencial en servicios de atención a la infancia en los países europeos. Se abordan
los aspectos relevantes del contexto europeo, y se señala una cierta tendencia al escepticismo ante progra-
mas importados de los EEUU, así como la necesidad de una fuente de información paneuropea sobre
PBE’s en todas las áreas de resultados. A continuación, se describen los criterios de evidencia empleados
en los Blueprints, tales como la especificidad de la intervención, la calidad de la evaluación, el impacto de
la intervención y la disponibilidad del sistema. Se examinan los criterios que se siguen para que un pro-
grama sea considerado como ‘Modelo’ y ‘Prometedor’. A continuación, se resume el proceso mediante el
que se desarrollaron los criterios y algunos de los aspectos de más difícil resolución. También se describen
las líneas generales del proceso de incorporación de un programa a la base de datos de Blueprints, y pro-
porciona tres ejemplos de programas aprobados por los Blueprints e implementados en Europa: un progra-
ma de visitas a domicilio a las madres de menores, un programa de entrenamiento de habilidades parenta-
les, y una intervención terapéutica en familias de delincuentes reincidentes. También se indica brevemen-
te que la mayor parte de programas revisados no cumple con los criterios de evidencia. Finalmente, el artí-
culo resume las orientaciones futuras de trabajo en este campo, con especial énfasis en las distintas estra-
tegias para extender el uso de Blueprints por toda Europa.
Palabras clave: bienestar infantil, Europa, evaluación del programa, programa basado en la evidencia.
The last decade has seen growing interest in evi-
dence-based programmes (EBPs) in developed coun-
tries. A ‘programme’ is a discrete, organized package of
practices, spelled out in guidance – sometimes called a
manual or protocol – that explains what should be deliv-
ered to whom, when, where and how. A programme is
‘evidence-based’ when it has been evaluated robustly,
typically by randomized controlled trials (RCTs) or
quasi-experimental designs (QEDs), and found
unequivocally to have a positive effect on one or more
relevant child outcomes (Social Research Unit, 2012a).
There are now many such programmes, covering all
areas of children’s lives, including education, behav-
iour, health, relationships and emotional well-being.
Correspondence: Nick Axford, Lower Hood Barn, Dartington,
Totnes, TQ9 6AB Devon, UK. E-mail:
*Versión en castellano disponible en [spanish version available at]:
However, their market penetration is very poor. They
are rarely adopted, and, when they are, implementation
is often poor and programmes fizzle out when initial
funding ends (Bumbarger & Perkins, 2008). This holds
in the US, where most EBPs originate, and even more
so in Europe, where countries are increasingly import-
ing these programmes.
There are various possible reasons for this state of
affairs (Little, 2010). First, there is a lack of knowledge
among policy makers and senior practitioners regard-
ing the existence and nature of EBPs. Some arguably
place little value on evidence. Second, there is confu-
sion about what constitutes ‘evidence-based’ and what
is an appropriate standard. Third, there is anxiety about
whether these programmes can be implemented in
real-world settings, and what human and financial
resources this requires.
Such obstacles to implementing EBPs are magnified
in Europe, where there is some resistance both to the
concept of a programme and the fact that most of the
best-known EBPs originate in the US (the two ideas
tend to get conflated in debate). States with social-
democratic or Catholic welfare regimes tend to be
skeptical about programmes from the US (Grietens,
2010). This is partly because some programmes have
had mixed or disappointing outcomes when imple-
mented in Europe. For instance, Multisystemic
Therapy performed only a little better than services as
usual in the UK (Butler, Baruch, Hickey, & Fonagy,
2011), whereas in Sweden regular services did equally
well (Sundell et al., 2008).
The hesitancy also reflects cultural differences in
service provision between Europe and the US. The US
has a minimal welfare state. North European countries,
by contrast, have more redistributive policies and pro-
vide universal welfare (Rowlands, 2010). They also
invest in professionalizing children’s services staff,
notably through social pedagogues who are trained in
child development and work therapeutically with chil-
dren and families in many settings (Petrie, Boddy,
Cameron, Wigfall, & Simon, 2006). There is a reluc-
tance to adopt practices from a country (the US) that
routinely performs poorly in league tables of child
well-being in developed countries, particularly since
many European countries, especially those in
Scandinavia, perform relatively well (UNICEF, 2007).
Compounding this skepticism, there is no pan-
European source of information for a European audi-
ence on EBPs that cover a range of outcome areas. The
best-known clearinghouses of EBPs are published in
English and aimed primarily at American providers.
Very few European programmes feature on them.
Similar ventures in Europe tend to be country-specif-
ic,1or system-specific (e.g. education),2or focused on
a single subject (e.g. drug prevention and treatment),3
or concerned with a class of programmes (e.g. parent-
ing interventions).4There is a recognized need for out-
lets in diverse languages and aimed at diverse cultures
(Soydan, Mullen, Alexandra, Rehnman, & Li, 2010).
European children’s services providers also need guid-
ance on how to select and adapt programmes for a dif-
ferent context. This includes information on which
children and families programmes succeed with.
This article discusses Blueprints, a resource that will
provide policy makers and practitioners in Europe with
high-quality information about programmes that meet
a high standard of evidence and are ready for imple-
mentation in service systems. Blueprints is designed to
lead to the greater awareness and use of EBPs and
improved well-being for the children and families who
receive them. We believe it fills an important niche.
Before going any further it is helpful to provide some
historical background.
Blueprints started in the US with a focus on vio-
lence prevention following the Columbine school mas-
sacre in 1993, in which two High School students
killed 12 fellow students and a teacher. This was the
catalyst for the Center for the Study and Prevention of
Violence, part of the University of Colorado in nearby
Boulder, to start compiling a list of evidence-based
programmes specifically aimed at preventing violence
(Elliott, 2010). In 2010, the Annie E. Casey
Foundation funded the Social Research Unit (SRU) at
Dartington, UK, and the Social Development Research
Group (SDRG) at the University of Washington, US,
to develop a method to help system leaders and com-
munities to work better together to implement EBPs at
scale. The idea was to bring together the centres’
respective Common Language and Communities that
Care methods (Axford & Morpeth, 2012; Hawkins &
Catalano, 2002). The project necessitated the develop-
ment of a menu of programmes that cover all key
developmental outcomes, and so work began on a
database of EBPs.
The researchers behind Blueprints for Violence
Prevention were involved in developing the standards
of evidence to underpin the Evidence2Success data-
base (see below). They also recognized the value in
broadening the scope of Blueprints, both in terms of
outcomes and geography, hence the partnership with
Casey and the Social Research Unit. With funding
from Casey, Blueprints for Violence Prevention:
Was re-named ‘Blueprints for Problem Behavior
and Healthy Youth Development’, becoming the
database for Evidence2Success (there is no sepa-
rate Evidence2Success database).
Essentially adopted the standard of evidence
developed for Evidence2Success (which involved
making slight changes to both the existing
Blueprints standards and the Evidence2Sucess
standards in order to align them).
Broadened its remit to include programmes seek-
ing to improve children’s health, education, rela-
tionships, emotional well-being, and behaviour.
Opened a European office in London, staffed by
the Social Research Unit.
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
• Appointed its first European representative on the
Board, and
• Re-designed its US website and started work on a
European website (ensuring consistency in key
The remainder of this article describes the standards
of evidence used to select programmes for the new
Blueprints, how they were developed, the process by
which a programme reaches the website, the kind of
programmes that have been approved, how pro-
grammes fare against the standards, and future direc-
tions for the work with particular reference to Europe.
The standards of evidence
The standards of evidence that underpin Blueprints
today cover four dimensions:
1. Evaluation quality – whether the investigation
into the efficacy and effectiveness of the pro-
gramme produces valid and reliable findings.
