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ABORTION: Medical and Social Aspects

Authors:
  • University of Colorado at Boulder; University of Colorado Denver Health Sciences Center

Abstract

Abortion is one of the most difficult, controversial, and painful subjects in modern American society. The principal controversy revolves around the questions of who makes the decision concerning abortion — the individual or the state; under what circumstances it may be done; and who is capable of making the decision. Medical questions such as techniques of abortion are less controversial but are sometimes part of the larger debate. Abortion is not new in human society. A study by anthropologist George Devereux (1955) showed that more than three hundred contemporary nonindustrial societies practiced abortion. Women have performed abortions on themselves or experienced abortions at the hands of others for thousands of years (Potts et al. 1977), and abortions continue to occur today in nonindustrial societies under medically primitive conditions. However, modern technology and social change have made abortion an essential component of modern health care. However, abortion has become a political issue in American life and a flash point for disagreements about the role of women and individual autonomy in life decisions.
ABORTION: Medical and Social Aspects Warren M. Hern, M.D., M.P.H., Ph.D.
Abortion: Medical and Social Aspects. In Encyclopedia of Marriage and the Family, David Levinson, Ed. New York: Simon
& Schuster MacMillan, 1995. Chapter 1, pp 1-7. originally published in Encyclopedia of Marriage and the Family, Volume
I David Levinson, Editor in Chief. Simon & Schuster MacMillan, 1995.
Abortion is one of the most difficult, controversial, and painful subjects in modern American society. The principal
controversy revolves around the questions of who makes the decision concerning abortion the individual or the state;
under what circumstances it may be done; and who is capable of making the decision. Medical questions such as
techniques of abortion are less controversial but are sometimes part of the larger debate.
Abortion is not new in human society. A study by anthropologist George Devereux (1955) showed that more than three
hundred contemporary nonindustrial societies practiced abortion. Women have performed abortions on themselves or
experienced abortions at the hands of others for thousands of years (Potts et al. 1977), and abortions continue to occur
today in nonindustrial societies under medically primitive conditions. However, modern technology and social change
have made abortion an essential component of modern health care. However, abortion has become a political issue in
American life and a flash point for disagreements about the role of women and individual autonomy in life decisions.
Definition of Abortion
The classic definition of abortion is "expulsion of the fetus before it is viable." This could include spontaneous abortion
(miscarriage) or induced abortion, in which someone (a doctor, the woman herself, or a layperson) causes the abortion.
Before modern methods of abortion, this sometimes meant the introduction of foreign objects such as catheters into the
uterus to disrupt the placenta and embryo (or fetus) so that a miscarriage would result. In preindustrial societies, hitting
the pregnant woman in the abdomen over the uterus and jumping on her abdomen while she lies on the ground are
common techniques used to induce an abortion (Early & Peters 1990). Although these methods can be effective, they
may also result in death of the woman if her uterus is ruptured or if some of the amniotic fluid surrounding the fetus enters
her blood stream. From the Colonial period to the early twentieth century in America, primitive methods such as these
were used along with the introduction of foreign objects into the uterus (wooden sticks, knitting needles, catheters, etc.) to
cause abortion, frequently with tragic results (Lee 1969).
In modern American society, abortions are performed surgically by physicians or other trained personnel experienced in
this technique, making the procedure much safer than when primitive methods were used. The goal of induced abortion
still remains the same: Interrupt the pregnancy so that the woman will not continue to term and deliver a baby.
One problem with the classical definition of abortion is the changing definition of viability (the ability to live outside the
womb). Premature birth is historically associated with high death and disability rates for babies born alive, but medical
advances of the twentieth century have made it possible to save the lives of babies born after only thirty weeks of
pregnancy when the usual pregnancy lasts forty weeks. Some infants born at twenty-six to twenty-seven weeks or even
younger have survived through massive intervention and support. At the same time, abortions are now sometimes
performed at up to twenty-five to twenty-six weeks of pregnancy. Therefore, the old definition of viability is not helpful in
determining whether an abortion has been or should be performed (Grobstein 1988).