2. Intervention impact – how much positive change
in key developmental outcomes can be attributed
to the programme.
3. Intervention specificity – whether the pro-
gramme is focused, practical and logical.
4. Dissemination readiness – whether the pro-
gramme is accompanied by the necessary sup-
port and information to enable its successful
implementation in communities and public serv-
ice systems.
Within each dimension, the Standards contain
‘Promising’ and ‘Model’ criteria. The Promising crite-
ria set a basic minimum standard, while the Model cri-
teria strengthen confidence in a programme’s scientif-
ic rigour, impact on outcomes, intervention specificity
or readiness to be taken to scale. The four dimensions
are now elaborated.
Evaluation quality
In order for a programme to appear on Blueprints, it
must have been evaluated by at least one good random-
ized controlled trial (RCT) or two good quasi-experi-
mental design (QED) studies. ‘Good’ refers to aspects
of methodological quality, specifically that:
• The method of assignment to intervention and
control is at the appropriate level (eg. individual,
• The measurement instruments are suitable for the
intervention population of focus and desired out-
• Analysis is based on ‘intent-to-treat’.
The statistical procedures and tests are appropri-
Intervention and control groups are equivalent at
baseline on key outcomes or appropriate controls
for differences are included in the analysis.
Such studies must also meet the following criteria.
It must be clear with whom the programme was tested
and what was actually received by the intervention and
comparison groups. The measures used must be valid
and reliable, capture a relevant outcome, and not be
tied to the programme under scrutiny. In order to min-
imize bias, someone without a vested interest in the
programme must have provided the observations, rat-
ings or assessments.
The extent to which participants dropped out during
the study is also considered. Some drop-out is com-
mon, but it is problematic if many youth drop out, if
some categories of youth drop out a lot more than oth-
ers (eg. boys more than girls), or if the drop-out rate
and type of person dropping out differ significantly
between the programme and control groups.
There are several Model evaluation quality criteria.
One is simply if there are at least two RCTs or one
RCT and one QED that meet the quality criteria.
Generally there can be more confidence in findings if
a programme has been evaluated well more than once.
Many evaluations only look at impact at the end of the
programme, which is a problem as impact often fades
with time. For this reason, evidence of a longer-term
effect – at least 12 months after the programme ends –
is also credited. These two criteria must be met for cer-
tification as a Model Programme.
Signs that evaluators have sought a finer-grained
understanding of programme impact are also recog-
nized. For instance, they might have tested for the
relationship between implementation fidelity and out-
come, or between the amount of programme received
and outcome. If a programme has been delivered well,
or if some youth or families have had more of it, a
stronger effect would be expected. Some studies
examine whether the programme works better for
some sub-groups of than others, focusing on gender,
ethnicity and socio-economic status. Studies may also
test whether the logic that underpins the programme
actually holds up; do effects take place for the reasons
that were expected? Both of these are also Model cri-
Intervention impact
Programmes that appear on Blueprints must have a
positive effect on a relevant outcome, the size of which
is known, and have no known harmful effects. Only
evaluation studies that meet all Promising evaluation
quality criteria may be considered when making this
A majority of studies that meet this threshold must
show that the programme has a positive effect on a rel-
evant outcome in order for it to be judged to have an
overall positive effect. A ‘positive effect’ means that
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
programme group youth or families did better relative
to youth or families in the comparison group. It is
important that this effect is not likely to be the result of
chance, so it has to be ‘statistically significant’. The
size of this positive effect should also be provided.
There should be no evidence of the programme hav-
ing a harmful effect on youth or families. This includes
all outcomes and all sub-groups. For example, a pro-
gramme would not be approved if it improves adoles-
cents’ relationships with peers but at the expense of
their use of illicit substances increasing. Equally, if the
programme decreases substance use for boys but not
girls, it would be approved for boys only.
There are two Model criteria for Intervention
impact. One is the existence of several studies meeting
the Promising evaluation quality criteria, a majority of
which show a statistically significant positive impact.
The other is evidence that children who received a
larger amount of the programme did better than those
who received a smaller amount: in other words, there
is a positive dose-effect relationship.
Intervention specificity
Programmes need to be clear about what outcomes
they target and which group of children will benefit.
There should be a clear description of what the pro-
gramme comprises, and an explanation of why and
how the programme should work – in other words,
how the programme will address the risk and protec-
tive factors as a means of achieving the outcomes.
There is one Model criterion for Intervention speci-
ficity, which is the existence of compelling research
evidence to support the programme logic. This must
explain why and how the programme is likely to bene-
fit the children and youth it is aimed at. For example,
if a parenting programme encourages parents to prac-
tise certain skills to deal with their children’s poor
behaviour, have other studies shown that doing this
Dissemination readiness
Programmes that are accepted for the database also
need to demonstrate that they can be implemented at
scale in communities and service systems. At the sim-
plest level, the programme that was evaluated should
still be available. Next, it should be clear how to get
the programme to the right children, youth and fami-
lies. A manual and training and implementation mate-
rials are also needed, because these will help ensure
that the programme is implemented consistently (or
with fidelity). The financial and human resources
needed for implementation should be stated.
There are several Model dissemination readiness
criteria, starting with the availability of technical sup-
port with implementation and a checklist to help mon-
itor fidelity. Recognition is given to programmes that
are currently being disseminated widely, or that have
been tested and found effective when delivered by reg-
ular practitioners in normal settings. Many pro-
grammes are tested initially under special conditions –
for example, they are delivered in university clinics by
research staff. Policy makers can have more confi-
dence in programmes that have been tested when
delivered by the kinds of people who normally provide
similar services in their daily work.
Developing the standards
In their work on Evidence2Success, the SRU,
SDRG and Annie E. Casey Foundation recognized that
there are already over 25 databases of evidence-based
programmes and, accordingly, several sets of stan-
dards.5In an attempt to build some consensus, the
decision was taken to develop the Evidence2Success
standards of evidence – since adopted by Blueprints
with some amendments, as described above – by
involving experts who had previously developed other
sets of standards of evidence, all of which but the last
listed below have been used to inform databases of
Best Evidence Encyclopedia6(Robert E. Slavin,
Johns Hopkins University, US).
• Blueprints for Violence Prevention7(Delbert S.
Elliott, University of Colorado, US).
LINKS (Lifecourse Interventions Nurturing Kids
Successfully)8(Kristen Moore, Child Trends,
Communities that Care9(J. David Hawkins and
Richard F. Catalano, SDRG, University of
Washington, US).
Greater London Authority Project Oracle10
(Michael Little, SRU at Dartington, UK).
These experts met regularly over a six-month peri-
od and tested prototype standards empirically to see
how easy they were to apply and which programmes
would meet them. Consideration was also given to
other sets of standards, such as those developed by the
Society for Prevention Research (Flay et al., 2005) and
the CONSORT guidelines on reporting RCTs.11 During
this period several issues arose that required discus-
sion. Most concerned evaluation quality and interven-
tion impact. Some of the more important ones are now
outlined briefly.
There was discussion about whether the amount of
attrition from a study was important and whether a
level at which it becomes problematic should be spec-
ified. However, it was argued that this would penalise
follow-up studies, which the standards encourage,
since these tend to have higher attrition. The expert
group therefore decided to focus mainly on differential
rather than overall attrition, although the Blueprints
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
Board still considers attrition rates and expects some
controls or adjustment (e.g. propensity scoring) when
this rate is high.
Another issue concerned the value of independent
replication, in other words a study not involving the
programme developer that nevertheless shows an
impact. The rationale was that developer involvement
seems to introduce bias (Eisner, 2009). The expert
group agreed that while independent replication is
desirable, and should be encouraged, to insist on it now
would result in a very short list and remove stronger
programmes, such as Nurse Family Partnership.
There was considerable discussion about the accep-
tability of evidence of impact derived solely from self-
report measures. In criminal justice, such measures are
generally considered acceptable. In education, they are
unacceptable if used alone; observations, teacher
ratings, and academic test scores are preferred. The
expert group decided that the focus should be on whe-
ther measures are appropriate: no form of measure-
ment is wrong per se. They insisted, however, that
assessments cannot be limited to those made by per-
sons who are not blind to the experimental condition or
who are providing the intervention, since this can
introduce bias.
There was also extensive debate over the require-
ment for evidence of sustained impact 12 months after
the intervention ended. The worry was expressed that
very few educational programmes would qualify
because the last measure is usually taken at the end of
the intervention. Evidence of a sustained impact was
therefore made a ‘best’ rather than a ‘good enough’ cri-
The main issue on intervention impact concerned
the requirement for a statistically significant effect
size. It was argued that in many studies with large clus-
ters (such as schools) it is difficult to obtain large
enough sample sizes to permit analysis at the cluster
level. However, unbiased and meaningful estimates
can be obtained using participant-level analyses when
sample sizes at the participant level are large. The
expert group therefore agreed to have as an alternative
a sample size weighted mean effect size of 0.2, with a
sample size of more than 500 individuals across all
Finally, a decision needed to be made about the cri-
teria for determining a programme’s overall status.
Blueprints categorizes programmes as either ‘Model’
or ‘Promising’. It was agreed that a programme must
meet all ‘good enough’13 criteria across all four dimen-
sions to be deemed ‘Promising’ and that a programme
is designated ‘Model’ if it meets these criteria and:
It has (a) two or more good enough randomised
controlled trials or (b) at least one good enough
randomised controlled trial and one good enough
quasi-experimental design evaluation, and
There is evidence of a sustained impact (at least
12 months after the end of the programme).
How programmes get onto Blueprints
These standards are applied to programmes that seek
to achieve outcomes in the areas of behaviour, emotion-
al well-being, educational skills and attainment, health
(particularly as it relates to behavioural issues, such as
smoking, eating, drinking), and relationships (primarily
with parents and peers). There are four steps in the
process for Blueprints to approve a programme.
First, all relevant scientific literature on the pro-
gramme is identified. (At present this is restricted to
English-language publications.) The research team
sifts through the primary journals in all areas of prob-
lem behaviour and child health and development on a
regular basis to identify literature that might suggest
new programmes for inclusion or add to or challenge
programmes on the database. Information submitted
by programme developers or purveyors is also consid-
Second, this literature is analyzed against the stan-
dards of evidence by a team of trained reviewers based
at the University of Colorado in the US and the Social
Research Unit in the UK. The result is a structured nar-
rative description of each study and a quantitative sum-
mary of whether overall the programme meets each of
the criteria contained within the standards. The
reviews focus primarily on intervention specificity,
evaluation quality and intervention impact. Each
review must be approved for quality by a review coor-
Third, programmes that are deemed to have a good
chance of meeting the standards of evidence are for-
warded to the Blueprints Board for consideration. The
Board comprises eight leading prevention scientists
from the US and Europe and meets twice a year. The
Board decides whether or not programmes meet the
standards in terms of evaluation quality and interven-
tion impact and can therefore potentially be recom-
mended for dissemination.
Fourth, the review team checks the system readiness
of programmes approved by the Blueprints Board.
This is done by consulting programme websites and by
asking developers or purveyors to complete a written
questionnaire. The questionnaire covers subjects such
as the availability of materials and training, fidelity
monitoring procedures, and human resource require-
ments. If extra information is needed once this is sub-
mitted then follow-up questions are sent and, often, a
telephone discussion is held. Two members of the
review team – at least one with extensive experience of
delivering and managing services – discuss the infor-
mation received and determine if the programme is
‘system ready’. At this stage a programme is formally
approved and the developer is informed that it will
appear on the Blueprints website.
The list of approved programmes is updated regu-
larly. Regular literature searches are undertaken using
a consistent process to identify new studies showing
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
positive or even negative findings for programmes
already on the list. Similarly, studies on new pro-
grammes are reviewed if they seem likely to meet the
standards of evidence. Particular efforts are being
made to identify programmes originating in Europe
since most programmes approved to date were devel-
oped in the US. Programme developers and evaluators
may also submit their programme for consideration.
Programmes approved for Blueprints
At the time of writing there are 11 ‘Model’ pro-
grammes and 22 ‘Promising’ programmes on Blue-
prints. This is from over 1000 programmes reviewed.
However, several new programmes will shortly be
added to the list, largely as the result of the decision
described earlier in this article to extend the remit of
Blueprints beyond violence prevention (the initial
focus) to encompass other areas of child and youth
development, such as education and health.
Some examples of programmes appearing on the
Blueprints website follow. They represent different
types and levels of intervention and have all been
implemented in Europe. The descriptions outline
briefly how each of the programmes meets the stan-
dards and where they are delivered.
Nurse Family Partnership is a home-visiting pro-
gramme that involves nurses making home-visits to
young, often teenage, vulnerable first-time parents,
starting in early pregnancy and lasting until children
are 24 months old. The programme aims to promote
prenatal health, improve child well-being and develop-
ment through better parenting, and encourage parental
self-sufficiency through education, employment, or
planning future pregnancies. Specially trained nurses
pay weekly or fortnightly structured home-visits to
families. Home-visits allow nurses to prepare young
people for parenthood and guide them to adopt health-
ier lifestyles, take good care of their babies, and plan
for their future. Key to the programme is the strong
therapeutic relationship built between nurse and fami-
Rigorous scientific evaluations show that NFP leads
to a range of improvements in child health and devel-
opment, such as better child behaviour and academic
achievement, more positive parenting practices, reduc-
tions in child maltreatment, and increased parental
independence –including reduced welfare use (eg.
Olds, Henderson, Chamberlin, & Tatelbaum 1986; Olds
& Kitzman, 1990). These impacts are sustained long
after the programme finishes, for example children in
FNP are less likely to be involved in the juvenile justice
system in adolescence (eg. Eckenrode et al., 2010).
Nurse Family Partnership is accompanied by an
extensive package of support, including manuals,
training and technical assistance. It has been imple-
mented in the UK and the Netherlands. Every dollar
invested in the US version of the programme for low-
income families yields a return of $3.23 (Aos et al.,
The second programme described here, Incredible
Years BASIC, is designed for parents of children aged
2-10 years with conduct problems. It seeks to improve
family interaction and prevent early and persistent
anti-social behaviour in these children.
The programme comprises a 12-week course of
two-hour sessions delivered to a group of about 12 par-
ents by two specially trained leaders. Parents are
taught strategies to help them manage their child’s
problem behaviours, such as aggression, tantrums, and
acting out. They also learn how to promote their child’s
social skills through emotion regulation. Sessions
involve group discussion, videotape modelling, and
the rehearsal of parenting techniques.
Incredible Years BASIC has been evaluated by RCT
in several countries, including the US, UK, and Norway.
These evaluations show consistently that the pro-
gramme increases the use of positive parenting strate-
gies, reduces the use of harsh and inconsistent disci-
pline, and reduces deviant behaviour in children (eg.
Webster-Stratton, Kolpacoff, & Hollinsworth, 1988;
Hutchings et al., 2007; Larsson et al., 2009; Scott et al.,
2010; Little et al., 2012; McGilloway et al., 2012).