Reasons for Abortions
There are probably as many reasons for abortions as there are women who have them. Some pregnancies result from
rape or incest, and women who are victims of these assaults often seek an abortion. Most women, however, decide to
have an abortion because the pregnancy represents a problem in their lives. Some women feel emotionally unprepared to
enter parenthood and raise a child; they are too young or do not have a reliable partner with whom to raise a child. Many
young women in high school or college find themselves pregnant and must choose between continuing the education they
need to survive economically or dropping out to have a baby. Young couples who are just starting their lives and want
children might prefer to develop financial security first to provide better care for their future children. Sometimes people
enter into a casual sexual relationship that leads to pregnancy with no prospect of marriage, but even if the sexual
relationship is more than casual, abortion is sometimes sought because a woman decides that the social status of the
male is inappropriate.
Some of the most difficult and painful choices are faced by women who are happily pregnant for the first time late in the
reproductive years (thirty-five to forty-five) but discover in late pregnancy (twenty-six or more weeks) that the fetus is so
defective it may not live or have a normal life. Even worse is a diagnosis of abnormalities that may or may not result in
problems after birth. Some women and couples in this situation choose to have a late abortion (Hern et al. 1993, Kolata
1992).
In some cases, a woman must have an abortion to survive a pregnancy. An example is the diabetic woman who develops
a condition in pregnancy called hyperemesis gravidarum (uncontrollable vomiting associated with pregnancy). She
becomes malnourished and dehydrated in spite of intravenous therapy and other treatment, threatening heart failure,
among other things. Only an abortion will cure this life-threatening condition.
In other cases, an abortion is sought because the sex of the fetus has been determined through amniocentesis or
ultrasound examination and it is not the desired sex. This is more common in some cultures than in others. In the United
States, it is exceedingly rare, and the request for abortion in this situation may be precipitated by the risk of a sex-linked
hereditary disease.
Incidence of Abortion
If it were not for pregnancy, there would be no abortions. This rather obvious fact must be stated because it is not always
noticed. To understand the numbers and rates of abortions, it is necessary to know the denominator: the total number of
pregnancies. In the United States, about 6.2 million pregnancies occur each year, of which 1.6 million end in abortion and
4.6 million in live birth (Henshaw and Van Vort 1992; Koonin et al. 1991b). This gives an abortion ratio of 347.8 abortions
per 1,000 live births. Since these 1.6 million abortions occur in approximately 67 million women in the reproductive ages
(fifteen to forty-five), the abortion rate is 24 abortions per 1000 women fifteen to forty-five. In some areas where
contraceptives are not widely available, such as the former Soviet Union and certain countries in Eastern Europe, the
abortion rates and ratios are much higher. In Scandinavian nations, where contraceptives are more freely available and
widespread sex education emphasizes prevention of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases, the abortion rates and
ratios are much lower than in the United States (Hodgson, 1981).
The incidence of abortion (total number of cases per unit of time) may fluctuate, but the rates and ratios of abortion tend to
remain steady. However, in the early 1970s, when abortion became legal in the United States with the Supreme Court
decision in Roe v. Wade (1973), all three factors were affected. In addition, many illegal abortions performed before the
1970s were simply not reported, so the increase in reported incidence was to some extent an artifact of the changed legal
climate. The number of abortions being performed did not change as much as the number of abortions being reported,
and the number of deaths due to illegal abortion declined dramatically (Pakter 1977; Tietze 1975, 1977).
When abortion was illegal in the United States, even the many abortions performed properly by skilled physicians were
not reported. Women without funds for a safe illegal abortion often committed desperate acts. Restrictions on legal
abortion, including prohibition of public funding for the procedure, have produced some of the same results. Women have
inserted harmful and even lethal substances such as lye into their vaginas in the mistaken belief that it will cause an
abortion. Long knitting needles have been inserted into the uterus and moved around enough to cause an abortion. While
this can cause an abortion, penetration of the uterine wall or other organs can occur and be fatal.
Risks of Abortion
Abortion has become not only the most common but also one of the safest operations performed in the United States.
This was not always the case. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, abortion was quite dangerous; many
women died as a result.
Pregnancy itself is not a harmless condition, women can die during pregnancy. The maternal mortality rate (the proportion
of women dying from pregnancy and childbirth) is found by dividing the number of women dying from all causes related to
pregnancy, childbirth, and the puerperium (the six-week period following childbirth) by the total number of live births, then
multiplying by a constant factor, such as 100,000. The maternal mortality rate in the United States in 1920 was 680
maternal deaths per 100,000 live births (Lerner & Anderson 1963). It had fallen to 38 deaths per 100,000 live births by
1960 and 8 deaths per 100,000 live births by 1994. Illegal abortion accounted for about 50 percent of all maternal deaths
in 1920, and that was still true in 1960. By 1980, however, the percentage of deaths due to abortion had dropped to nearly
zero (Cates, 1982). The difference in maternal mortality rates due to abortion reflected the increasing legalization of
abortion from 1967 to 1973 that permitted abortions to be done safely by doctors in clinics and hospitals. The changed
legal climate also permitted the prompt treatment of complications that occurred with abortions.
The complication rates and death rates associated with abortion itself can also be examined. In 1970, Christopher Tietze
of the Population Council began studying the risks of death and complications due to abortion by collecting data from
hospitals and clinics throughout the nation. The statistical analyses at that time showed that the death rate due to abortion
was about 2 per 100,000 procedures, compared with the maternal mortality rate exclusive of abortion of 12 deaths per
100,000 live births. In other words, a woman having an abortion was six times less likely to die than a woman who chose
to carry a pregnancy to term. Tietze also found, that early abortion was many times safer than abortion done after twelve
weeks of pregnancy (Tietze and Lewit 1972) and that some abortion techniques were safer than others. The Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta took over the national study of abortion statistics that had been developed by
Tietze, and abortion became the most carefully studied surgical procedure in the United States. As doctors gained more
experience with abortion and as techniques improved, death and complication rates due to abortion continued to decline.
The rates declined because women were seeking abortions earlier during pregnancy, when the procedure was safer.
Clinics where safe abortions could be obtained were opened in many cities across the country, improving access to this
service.
By the early 1990s, the risk of death in early abortion was fewer than 1 death per 1 million procedures, and for later
abortion, about 1 death per 100,000 procedures (Koonin et al. 1992). The overall risk of death in abortion was about 0.4
per 100,000 procedures, compared with a maternal mortality rate (exclusive of abortion) of about 9.1 deaths per 100,000
live births (Koonin et al. 1991a, 1991b).
When and How Abortions Are Performed
In the United States, more than 90 percent of all abortions are performed in the first trimester of pregnancy (up to twelve
weeks from the last normal menstrual period). Most take place in outpatient clinics specially designed and equipped for
this purpose. Nearly all abortions are performed by physicians, although two states (Montana and Vermont) permit
physicians' assistants to do the procedure. A limited number of physicians in specialized clinics perform abortions during
the second trimester of pregnancy, but only a few perform abortions after pregnancy has advanced to more than twenty-
five weeks. Although hospitals permit abortions to be performed, the number is limited because the costs to perform an
abortion in the hospital are greater and hospital operating room schedules do not allow for a large number of patients. In
addition, staff members at hospitals are not chosen on the basis of their willingness to help perform abortions, while clinic
staff members are hired for that purpose.
Most early abortions are performed with some use of vacuum aspiration equipment. A machine or specially designed
syringe is used to create a vacuum, and the suction draws the contents of the uterus into an outside container. The
physician then checks the inside of the uterus with a curette, a spoon-shaped device with a loop at the end and sharp
edges to scrape the wall of the uterus (Hern 1990).