Incredible Years BASIC has extensive group leader
manuals, DVDs, books, CDs, handouts, and recom-
mended activities and reading between sessions.
Group leaders receive initial three-day training and
ongoing technical support and supervision to assist
successful implementation. The programme has been
provided in mental health agencies, public health cen-
tres and schools in the US, UK, Ireland, Norway,
Germany, Denmark, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal
and Sweden. For every $1 invested the programme
produces a return of $1.20 (Aos et al., 2011).15
The third programme, Multisystemic Therapy
(MST), is an intensive family-based intervention for
adolescents who are chronic offenders; typically they
have committed serious crimes and have substance
abuse problems. MST aims to reduce anti-social
behaviour and criminal activity, as well as improve
parenting skills, family relations, school grades and
involvement with positive peers and activities. A ther-
apist works with the adolescent in their daily surround-
ings – with their family, friends, at school and in their
community. Together with the family, the therapist
designs a treatment plan to tackle identified risks and
encourage protective influences in the adolescent’s
environment. Various strategies are employed, such as
CBT or coaching. The therapist becomes a single point
of contact for the family, available 24/7. A typical MST
intervention lasts 3-5 months and involves 3-6 sessions
weekly, each up to two hours long.
MST has been proven to work in multiple high-
quality RCTs. It reduces criminal recidivism rates and
anti-social behaviour, including conduct problems and
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
aggression, and also improves emotion management
and family cohesion (eg. Henggeler, Melton, & Smith,
1992; Timmons-Mitchell, Bender, Kishna, & Mit-
chell,, 2006). Some effects are long-lasting, with
improvements still visible several years after treatment
(eg. Henggeler, Clingempeel, Brondino, & Pickrel,
A US-based organisation ‘MST Services’ provides
training, technical support, monitoring, materials
including treatment manuals, and licensing. It is deliv-
ered by experienced therapists, each of whom receive
five days training and ongoing support. MST has been
delivered extensively in the US, and in several
European countries, including Norway, Spain,
Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, Iceland and the UK.
A UK cost-benefit analysis reveals that every pound
spent on MST produces a return of £1.77 (Social
Research Unit, 2012b)16.
How programmes fare against the standards
of evidence
It is instructive to reflect briefly on how pro-
grammes perform against the standards of evidence.
Here the focus is on the 100 programmes reviewed
against the standards in 2011 as part of the Annie E.
Casey Foundation Evidence2Success project. These
represent a spread of programmes in terms of child
developmental stage and outcomes targeted, and were
deliberately selected because the expert group deemed
them to be the best available.
Intervention specificity was generally good, with
most programmes reviewed meeting each of the ‘good
enough’ criteria on this dimension. Evaluation quality
was much more variable. The ‘good enough’ evalua-
tion quality criteria that tended to be better addressed
in programme evaluations include: the appropriateness
of measures (reflecting outcomes, not being tied to
intervention, not being rated solely by the imple-
menter); having a clear statement of demographics;
and assigning cases to programme and comparison
groups at the appropriate level (although they are not
always analyzed at the correct level). There was less
clarity about: what the control group received; how the
intervention that was actually delivered compares with
intervention as it was designed to be delivered; if or
how clustering is controlled for in analyses, for exam-
ple when the unit of allocation is schools; whether
there is equivalence between the programme and con-
trol groups at baseline on outcome measures; whether
analysis was intent-to-treat or not; and whether there
was differential attrition.
Regarding the ‘Best’17 evaluation quality criteria,
12-month follow-up was available in fewer than half of
cases, as was sub-group analysis. It was rare for there
to be any analysis of the relationship between fidelity
and outcomes or of the role played by mediating fac-
tors. Dose-response analysis – in the proper sense of
setting out deliberately to vary the dose and compar-
ing, for example, a full-length version and a shorter
version of the programme – was extremely rare.
On intervention impact, about half of the pro-
grammes indicated effect size. As regards system
readiness, it was generally difficult to establish system
readiness without contacting the programme develop-
er; the information supplied on programme websites,
for example, is inadequate for that purpose. Usually
the programme that was evaluated is still available,
although this can be difficult to detect as programmes
‘morph’ over time, notably to make improvements or
to be more suitable for a different population or setting.
Most programmes reviewed had a manual and training
but information about financial and human resources
was much less readily available. The extent of dissem-
ination and ‘real world’ testing was often unclear, and
although many programmes purport to have a fidelity
protocol it was less clear whether this is suitable for
use beyond research studies, in other words in ortho-
dox service settings.
The Blueprints websites
Until now, the work of Blueprints has been dissem-
inated through a website managed by the Blueprints
for Violence Prevention team at the University of
Boulder Colorado. The new Blueprints will have two
websites. The main site is aimed primarily at a US
provider audience. It is designed and maintained to
enable policy makers and providers to access readily
the information they need on each approved pro-
gramme. The approach taken is similar to that used in
‘Consumer Report’ (in the US) or ‘Which?’ (UK) mag-
azines. Instead of searching for and comparing cam-
eras or washing machines, website users can search for
suitable programmes by outcome, target group, and
risk and protective factors. It is not possible here to
give an exhaustive list of the information supplied
about each programme but the main fields include:
• Programme objectives.
• Programme recipients.
• Level of intervention (eg. universal prevention,
selected prevention, treatment).
• Setting (eg. school, community, home).
• Targeted risk and protective factors.
• A brief description of the programme.
A brief description of the outcomes achieved by
the programme.
• A brief description of the methodology used in the
relevant evaluation studies.
Financial information (eg. unit cost, cost-benefit
ratio, potential funding strategies).
• Training and technical assistance information.
Contact information for both the programme
designer and the purveyor.
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
Users can print a fact sheet containing this informa-
tion and also compare different programmes against
the same criteria.
A sister website aimed at European providers will
have essentially the same functions and be consist in
content, but it will contain less text, include a handful
of different fields (eg. evidence of dissemination of the
programme in question in Europe) and be translated
into European languages (initially Spanish, French and
German). Users wishing to obtain further information
will be able to link to the US website.
Both websites are ongoing projects. It is planned in
due course to add new fields, including a visual logic
model, video content (eg. the programme developer
summarizing the programme), the facility to explore
the likely impact of implementing a portfolio of pro-
grammes on costs, benefits and outcomes, and subjec-
tive feedback from policy makers, practitioners, chil-
dren and families who have experience with the pro-
The task of producing the websites requires generat-
ing high-quality content for each approved programme.
Some of this comes direct from the completed reviews,
including outcomes targeted, target group, and logic
model. However, additional data collection is required.
First, a consistent and comparable indicator of the size
of effect will be generated using the meta-analytic
methods in operation at the Washington State Institute
for Public Policy (Aos et al., 2011; Lee, Drake,
Pennucci, Bjornstad, & Edovald, 2012). In the case of
programmes and outcomes not yet examined by the
Washington centre this requires coding studies, con-
ducting meta-analyses and applying the effect size for-
mula utilized by the Washington State Institute for
Public Policy. Second, financial data is also created on
the cost of implementation. This is broken down into
costs for start-up, materials, delivery, training and tech-
nical assistance. Potential strategies and sources for
funding the programme are also listed. This information
is obtained via questionnaires and interviews with pro-
gramme developers/purveyors. Third, the Washington
centre uses the effect size and unit cost data to generate
a cost-benefit ratio, which will be used by Blueprints.
Future developments
The work described here will develop in at least six
ways. First, it is expected that the Blueprints standards,
which already set a high bar in the child welfare field,
will become higher as understanding of the science of
evidence-based programmes and their implementation
improves and as the quality of studies improves in
response to standards such as these. For example, the
stipulation of sustained impact at 12-month follow-up
might move from being a Model criterion to become a
Promising criterion, and the requirement for an inde-
pendent replication might be added.