Before the uterus can be emptied, however, the cervix (opening of the uterus) must be dilated, or stretched, to introduce
the instruments. There are two principal ways in which this can be done. Specially designed metal dilators, steel rods with
tapered ends that allow the surgeon to force the cervix open a little at a time, are used for most abortions. This process is
usually done under local anesthesia, but sometimes general anesthesia is used. The cervix can also be dilated by placing
pieces of medically prepared seaweed stalk called laminaria in the cervix and leaving it for a few hours or overnight (Hern
1975, 1990). The laminaria draw water from the woman's tissues and swell up, gently expanding as the woman's cervix
softens and opens from the loss of moisture. The laminaria are then removed and a vacuum canula or tube is placed into
the uterus to remove the pregnancy by suction. Following this, the walls of the uterus are gently scraped with the curette.
After twelve weeks of pregnancy, performing an abortion becomes much more complicated and dangerous. The uterus,
the embryo or fetus, and the blood vessels within the uterus are all much larger. The volume of amniotic fluid around the
fetus has increased substantially, creating a potential hazard. If the amniotic fluid enters the woman's circulatory system,
she could die instantly or bleed to death from a disruption of the blood-clotting system. This hazard is an important
consideration.
Ultrasound equipment, which uses sound waves to show a picture of the fetus, is used to examine the woman before a
late abortion is performed. Parts of the fetus such as the head and long bones are measured in order to determine the
length of pregnancy. The ultrasound image also permits determination of fetal position, location of the placenta, and the
presence of any abnormalities that could cause a complication during the procedure.
Between fourteen and twenty weeks of pregnancy, laminaria are placed in the cervix over a period of a day or two,
sometimes changing the laminaria and replacing the first batch with a larger number to increase cervical dilation (Hern
1990). At the time of the abortion, the laminaria are removed, the amniotic sac (bag of waters) is ruptured with an
instrument, and the amniotic fluid is allowed to drain out. This reduces the risk of an amniotic fluid embolism, escape of
the amniotic fluid into the blood stream, and allows the uterus to contract to make the abortion safer. Using an ultrasound
"real time" image, the surgeon then places special instruments such as grasping forceps into the uterus and removes the
fetus and placenta (Hern, 1990). This has proven to be the safest way to perform late abortions, but it requires great care
and skill.
Other methods of late abortion include use of prostaglandin (a naturally occurring hormone), either by suppository or by
injection (Hern 1988). Other materials injected into the pregnant uterus to effect late abortion include hypertonic
(concentrated) saline (salt) solution, hypertonic urea, and hyperosmolar (concentrated) glucose solution.
Injections are also used with late abortions, especially those performed at twenty-five weeks or more for reasons of fetal
disorder. The lethal injection into the fetus is performed several days prior to the abortion along with other treatments that
permit a safe abortion (Hern et al. 1993).
Physical and Psychological Effects of Abortion
Studies of the long-term risks of induced abortion, such as difficulties with future pregnancies, show that these risks are
minimal. A properly done early abortion may even result in a lower risk of certain obstetrical problems with later
pregnancies (Hern 1982; Hogue et al. 1982). An uncomplicated early abortion should have no effect on future health or
childbearing. If the abortion permits postponement of the first-term pregnancy to after adolescence, the usual risks
associated with a first-term pregnancy are actually reduced.
Psychological studies consistently show that women who are basically healthy can adjust to any outcome of pregnancy,
whether it is term birth, induced abortion, or spontaneous abortion (miscarriage) (Adler et al. 1990). It is highly desirable,
however, to have strong emotional support not only from friends and family, but also from a sympathetic physician and a
lay abortion counselor who will be with the woman during her abortion experience. Most specialty abortion clinics now
have abortion counselors who help women talk about their feelings before the abortion and to provide specific information
about the procedure and its risks. This counseling is crucial not only in providing proper emotional and social support but
also in helping the woman understand what she needs to know about the procedure and prevention of complications.
Women who have this kind of support, as well as support from family and friends, generally have few psychological
problems following abortion. On the other hand, women who have received hostile, punitive messages about the
pregnancy and the decision to have an abortion are likely to experience high levels of stress during the abortion and in
later years. These women may have a lingering sense of guilt for having decided to follow through with the abortion
procedure.