Second, continuing efforts will be made to build
understanding of how the Blueprints standards and
database link to those used by other groups. For exam-
ple, there will be ongoing discussions with groups such
as the Society for Prevention Research, and in Europe
work has started on building connections with research
and intervention communities in participating coun-
tries – including those representing existing clearing-
houses. Such collaboration will contribute to the wider
use of Blueprints and other sources. For example,
some clearinghouses, such as MOVISIE in the
Netherlands, track innovation, whereas Blueprints
focuses on proven programmes. Both are important,
and the work of the former should contribute to the lat-
Third, new programmes will be approved. More
programmes developed in Europe need to be rated
against the standards of evidence. Several that stand a
reasonable chance of meeting the standards are known
of but they need to be reviewed in full and, if approved
by the Blueprints Board, disseminated more widely
(eg. Atria & Spiel, 2007; Faggiano et al., 2008;
Salmivalli, Kärnä, & Poskiparta, 2011). In addition,
and with a view to the longer-term, work is underway
to show how the standards can be used to help practi-
tioners to take programmes on the journey from inno-
vation to model programme. This argues that innova-
tions should be strengthened and tested with a level of
rigor appropriate to their stage of gestation (Little,
2012a). For example, new programmes might warrant
a pre-post or even a small comparison group study,
with progress to larger RCTs conditional on positive
Fourth, Blueprints will need promoting in Europe.
In the first instance, the standards of evidence should
be shared with colleagues in relevant European organ-
izations, including pan-European centres, clearing-
houses and country-specific research institutes. This
will promote discussion about the differences and sim-
ilarities between different standards/databases (e.g. in
terms of focus, function and audience) and ways of
connecting different initiatives to achieve greater syn-
ergy. Eventually, specified European states and/or the
European Union might be encouraged to adopt the
standards, database and economic model. The strong
alliances forged by Blueprints with key experts and
decision makers in the US need to be replicated in
Europe. This will require written materials as well as
conferences and meetings to understand potential
users’ needs and concerns and encourage them to use
the website. Training materials on the standards and
using the websites might be developed for end-users.
Fifth, research is needed on the transportability of
programmes from one context to another – in particu-
lar from the US to Europe, or from one European coun-
try to another. The success of imported programmes is
mixed, as indicated already. What is effective in one
context might not be effective in another, and what is
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
culturally appropriate in one context may not be in
another. Various factors might account for this, includ-
ing the extent to which programmes need adaptation
and are adapted carefully (Kumpferet al., 2012) and
the policy and service delivery context of the new site
(Sundell et al., 2008). But more research is needed, and
European providers need information about whether
imported programmes are likely to ‘fit’ or work in their
country and how the chances of this happening can be
improved. Further, the costs and benefits of pro-
grammes may differ across countries due to differ-
ences in welfare systems, hence the importance of the
translation of the Washington economic model referred
to above.
Lastly, Blueprints focuses on programmes but there
is growing interest in the idea of kite-marking policy
and in identifying effective practices (eg. Barth et al.,
2012), given the difficulties and limitations often of
implementing programmes in children’s services sys-
tems (Little, 2010). For this reason, new standards of
evidence will be developed and used to identify evi-
dence-based practices, policies and processes (eg.
assessment methods) that should be recommended for
widespread dissemination.
Aos, S., Lee, S., Drake, E., Pennucci, A., Klima, T., Miller,
... Burley, M. (2011). Return on investment: Evidence-
based options to improve statewide outcomes. Document
No. 11-07-1201. Olympia: Washington State Institute for
Public Policy.
Atria, M., & Spiel, C. (2007). The Viennese Social
Competence (ViSC) training for students: Program and
evaluation. In J. E. Zins, M. J. Elias, & C. A. Maher
(Eds.), Bullying, victimization and peer harassment: A
handbook of prevention and intervention. (pp. 179-198).
New York, NY: Haworth Press.
Axford, N., & Morpeth, L. (2012). The Common Language
prevention operating system: from strategy development
to implementation of evidence-based practice. In B. Kelly
& D. Perkins (Eds.), Handbook of Implementation
Science for Educational Psychology. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Barth, R. P., Lee, B, R., Lindsey, M. A., Collins, K. S.,
Strieder, F., Chorpita, B. F., ... Sparks, J. A. (2012).
Evidence-based practice at a crossroads: The emergence
of common elements and factors. Research on Social
Work Practice, 22, 108-119.
Bumbarger, B. K., & Perkins, D. F. (2008). After randomised
trials: issues related to the dissemination of evidence-based
interventions. Journal of Children’s Services, 3, 55-64.
Butler, S., Baruch, G., Hickey, N., & Fonagy, P. (2011). A
Randomized Controlled Trial of Multisystemic Therapy
and a statutory therapeutic intervention for young offend-
ers. Journal of the American Academy of Child &
Adolescent Psychiatry, 50, 1220-1235.
Eckenrode, J., Campa, M., Luckey, D. W., Henderson, C. R.,
Cole, R., Kitzman, H., ... Olds, D. (2010). Long-term
effects of prenatal and infancy nurse home visitation on
the life course of youths: 19-year follow-up of a random-
ized trial. Archives of Pediatric Adolescent Medical, 164,
Eisner, M. (2009). No effects in independent prevention tri-
als: can we reject the cynics’ hypothesis? Journal of
Experimental Criminology, 5, 163-183.
Elliott, D. S. (2010). Lessons from Columbine: effective
school-based violence prevention strategies and program-
mes. Journal of Children’s Services 4, 53-62.
Faggiano, F., Galanti, M. R., Bohrn, K., Burkhart, G., Vigna-
Taglianti, F., Cuomo, L., ... Wiborg, G., EU-Dap Study
Group (2008). The effectiveness of a school-based sub-
stance abuse prevention program: EU-Dap cluster ran-
domised controlled trial. Preventive Medicine, 47, 537-
Flay, B. R., Biglan, A., Boruch, R. F., Castro, F. G., Gottfred-
son, D., Kellam, S., ... Peter, J. I. (2005). Standards of
Evidence: Criteria for efficacy, effectiveness and dissemi-
nation. Prevention Science, 6, 151-175.
Grietens, H. (2010). Discerning European perspectives on
evidence-based interventions for vulnerable children and
their families. International Journal of Child and Family
Welfare, 13, 6-17.
Hawkins, J. D., & Catalano, R. F. (2002). Communities that
Care - Tools for Community Leaders: A Guidebook for
Getting Started. South Deerfield, MA: Channing-Bete.
Henggeler, S. W., Melton, G. B., & Smith, L. A. (1992).
Family preservation using multisystemic therapy: An
effective alternative to incarcerating serious juvenile
offenders. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psycho-
logy, 6, 953-961.
Henggeler, S. W., Clingempeel, W. G., Brondino, M. J., &
Pickrel, S. G. (2002). Four-year follow-up of multisystemic
therapy with substance-abusing and substance-dependent
juvenile offenders. Journal of the American Academy of
Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 41, 868-874.
Hutchings, J., Bywater, T., Daley, D., Gardner, F., Jones, K.,
Eames, C., ... Whitaker, C. (2007). A pragmatic ran-
domised control trial of a parenting intervention in sure
start services for children at risk of developing conduct
disorder. British Medical Journal, 334, 678-682.
Larsson. B., Fossum, B., Clifford, G., Drugli, M., Handegard,
B., & Morch. W. (2009). Treatment of oppositional defiant
and conduct problems in young Norwegian children:
results of a randomized controlled trial. European Child &
Adolescent Psychiatry, 18, 42-52.
Lee, S., Drake, E., Pennucci, A., Bjornstad, G., & Edovald, T.
(2012). Economic evaluation of early childhood education
in a policy context. Journal of Children’s Services, 7, 53-63.
Little, M. (2010). Proof Positive. London: Demos.
Little, M. (2012). From Innovation to Proven Model. Dar-
tington: Social Research Unit.
McGilloway, S., Mhaille, G., Bywater, T., Furlong, M.,
Leckey, Y., Kelly, P., ... Donnelly, M. (2012). A parenting
intervention for childhood behavioural problems: A ran-
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
domized controlled trial in disadvantaged community-
based settings. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 80, 116-127.
Olds, D. L., Henderson, C. R., Chamberlin, R., & Tatelbaum,
R. (1986). Preventing child abuse and neglect: A random-
ized trial of nurse home visitation. Pediatrics, 78, 65-78.
Olds, D. L., & Kitzman, H. (1990). Can home visitation
improve the health of women and children at environ-
mental risk? Pediatrics, 86, 108-116.
Petrie, P., Boddy, J., Cameron, C., Wigfall, V., & Simon, A.
(2006). Working with children in care: European perspec-
tives. Maidenhead: Open University Press.
Rowlands, J. (2010). Services are not enough: child well-
being in a very unequal society. Journal of Children’s
Services, 5, 80-88.
Salmivalli, C., Kärnä, A., & Poskiparta, E. (2011).
Counteracting bullying in Finland: The KiVa program
and its effects on different forms of being bullied.
International Journal of Behavioral Development, 35,
405-411. doi:10.1177/0165025411407457
Social Research Unit (2012a). An introduction to evidence-
based programmes in children’s services. Dartington:
Social Research Unit.
Social Research Unit (2012b). Investing in Children: Youth
Justice 1.1. Dartington: SRU.
Scott, S., O’Connor, T. G., Futh, A., Matias, C., Price, J., &
Doolan, M. (2010). Impact of a parenting program in a
high-risk, multi-ethnic community: The PALS trial.
Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied
Disciplines, 51, 1331-1341.
Soydan, H., Mullen, E. J., Alexandra, L., Rehnman, J., & Li,
Y. P. (2010). Evidence-based clearinghouses in social
work. Research on Social Work Practice, 20, 690-700.
Sundell, K., Hansson, K., Lofholm, C. A., Olsson, T., Gustle,
L. H., & Kadesjo, C. (2008). The transportability of
Multisystemic Therapy to Sweden: Short-Term results
from a randomized trial of conduct-disordered youths.
Journal of Family Psychology, 22, 550-560.
Timmons-Mitchell, J., Bender, M., Kishna, M. A., &
Mitchell, C. (2006). An independent effectiveness trial of
Multisystemic Therapy with juvenile justice youth.
Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology,
35, 227-236.
Webster-Stratton, C., Kolpacoff, M., & Hollinsworth, T.
(1988). Self-administered videotape therapy for families
with conduct-problem children: Comparison with two
cost-effective treatments and a control group. Journal of
Consulting Clinical Psychology, 56, 558-566.
1Examples include SFI Campbell (Denmark), MOVISIE (Nether-
lands), Ungsinn (Norway), Metodguiden and SBU (Sweden), and
Prevención basada en la evidencia (Spain).
2For example, the Best Evidence Encyclopaedia (UK).
3For example, the best practice portal of the European Monitoring
Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), known as the
European Exchange on Drug Demand Reduction Action. (EDDRA).
4For example, the National Academy of Parenting Research
(NAPR) Parenting Programmemes Evaluation Tool (UK).
5The authors can supply a list of these if required.
9The Prevention Strategies Guide that was informed by the Com-
munities that Care standard is no longer available. CTC specifically
direct sites to Blueprints.
12 This was agreed to as a temporary provision until it could be deter-
mined how it affected the ratings of educational programmes. Since the
review process indicated that educational programmes were not being
rejected on the basis of the statistical significance requirement, the
Blueprints Board does not use the provision.
13 ‘Good enough’ criteria in Evidence2Success are essentially
‘Promising’ criteria in Blueprints (with some modifications).
14 Applicable when delivered in Washington state.
15 Applicable when delivered in Washington state.
16 Applicable when the programme is delivered in England and
17 ‘Best’ criteria in Evidence2Success are essentially ‘Model’ criteria
in Blueprints (with some modifications).
Psychosocial Intervention
Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012 - pp. 205-214
Copyright 2012 by the Colegio Oficial de Psicólogos de Madrid
ISSN: 1132-0559 -
Manuscript received: 04/10/2011
Review received: 07/12/2011
Accepted: 09/12/2011
... Even within the field of medicine, evidence-based practice guidelines are criticised for relying too heavily on internal validity criteria over external validity considerations for a particular patient or population (Steinberg & Luce, 2005). Nonetheless, within the prevention science field, strong endorsement of a narrow view of evidence remains (Axford, Elliott, & Little, 2012). ...
... deeper understanding of the mechanisms of change and serves a valuable program improvement function. Yet, over-reliance on RCTs and quasi-experimental designs in evaluation obscures the how and why of program effectiveness and thus fails to inform program improvement (Axford et al., 2012;Wandersman et al., 2016). Accordingly, our findings indicate a broader, locally contextualised approach to evidence is required in order to fully actualise benefits. ...
Full-text available
The evidence‐based movement (EBM) is grounded in a well‐intentioned desire to ensure resources are invested in high quality initiatives that generate the intended impact. Nevertheless, recent critiques contest the appropriateness of translating an approach rooted in a medical model to socially complex initiatives. Globalised notions of evidence can also be damaging for programs operating in small, culturally diverse countries with limited resources. Given these polemic views, our aim was to examine local perceptions of the EBM in New Zealand, a small, vibrant, bicultural society with a mix of homegrown and imported programs. Using a snowball sampling approach, 79 professionals working in the education and social sectors completed an anonymous online survey that contained a series of closed and open‐ended questions. The results show that although participants positively endorsed a variety of quality evidence markers, traditionally positivist methodological leanings received lower and more varied endorsements compared to more inclusive and pluralistic approaches. Many also expressed concern that the EBM emphasises a narrow and colonised view of evidence that does not align with Māori and Pacific worldviews, and undermines innovation. We discuss the implications as an avenue for advancing intervention and social programming research in an increasingly multicultural and globalised world.
... We are witnessing in Spain a collective effort on the part of public administrations (at national, regional, and local levels) aimed at coordinating actions and improving communities within the framework of plans, strategies, and programmes bearing the seal of the Council of Europe Recommendation on Positive Parenting. There are some organizations and networks in Europe that register under request evidence-based practices and programmes that work for child and families, such as Blueprints for Europe (Axford et al., 2012) and EPIC (European Platform for Investing in Children, n.d.). Nevertheless, there are few and partial attempts to gain knowledge about the scope of prevention programmes implemented in Spain (e.g., Hidalgo et al., 2018;Rodrigo, 2016). ...
... We are witnessing in Spain a collective effort on the part of public administrations (at national, regional, and local levels) aimed at coordinating actions and improving communities within the framework of plans, strategies, and programmes bearing the seal of the Council of Europe Recommendation on Positive Parenting. There are some organizations and networks in Europe that register under request evidence-based practices and programmes that work for child and families, such as Blueprints for Europe (Axford et al., 2012) and EPIC (European Platform for Investing in Children, n.d.). Nevertheless, there are few and partial attempts to gain knowledge about the scope of prevention programmes implemented in Spain (e.g., Hidalgo et al., 2018;Rodrigo, 2016). ...