Denial of abortion can have serious adverse consequences for the children who result from the pregnancies their mothers
had wanted to terminate. A long-term study in Czechoslovakia of the offspring of women who were denied abortions has
shown a range of adjustment and developmental difficulties in these children (David et al. 1988).
Social Responses to Abortion
The various social responses to abortion range from those of the individual and her immediate circle of family and friends
to the organizational, community, and even national levels.
Individual. From an individual's point of view, a decision to have an abortion includes physical concerns (safety, pain, and
long-term consequences), emotional aspects, ethical and religious concerns, and the effect on social relationships. These
matters are sometimes restricted by laws and other societal regulation. No one has as much information about these
issues as the woman who will make the decision, but even then, the decision is complicated and frequently not easy to
make. Decisions are influenced by age, socioeconomic status, educational levels, community attitudes, and religious
traditions (Ginsburg 1989; Luker 1984).
Family. An abortion affects not just one person, but many. A mother thinks about whether another child will make it more
difficult to give the necessary love and support to the children she already has. The family may face stressful economic
conditions that make it hard to make ends meet. A couple with two jobs may feel their lives will become impossible with
the birth of a child. Whatever the decision, the couple's own parents, siblings, friends, and extended family may play a role
by providing emotional support for or opposition to the decision.
The parents of pregnant teenagers who are considering an abortion often have a difficult time. They may wonder where
they went wrong as parents, but even in families with a lot of love and good communication, this situation can arise. One
recommended approach is to consider all the possibilities; abortion is not the best or only solution for everyone or every
family. However, for an adolescent whose risk of serious obstetrical problems is higher than that of a postadolescent, an
abortion may have the lowest possible medical risk.
Teenagers usually have difficulty discussing pregnancy, and especially sexual matters, with their parents, and parents
generally have difficulty talking with their children about sex. Sometimes a teacher, cleric, or counselor can serve as an
intermediary to facilitate this discussion.
Partner. Other than the woman, her sexual partner may be most directly affected by the abortion decision unless there is
no emotional relationship or the woman has elected not to tell him. A woman's decision to have an abortion affects both
lives profoundly, and research studies show it is better if the woman's partner is part of the decision and supportive
(Shostak et al. 1984). Marriages are often made stronger by such a joint decision, regardless of whether the decision is to
have an abortion or to continue the pregnancy. The woman cannot be forced to have an abortion, and she has the sole
right under law to make the decision. However, unresolved conflict over such a decision can and often does lead to
separation or divorce.
A decision to have an abortion is sometimes made in the context of a failing relationship when the woman perceives that
her partner will not be there to help her take care of a baby if she continues the pregnancy to term. In this case, the
woman not only experiences grief over the loss of the relationship but also loss with the end of the pregnancy, that
symbolized a bond between her and her partner.
Community. Just as the individual decision-making process concerning abortion contains various components (physical,
emotional, social, ethical), there are several levels or aspects to community response, including the general community
response (Handwerker 1990). This response can range from public newspaper comment to visible protests and
demonstrations in the local community. It can also be the focus of interest by local or national political groups and
government attention.
In the United States, the majority of citizens think that abortion should be a matter between the woman and her physician.
A small minority (about 12 percent) think that abortion should never be permitted under any circumstances. Polls show,
however, that questions posing special cases (i.e. the woman's life is in danger, the pregnancy is the result of rape or
incest) produce different responses (McKeegan 1992). Some who support choice would support certain restrictions (e.g.,
the need for parental consent for adolescents), and some who oppose abortion would grant certain exceptions (e.g., the
woman's life is in danger).
There are many conflicting community responses, but among the most visible are the newspaper accounts, editorials, and
published letters, some lacerating the writer's adversaries in harsh language. Part of the community response is the
formation of organizations with strong belief systems that oppose or support abortion rights, and these groups work hard
to mobilize people, sway public opinion, and influence public policy decisions. Some examples include Operation Rescue
(opposed to choice) and the National Abortion Rights Action League (supportive of choice).