... . Esta parceria tem como intuito a implantação, estudo e avaliação do programa de apoio às competências parentais no processo de acolhimento e reunificação familiar intitulado "Caminhar em família" (Balsells et al., 2015) ao contexto português. Na linha das 'intervenções baseadas na evidência' (Axford, Elliott, & Little, 2012;Fixsen, Naoom, Blase, Friedman, & Wallace, 2005;Gottfredson et al., 2015), o "Caminhar em Família" caracteriza-se por ser um programa estruturado, com objetivos, estratégias e métodos explícitos, permitindo estabelecer uma relação lógica entre um racional teórico e as mudanças a alcançar na proteção, bem-estar e desenvolvimento de crianças, pais e famílias. ...
Full-text available
A reunificação familiar é um processo complexo que se inicia com o acolhimento residencial da criança e/ou jovem na instituição e continua após o regresso a casa, podendo contribuir para consolidação e sucesso das medidas de proteção. O presente estudo teve como objetivo analisar as dinâmicas geradoras dos processos de resiliência em famílias após implementação do Programa “Caminhar em Família” que visa a reunificação familiar por meio de promoção de competências parentais durante o acolhimento. Foi desenvolvido um estudo de caso qualitativo de caráter descritivo e retrospectivo. A amostra não probabilística foi composta por 4 famílias, sendo 5 progenitores e 6 crianças/jovens que saíram do acolhimento no ano de 2019 e estavam aptas à reunificação. A participação das famílias no programa permitiu confirmar o fortalecimento da resiliência no sistema relacional de pais e filhos graças à compreensão, capacitação e empoderamento suscitados nas diferentes etapas da medida de proteção. A associação conceitual de dois modelos teóricos da resiliência familiar das autoras Froma Walsh e Lietz e Strenght possibilitou identificar diferentes forças e recursos individuais e familiares na gestão da crise e respostas específicas às necessidades das famílias nos diferentes estádios do acolhimento e reunificação. Os resultados reforçam a importância de programas socioeducativos que privilegiam o fortalecimento das dimensões promotoras de aspectos saudáveis que compõe a resiliência em famílias. Estes elementos devem ser os norteadores das intervenções para uma reunificação familiar segura e estável.
... También se han analizado las dificultades para adoptar en Europa esta aproximación que se originó en EE.UU. por las diferencias sociales y de los sistemas políticos de ambas regiones (Axford, Elliott & Little, 2012). ...
Full-text available
(English below) Se pretende valorar la utilidad y viabilidad de aplicar programas basados en la evidencia (PBE) dirigidos a menores en situación de riesgo a la realidad española de la intervención desde Servicios Sociales. Partiendo de la base de datos de The California Evidence-Based Clearinghouse for Child Welfare se aplican criterios de viabilidad para la aplicación de programas en el desarrollo del trabajo de Equipos de Tratamiento Familiar (ETF) de Andalucía, tomados como un ejemplo de servicio del sistema público de Servicios Sociales de España. Se identifican los programas que pueden ser más útiles para profesionales de España y qué pueden aportar para enriquecer su trabajo. Los resultados señalan que las situaciones en las que hay más variedad de programas susceptibles de aplicar son las de menores con conductas disruptivas y consumo de tóxicos a partir de 12 años de edad. No obstante, la aplicación de PBE al entorno español aún tiene muchas limitaciones que derivan de la forma de entender los servicios sociales para menores en riesgo en EE.UU. y Europa. Palabras clave: programas basados en la evidencia, menores en situación de riesgo, servicios sociales, tratamiento familiar. Abstract The aim of this study is the evaluation of the serviceability and viability, in the Spanish public social service reality, of the application of evidence-based programs (EBP) for at-risk children. The California Evidence-Based Clearinghouse for Child Welfare data base, together with viability criteria, are applied to find out which programs are better suited to be used by practitioners of Family Treatment Teams. In this paper attention is paid to the most useful programs and how they can contribute to the Spanish practioners’ work. The problems that are more thoroughly covered with EBPs meeting viability criteria are conduct problems and substance abuse in over-12 year old individuals. Nevertheless, the EBPs implementation in the Spanish context suffers from a series of limitations that spring, ultimately, from the differences between USA and Europe in their understanding of public social services and how they manage the situations of at-risk children and their families. Key words: Evidence-Based Programs; At-risk children; Social services; Family treatment
... Reviews of current MBCP evaluations have consistently revealed a shortfall in meeting requirements for evaluation best practice. One key area in which evaluations fail to meet requirements for high-quality evaluation of MBCPs is in the way "success" or the long-term, desired outcomes are measured (Axford, Elliott, & Little, 2012;Mihalic & Elliott, 2015;Westmarland, Kelly, & Chalder-Mills, 2010). As outlined in the Day et al. (2019) review, program providers often describe difficulties in identifying appropriate measures and tools for assessing the impacts and outcomes of MBCPs. ...
... A survey was designed ad hoc to gauge experts' perceptions of the family education and support initiatives for families at psychosocial risk in their respective countries. Questions were designed in accordance with the international quality standards for family support programmes described by Asmussen (2011), Axford et al. (2012), Flay et al. (2005), and Gottfredson et al. (2015). Starting with these components, and considering information availability, an interuniversity research team with expertise in family support (Seville, Huelva, Minho, Porto, and Faro) agreed on an initial pull of 19 items. ...
There is overwhelming consensus among policy makers, academics, and professionals about the need to support families in their childrearing tasks. Consequently, European countries have been encouraged to develop family support interventions aimed at guaranteeing children's rights, targeting particularly those children in situations of psychosocial risk. While a certain amount of evidence exists regarding how family support is generally delivered in certain European countries, with a particular focus on parenting initiatives, this paper aims to take existing evidence one step further by providing an updated review focusing on two core components of the Council of Europe's Recommendation on Positive Parenting: families at psychosocial risk as the target population, and family education and support initiatives as the delivery format. The scope of the study was therefore broad, in both geographical and conceptual terms. An online survey was conducted with experts from 19 European countries to gather information regarding how they perceive family education and support initiatives for families at psychosocial risk. Both quantitative and qualitative data were analysed by computing frequencies/percentages and by following a thematic synthesis method, respectively. The results revealed both similarities and disparities as regards provider profiles, intervention characteristics, and quality standards. Practical implications are discussed, such as the need to diversify initiatives for at‐risk families in accordance with the tenets of progressive universalism, the ongoing need for an evidence‐based, pluralistic approach to programmes, and the skills and qualifications required in the family support workforce. This study constitutes a first step towards building a common family support framework at a European level, which would encompass family support and parenting policies aimed at families at psychosocial risk.
... La Práctica Basada en la Evidencia (PBE) proporciona estrategias de intervención bien fundamentadas teóricamente, evaluadas rigurosamente y con resultados sobre los objetivos prefijados (Axford, Elliott y Little, 2012). De hecho, la 'Society of Prevention Research' defiende la creación de estándares básicos para valorar la efectividad, eficacia y eficiencia de las prácticas preventivas a nivel internacional (Gottfredson et ál., 2015). ...
Full-text available
The efficacy of evidence-based family programs may be jeopardized due to the lack of results that address gender differences. This paper reviews literature on family-based prevention programs intended for preadolescents and adolescents listed in the 'National Registry of Evidence-based Programs and Practices' (NREPP) by 'Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration' (SAMHSA), 'Blueprints' or the 'Promising Practices Network'. This review explores how gender perspective is addressed in family-based prevention programs and to what extent the inclusion of the gender perspective leads to better results. 103 of the 524 programs registered in these three agencies were family programs and only 14 of these had data disaggregated by sex. The results of this review show that only one of the programs analyzed includes the gender perspective in its foundations; five of them get better results with girls; three get better results with boys. The article concludes with a discussion of the results obtained, in which new lines of research and application are opened. © 2018 Asociacion Espanola de Estudio en Drogodependencias. All rights reserved.