These community and national responses to abortion have sometimes taken the form of attempts to influence the political
process and to codify community attitudes with the passage of local ordinances and federal legislation. Some
communities, such as Boulder, Colorado, have displayed this polarization but have become increasingly supportive of
choice (Hern 1991), as exemplified by the passage in 1986 of a city ordinance protecting women entering clinics from
antiabortion protestors. This ordinance became the model for a similar Colorado statute. Nonetheless, antiabortion
sentiment has prevailed in other communities.
Regardless of the particular community, however, the national antiabortion movement has become highly mobile, with
groups such as Operation Rescue and the Army of God blocking access to clinics, disrupting normal activities around
abortion clinics, and pressing antiabortion propaganda on women who seek services at clinics.
More than a thousand violent attacks on abortion clinics and doctors were reported to the National Abortion Federation
from 1977 to 1991 (Grimes et al. 1991; Robey 1988), but many incidents went unreported. During this time, more than a
hundred clinics and doctors' offices were destroyed by firebombs, arson, or explosives.
Personal attacks have also been made on doctors who perform abortions. These attacks range from public prayers of
death (Booth and Briggs 1993, Johnson 1993) to assassinations and attempted assassinations (Bates 1993; Rohter
1993). As a result, many physicians perform abortions behind heavy security protection, even in communities that strongly
support abortion rights (Gavin 1993; Hern 1993; Sanko 1993; Stolberg 1993)
National response to antiabortion violence has included passage of federal legislation providing stiff penalties for attacks
on clinic workers and patients, signed into law by President Bill Clinton on May 26, 1994.
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author by Macmillan Library Reference, a Simon & Schuster Macmillan Company. Any further reproduction of this
material is prohibited without the written consent of the publisher, whose address is 1633 Broadway, New York, New York
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During recent years, there has been a revival of interest in the use of laminaria in the United States. There appear to various advantages in the use of this material for cervical dilatation, especially in first-trimester abortion. Laminaria is a species of seaweed, hydroscopic when dry, and dilates to three to five times its diameter when wet. The physiologic principle of relatively atraumatic dilatation has great appeal, and the use of gas sterilization seems to have overcome earlier problems with excessive infection rates. In November, 1973, a private, non-profit community abortion clinic was opened in Boulder, Colorado, to help with the unmet need for inexpensive first-trimester abortions in that state and community. One of the principal foundations of the original medical policies was the use of overnight cervical dilatation with laminaria because of the advantages of medical safety offered by this method. A strong counseling program was instituted simultaneously, with both medical and counseling programs building on precedents established earlier by Planned Parenthood, Preterm, and other such first-class abortion facilities in New York and Washington, D.C.
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The anti-abortion campaign in the USA is gaining momentum with the prospect that the Roe v. Wade decision may be overturned. This book traces the evolution of the anti-abortion lobby, how it became so influential in Republican politics, andthe splits that have recently emerged in its ranks. McKeegan shows how in the early 1970s a group of young Republican activists - including Howard Philips, Paul Weyrich, Richard Viguerie and Pat Buchanan - sought to forge a new coalition out of single-issue constituencies. They succeeded in galvanizing Protestant Fundamentalist opinion and in drawing anti-abortion Catholics away from the Democrats, wrested control of the Republican platform from the moderates and helped Reagan to sweep into power with a landslide. Under Reagan, a campaign of bureaucratic harrassment and obstruction was waged against family-planning agenices. However, these tactics soon fell foul of Congress, and alienated significant sectors of the younger population. Republican party officials began to sense that an extreme anti-abortion stance could be an electoral liability and sought to moderate the party's attitude. Meanwhile splits have begun to develop in the anti-abortion front itself. As McKeegan justly observes, the early 1990s are a critical period for abortion politics in the USA.
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Unusual conditions existing in Sweden facilitated conducting the first longitudinal study of children born in 1939-42 to women denied therapeutic abortion. The Swedish psychiatrist, Dr. Hans Forssman, and his social worker colleague, Dr. Inga Thuwe, followed these children through the Swedish register for 35 years. We are very pleased to have a summary report of their pioneering research prepared especially for this monograph. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)