Technical Report
Full-text available
This research report considers a range of issues that are relevant to developing a better understanding of the effectiveness of Domestic Violence Perpetrator Programs, including how to identify those aspects of the Programs that are likely to be most strongly associated with behavioural change, and how to measure changes that occur over time. It is anticipated that this research will help the sector to support existing programs in ways that allow them to become evaluation-ready, and facilitate discussion across the sector about how best to strengthen program integrity and conceptual clarity
This randomized controlled trial (RCT) evaluated the effectiveness of the Incredible Years® (IY) Parenting Program in modifying children's behavioral problems, parenting practices and parents' psychological well-being among families under child protection and using other special support services. Participants in the study were 3–7-year-old children with behavioral problems (n = 102, intervention group n = 50, control group n = 52) and their parents (n = 122). The results show that parent reported child problem behavior as well as clinical levels of behavioral problems decreased to a greater extent in the intervention group than in the control group. The intervention also increased positive parenting practices. Changes in parental stress or parents' psychological well-being in the intervention did not differ from those in the control group over time. The results suggest some promising evidence that the IY parenting intervention may be effective in the context of child protection and other family support services in real-life conditions.
Full-text available
In this contribution I refl ect upon European perspectives on evidence-based working with vulner-able children and families. Europe is presented as an open-ended construction and a mosaic of cultures, languages, and ethnicities. This is not without consequences for child and family welfare practice. I will bring into memory some recent milestones in this fi eld, and show how the evidence-based practice paradigm entered the continent and is given form today. Evidence, however, is not an endpoint. I will try to go beyond evidence by outlining what an integrative perspective on care for vulnerable children and families could look like, what it may offer to Europe and what the role of Europe in developing policy and practice based on such a perspective may be.
Full-text available
Social work is increasingly embracing evidence-based practice (EBP) as a decision-making process that incorporates the best available evidence about effective treatments given client values and preferences, in addition to social worker expertise. Yet, social work practitioners have typically encountered challenges with the application of manualized evidence-supported treatments. For social work, the path to implementing the delivery of science-informed practice remains at a crossroads. This article describes two emergent strategies that offer a plausible means by which many social workers can integrate an EBP model into their service delivery—common factors and common elements. Each strategy will be presented, and related evidence provided. Tools to implement a common elements approach and to incorporate client feedback consistent with a common factors perspective will also be described. These strategies will be placed in the broader context of the EBP framework to suggest possible advances in social work practice and research.
To evaluate the effectiveness of the school-based drug abuse prevention program developed in the EU-Dap study (EUropean Drug Abuse Prevention trial) in preventing the use of tobacco, alcohol and drugs at the post-test. Cluster Randomised Controlled Trial. Seven European countries participated in the study; 170 schools (7079 pupils 12-14 years of age) were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions or to a control condition during the school year 2004/2005. A pre-test survey assessing past and current substance use was conducted before the implementation of the program. The program consisted in 12-hour class-based curriculum based on a comprehensive social-influence approach. A post-test survey was carried out in all participating schools, 3 months after the end of the program. The association between program condition and change in substance use at post-test was expressed as adjusted Prevalence Odds Ratio (POR), estimated by multilevel regression model. Program effects were found for daily cigarette smoking (POR=0.70; 0.52-0.94) and episodes of drunkenness in the past 30 days (POR=0.72; 0.58-0.90 for at least one episode, POR=0.69; 0.48-0.99 for three or more episodes), while effects on Cannabis use in the past 30 days were of marginal statistical significance (POR=0.77; 0.60-1.00). The curriculum was successful in preventing baseline non-smokers or sporadic smokers from moving onto daily smoking, but it was not effective in helping baseline daily smokers to reduce or stop smoking. School curricula based on a comprehensive social-influence model may delay progression to daily smoking and episodes of drunkenness.
A program of prenatal and infancy home visitation by nurses was tested as a method of preventing a wide range of health and developmental problems in children born to primiparas who were either teenagers, unmarried, or of low socioeconomic status. Among the women at highest risk for care-giving dysfunction, those who were visited by a nurse had fewer instances of verified child abuse and neglect during the first 2 years of their children's lives (P = .07); they were observed in their homes to restrict and punish their children less frequently, and they provided more appropriate play materials; their babies were seen in the emergency room less frequently during the first year of life. During the second year of life, the babies of all nurse-visited women, regardless of the families' risk status, were seen in the emergency room fewer times, and they were seen by physicians less frequently for accidents and poisonings than comparison group babies (P ≤ .05 for all findings, except where indicated.) Treatment differences for child abuse and neglect and emergency room visits were more significant among women who had a lower sense of control over their lives.
Error in Figure 3, Text and Cited Reference. In the article titled “Long-term Effects of Prenatal and Infancy Nurse Home Visitation on the Life Course of Youths: 19-Year Follow-up of a Randomized Trial” by Eckenrode et al, published in the January issue of the Archives (2010;164[1]:9-15), there were several instances of misinformation. In the “Comment” section, page 14, left-hand column, complete paragraph 3, lines 9 through 11 stated, “For example, at age 23 years, there were no program effects of the Perry Preschool Program on high school graduations rates.” The wrong study was referenced. The text should have read as follows: “A follow-up study of the Perry Preschool Program through age 40 years has shown significantly more program females than no-program females graduated from regular high school or adult high school or obtained General Education Development certification (88% to 46%), while there was not a program effect for males (69% to 68%).” The appropriate citation to this study (page 15, right-hand column, reference 5) should have read as follows: “Schweinhart LJ, Montie J, Xiang Z, et al. Lifetime Effects: The Highscope Perry Preschool Study Through Age 40. Ypsilanti, MI: HighScope Press; 2005. In addition, Figure 3 (page 13, right-hand column) incorrectly indicated that the nurse-visited and control group male children's counts of arrest cross at child age 15 years; they actually cross at age 17 years, with nurse-visited males being consistently, but nonsignificantly lower than males in the control group prior to that age. The corrected figure and its legend are reproduced here.
Demonstrating the efficacy and effectiveness of prevention programmes in rigorous randomised trials is only the beginning of a process that may lead to better public health outcomes. Although a growing number of programmes have been shown to be effective at reducing drug use and delinquency among young people under carefully controlled conditions, we are now faced with a new set of obstacles. First, these evidence‐based programmes are still under‐utilised compared to prevention strategies with no empirical support. Second, when effective programmes are used the evidence suggests they are not being implemented with quality and fidelity. Third, effective programmes are often initiated with short‐term grant funding, creating a challenge for sustainability beyond seed funding. We discuss each of these challenges, and present lessons learned from a large‐scale dissemination effort involving over 140 evidence‐based programme replications in one state in the US.
Multisystemic therapy (MST) delivered through a community mental health center was compared with usual services delivered by a Department of Youth Services in the treatment of 84 serious juvenile offenders and their multiproblem families. Offenders were assigned randomly to treatment conditions. Pretreatment and posttreatment assessment batteries evaluating family relations, peer relations, symptomatology, social competence, and self-reported delinquency were completed by the youth and a parent, and archival records were searched at 59 weeks postreferral to obtain data on rearrest and incarceration. In comparison with youths who received usual services, youths who received MST had fewer arrests and self-reported offenses and spent an average of 10 fewer weeks incarcerated. In addition, families in the MST condition reported increased family cohesion and decreased youth aggression in peer relations. The relative effectiveness of MST was neither moderated by demographic characteristics nor mediated by psychosocial variables.